PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
Are you satisfied with Amnesty, HRW and Amnesty’s work in Pakistan?
http://t.co/RClUHLYp

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
HRW, Amnesty & HRCP are dishonestly highlighting Hazara massacres as an ethnic issue 2 cover their CRIMINAL silence on Parachinar & DIKhan

Abdul Khaliq Hazara is the incumbent ISI blue-eyed among Hazaras in Quetta. http://t.co/LvdnFwd0

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
To the army-LeJ touts & apologists misrepresenting Shia killing in Quetta and elsewhere as ethnic cleansing:
http://t.co/TXKLGqSz

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
@
That’s what we are doing. Resisting the mainstream lies! RT @HaiderKarrar It’s easy to stand with the crowd. It takes courage to stand alone
5 Oct Favorite Reply Delete

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
Who is worse than LeJ terrorists? Fake liberals who misrepresent Shia massacres by Deep State. Who is worse than them? Kufi Shia sellouts!

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
Why Pakistan’s Shiites are worried to death – by Leela Jacinto (France24) pakistanblogzine.wordpress.com/2011/09/29/why…
5 Oct

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
Key operator of ISPR deceptions in media is none else than Najam Sethi, the grandfather of all urban fake liberals on Twitter.
5 Oct
»

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
@
@tahirmalik786 For a quick 101 on Twitter PR drill:
http://t.co/7wU7F1lm
5 Oct Favorite Reply Delete

tahirmalik786 tahir malik
by PakistanEHRC@
@PakistanEHRC Twitter,Facebook and PR drills should not be preferred over the serious issues of reporting and analyzing HR abuses
5 Oct

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
@
@tatom2k Notice an Amnesty Researcher calls them refugee, and his flatterers do an RT with a wah wah. Shameless people!

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
@
@tahirmalik786 Further, they must spare some time from Twitter gossips and compile and publish some data. They are paid for that.
5 Oct Favorite Reply Delete

tahirmalik786 tahir malik
by PakistanEHRC@
@PakistanEHRC The journalists & human rights activists should rise above their prejudices while compiling reports regarding HR abuses
5 Oct

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
@
@tatom2k Shia Hazaras have given enormous sacrifices for Pakistan. Still, for RESEARCHER Mustafa Qadri they are Afghan refugees.
5 Oct

tatom2k Tatom
by PakistanEHRC@
@PakistanEHRC Shia #Hazaras are the largest recruits to Army and Government jobs from #Balochistan Province #Pakistan #Quetta
5 Oct

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
Shia Muslims will be justified in treating ppl such as Ejaz Haider, Zohra Yusuf, Ali Dayan, Mustafa Qadri as enablers of their massacres.
5 Oct Favorite Reply Delete

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
It is the misrepresentation of Shia massacres by the media and human rights organizations which enables further massacres by the Deep State.
5 Oct

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
Given gems such as Zohra Yusuf, Ali Dayan and Mustafa Qadri, no wonder there is COMPLETE absence of statistical reports on Shia massacres.
5 Oct

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
Zohra Yusuf of HRCP must apologize to both Shias & Sunnis for misrepresenting Shia massacres by Deep State backed LeJ as Sunni-Shia violence
5 Oct

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
Ali Dayan Hasan of HRW must apologize to Shia Muslims for misrepresenting their massacre by Shia killing LeJ as ethnic cleansing.
5 Oct

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
Mustafa Qadri of Amnesty must apologize to Shia Hazaras for calling them Afghan refugees. Very unfair and stereotypical.
5 Oct

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
Are you satisfied with Amnesty, HRW and Amnesty’s work in Pakistan? pakistanehrc.wordpress.com/2011/10/04/are…
5 Oct

PakistanEHRC Equality&HumanRights
HRW, Amnesty & HRCP are dishonestly highlighting Hazara massacres as an ethnic issue 2 cover their CRIMINAL silence on Parachinar & DIKhan

“Hazara people are being targeted just because of their religious beliefs,” fumed Quetta-based Hazara MP Nasir Ali Shah in parliament this week. “Where is the government? Where are the agencies? Aren’t they Pakistanis?”

These are questions being asked by fearful Hazaras across Pakistan.

“I don’t want to leave Pakistan. My family has been here since before 1947 (partition) and we are Pakistani citizens but things are now so bad I am scared to leave the house,” says Altaf Hussain Safdari, a bachelor of science and IT student who runs the Hazara Nation website and a Hazara community station Mechid TV from his Quetta home.

The 27-year-old can no longer attend classes because his university is located in a Quetta suburb now considered a no-go zone for Hazaras.

Instead, he spends his days documenting attacks and abuses against his community.

“I have pictures of many of the attacks but they are extreme and I don’t know that you could use them,” Safdari says

“These are no longer just targeted killings. It’s a genocide.”

http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/world/hazaras-despair-home-and-away/story-e6frg6so-1226161600278

Najam Sethi, Mushtaq Minhas, Ali Dayan Hasan, Beena Sarwar and Mustafa Qadri are recycling lies by none else than Pakistan army, e.g. IG FC.

By terming Shia Hazara massacres as ethnic cleansing they are indeed blaming Baloch nationalist and/or Pashtuns. Whos narrative are they serving? Is it hard to understand?

But the question is, “Why the Pakistan law enforcement agencies have failed to crack down against this group?” In an op-ed on the News on October 06, former IG Police Balochistan Tariq Khosa said, “it is not a secret that such forces have their hideouts near Mastung in Kabo and other Ferrari camps. These camps are located in the B Areas, which are out of the reach of Balochistan Police, thanks to power-hungry politicians and bureaucrats who have handed over 95% of the province to the rag-tag militias, called the Levies.”

Though Mr. Khosa cries the bureaucratic system with police, it is a matter of internal security which comes under the responsibilities of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence and Army, who are more focused against the Baloch separatists in Balochistan, while the Al-Qaeda elements, and their affiliates like Lashkar-e-Jhangvi are operating freely in the province.

Prominent Pakistani journalists such as Najam Sethi, Mushtaq Minhas, Javed Nusrat and others in TV talk shows are now calling the continuous attacks on Hazaras as an ethnic genocide. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan in a statement last week called upon President Zardari and Prime Minister Gillani “to take immediate, direct and personal initiative to prevent the killing of members of the Hazara community in Quetta and ensure action against all those who have failed to protect citizens’ lives.”

Despite the continuous attacks, and calls by Human Rights Watch, The Amnesty International, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, and prominent Pakistani journalists, the Government of Pakistan and its security establishment has turned a blind eye and deaf ear.

http://www.outlookafghanistan.net/topics?post_id=2113

In the meanwhile ISI touts in Hazara nationalist parties are misrepresenting Shia Hazara massacres as ethnic cleansing.

Blood Flows Freely in Pakistan

By Amir Mir, Asia Times Online October 05-11

ISLAMABAD – The Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ – Army of Jhangvi), a Pakistan-based, al-Qaeda-linked, anti-United States, Sunni Deobandi sectarian-turned-jihadi group, has let loose a reign of terror against the Shi’ite minority.
In its latest attack, the LeJ on Tuesday killed 13 Shi’ites traveling on a bus to work in Quetta, the provincial capital of Balochistan province. The attackers forced the Shi’ites off the bus, made them stand in a line and then opened fire.
This followed the July 14 release of Malik Mohammad Ishaq, one of the founding members of the LeJ, which has already claimed responsibility for the September 20 cold-blooded execution-style killing of 29 Shi’ite pilgrims of the Hazara community in the Mastung area of Balochistan.
All those killed were on their way to Iran from Quetta. Armed with Kalashnikovs and rocket launchers, the attackers stopped the bus and forced the pilgrims to get off. While women and children were spared, they were made to witness the execution of their dear ones who were lined up and sprayed with bullets.
It was the deadliest attack on the Shi’ite community in Pakistan since September 4, 2010, when a suicide bomber killed 57 people at a procession in Quetta. The Mastung attack is not an isolated incident, but part of a systematic campaign of violence directed towards the Shi’ite community. Over 400 Shi’ite Hazaras have been killed in Balochistan by the LeJ since 1999.

The Hazaras are Persian-speakers who mainly live in central Afghanistan. They are overwhelmingly Shi’ites and comprise the third-largest ethnic group of Afghanistan. Over half a million Hazaras live in Pakistan, especially in the Quetta district.
They are the frequent target of attacks in Afghanistan as well as in Pakistan by anti-Shi’ite Sunni Deobandi sectarian-cum-militant groups like the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (Pakistan Taliban – TTP) and the LeJ, which suspect them of assisting and aiding US intelligence agencies in their hunt for the fugitive leaders of al-Qaeda and the Taliban, believed to be hiding in Pakistan.
One would recall the massacre of the Hazaras in Afghanistan after the Afghan Taliban led by Mullah Omar took power in Kabul in September 1996 and allowed the LeJ to operate in Pakistan from sanctuaries in Afghan territory.

While claiming responsibility for killing the 29 pilgrims in Mastung, a spokesman of the LeJ, said: “Our activists will continue to target the Shi’ite community.” The massacre was carried out amid the usual hate speech and wall-chalking, branding Shi’ites as apostate and worthy to be killed.
A few weeks before the massacre, the LeJ had circulated an open letter addressed to Hazaras in Quetta. Written in the Urdu language, the letter stated:

All Shi’ites are worthy of killing. We will rid Pakistan of unclean people. Pakistan means land of the pure and the Shi’ites have no right to live in this country. We have the edict and signatures of revered scholars, declaring Shi’ites infidels. Just as our fighters have waged a successful jihad against the Shi’ite Hazaras in Afghanistan, our mission in Pakistan is the abolition of this impure sect and its followers from every city, every village and every nook and corner of Pakistan.

Like in the past, our successful jihad against the Hazaras in Pakistan and, in particular, in Quetta, is ongoing and will continue in the future. We will make Pakistan the graveyard of the Shi’ite Hazaras and their houses will be destroyed by bombs and suicide bombers. We will only rest when we will be able to fly the flag of true Islam on this land of the pure. Jihad against the Shi’ite Hazaras has now become our duty.

Those investigating the recent surge in anti-Shi’ite attacks believe it has something to do with the release on bail of Malik Ishaq, the feared LeJ leader who had been charged with involvement in 100-plus sectarian murders.
His release instantly caused sectarian tensions that were prompted by the anti-Shi’ite sermons he began delivering after his release. Therefore, on September 21, hardly 24 hours after the bloodbath in Mastung, Ishaq was placed under temporary house arrest in the Rahim Yar Khan district of Punjab province, with district police officer Sohail Chattha saying: “Malik Mohammad Ishaq’s conduct has endangered sectarian harmony and caused a sudden rise in the sectarian temperature in the country.”
According to an official document of Punjab Home Department, soon after his release, Ishaq had vowed while addressing a public meeting in Multan to continue to kill the enemies of “Sahaba” (the Prophet Mohammad’s companions). “All those against Sahaba are not our personal enemies, but the enemies of Islam. And we will fight them … we cannot tolerate these elements at any cost,” Ishaq said during his address, the document reported. The document, titled “Highly objectionable activities of Malik Ishaq”, further read: “On September 6, 2011, Malik Ishaq visited the house of a high-profile terrorist, Abdul Wahab alias Aenak Wala Jin, whose name is included in the Red Book, comprising particulars of most-wanted terrorists.”
Two weeks later, on September 19, Ishaq’s gunmen who were escorting his rally in Muzaffargarh district clashed with the Shi’ite community, resulting in two deaths. Ishaq had undertaken the procession in defiance of government orders since he is on an anti-terrorism watch list and is required to request permission before leaving the jurisdiction of his local police station. It was after these killings that the Punjab government decided to place him under house arrest, but for a brief period of one month, after which he will again be free to spit venom and preach hatred in the name of Islam.
According to Punjab police records, after being arrested by Punjab police in 1997 on charges of involvement in 102 murders, Ishaq confessed to committing 11 and abetting 57 other killings. But according to Ishaq’s lawyer, Misbahul Haq, who pleaded his bail case in the Supreme Court, his client was acquitted in 35 cases because of “lack of evidence”, and granted bail in eight cases and discharged in one case.
The last charge leveled against him was masterminding from his jail cell the March 2009 terrorist attack targeting a bus carrying the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore. During subsequent investigations, it transpired that the LeJ attackers wanted to take hostage the cricket team to get Ishaq released. He was bailed out anyway by the Supreme Court in July “due to lack of evidence and the weak case of the prosecution”, as observed by two apex court judges while bailing him out against a surety bond of a million rupees (US$11,436.)
While giving their verdict, a division bench of the apex court comprising Justice Shahid Siddiqui and Justice Asif Khosa expressed dissatisfaction over the performance of the prosecution in establishing its case against the accused. The court observed that the prosecution produced only two witnesses who stated that they had heard conversations between some people planning to take the Sri Lankan cricket team hostage to get Ishaq released. The bench censured the prosecutor general of Punjab, saying: “The judiciary has to face the wrath of the public when it releases such accused due to lack of evidence and weak case of the prosecution.”
On the other hand, Ishaq said in a brief media talk after being set free: “We were never terrorists and killers and the apex court has also proven that.” He was cheered by hundreds of LeJ activists and showered with rose petals as he walked from a high-security prison in Lahore to a waiting land cruiser that was surrounded by his arms-wielding supporters.
Rise to infamy
Born in 1959, Ishaq is the son of Ali Ahmad Awan, who owned a cloth shop in the village Taranda Sawaey Khan in Rahim Yar Khan district of southern Punjab. He left school in the sixth grade in the early 1980s to assist his father.
He eventually started a business distributing cigarettes before joining a Sunni Deobandi sectarian organization, the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), in 1989 after he met Haq Nawaz Jhangvi, its founder who was based in the Jhang district of Punjab. Ishaq started his hardline sectarian activism from the SSP platform soon afterwards and launched the LeJ in 1996 with the support of his close aides, Riaz Basra and Akram Lahori. Ishaq was arrested the same year but he managed to escape from police custody a few months later, only to be arrested again in 1997.
But Ishaq’s release was a foregone conclusion that had even been predicted by the foreign media almost two years before the Supreme Court set him free. On August 7, 2009, the New York Times reported that one Fida Hussein Ghalvi, who had testified 12 years ago against Ishaq for killing his 12 family members, “feared the imminent release of the terrorist leader, thus adding horror to Ghalvi’s life of grief, already reduced to the limits of his house in Multan”. The newspaper said that Ghalvi still received threats from followers of Ishaq, who has has never had a conviction that stuck, though Punjab police records show a dizzying tally of murders against his name.
“When Malik Ishaq was arrested in 1997, he unleashed his broad network against his opponents, killing witnesses, threatening judges and intimidating police, leading nearly all of the prosecutions against him to collapse eventually,” said the New York Times. “Now, with the cases against him mostly exhausted, Ishaq – a ‘jihadi hero’ – could be out on bail very soon. That prospect terrifies Ghalvi.” The Times quoting him as having said: “My life is totally constrained. I can’t even go to funerals. What have I gotten from 13 years of struggle except grief?”
In fact, when Ghalvi and three other men had identified Ishaq, he told them in front of the trial court judge that “dead men can’t talk”. Subsequently, five witnesses and three of their relatives were killed during the trial. Ishaq was also the prime accused in the 1997 bombing of the Iranian culture center in Multan, which killed eight people. When investigating officer Ejaz Shafi persuaded two witnesses to appear in court and testify against Ishaq, his car was sprayed with bullets by unidentified assailants in broad daylight.
Anti-Terrorism Court judge Bashir Ahmed Bhatti eventually convicted Ishaq in the same case, but the Supreme Court overturned the conviction in 2006 because of “lack of evidence”. In March 2007, the same judge, scheduled to hear another case against Ishaq, was on his way to the court when a remote-controlled bicycle bomb exploded near his car, killing his driver and two policemen. Ishaq was charged with planning the attack but was eventually acquitted in April 2009, once again due to “lack of evidence”.
Following Ishaq’s release, the police provided security to Ghalvi, thus highlighting the concerns of the law-enforcement agencies. Ghalvi, meanwhile, has relocated from his native town in Multan district. However, two other key witnesses and one complainant have not been provided any security. The men, identified as Khadim, Sikandar and Abdul Ghafour (complainant) are the only people to have survived the court cases that have taken 20 lives, including eight people who were murdered purely for being associated with the case.
Following Ishaq’s release, Sikandar was quoted by newspapers as saying: “I can be attacked at any time and I do not know if I will be alive tomorrow or not, as you know almost everyone who was a witness or a relative has already been killed.”
Like Sheikh Ahmed Omar Saeed, another terrorist already sentenced to death for the 2002 beheading of American journalist Daniel Pearl, Ishaq was not subdued by jail conditions and allegedly continued to plot acts while behind bars. Perhaps this is no surprise. Ishaq was flown from a Lahore jail to the garrison town of Rawalpindi by the military on a special chartered flight to hold talks with fidayeen (suicide) attackers of the TTP, led by Dr Aqeel alias Mohammad Osman, who had stormed the general headquarters building on October 10, 2009 and taken hostage 42 people, including several military officials.

The terrorists had listed demands and expressed their desire to directly hold talks with the chief of army staff General Ashfaq Kiani. The hostage-takers also gave a list of jailed militants belonging to some Sunni Deobandi militant and sectarian groups, seeking their release, failing which, the hostages were threatened to be killed one by one.
As a time-buying tactic, negotiators roped in key leaders of jihadi and sectarian groups to hold talks with the terrorists. Special planes were subsequently flown to Lahore, Bahawalpur and Rahim Yar Khan to bring to Rawalpindi Ishaq, Maulana Mohammad Ahmed Ludhianvi, Maulana Fazalur Rehman Khalil, the amir of the Harkatul Mujahideen, and Mufti Abdul Rauf, the younger brother of Maulana Masood Azhar who is also the acting amir of the Jaish-e-Mohammad.

The attackers were subsequently killed in a successful rescue operation, except for Mohammad Aqeel, alias Dr Usman, a former army man who had already been sentenced to death.
Interestingly, these same four jihadi leaders had been roped in by the Pervez Musharraf regime in July 2007 to negotiate with the hardline clerics of the infamous Lal Mosque (Red Mosque) in the heart of the capital, Islamabad. The military later launched a raid on the mosque to flush out militants who had taken sanctuary there.
The clout that Ishaq enjoyed even while in jail can be gauged from the fact that he was not only allowed to use a mobile phone, he continued to receive the regular monthly stipend from the Punjab government that bega when Shehbaz Sharif became provincial chief minister in 2008.

Maulana Mohammad Ahmed Ludhianvi, the current chief of the SSP, claimed during a media discussion almost a year ago that he had met Ishaq in jail at the request of Sharif, offering Ishaq a conditional release if he remained peaceful for the rest of his life. If close acquaintances of Ludhianvi are to be believed, following intense backdoor diplomacy at the beginning of 2010, the SSP chief and Sharif, who is the younger brother of former premier Nawaz Sharif, held a clandestine meeting in Mecca in Saudi Arabia to sort out their long-drawn-out differences.
The bone of contention was the killing of 36 activists of the SSP and the LeJ in fake police encounters by the provincial government in the first quarter of 1999 when Nawaz was prime minister. Shehbaz was subsequently nominated by the Lahore police in the murder case of the SSP workers, but was eventually acquitted by an anti-terrorism court after the complainants withdrew the charges against him.

During his last days as premier, Nawaz Sharif, whose own life was under threat from the SSP and the LeJ and who had already survived an assassination attempt by them in Lahore, went public in naming Afghanistan as the country providing shelter and training to SSP and LeJ hit men. On January 3, 1999, the two sectarian groups had attempted to blow up a bridge on the Lahore-Raiwind road, close to Nawaz Sharif’s farmhouse, shortly before he was due to pass by.
Returning to the Mecca meeting between Shehbaz Sharif and Ludhianvi, once the two had reached an understanding they reportedly swore on the Holy Koran while standing inside the Holy Kaaba to bury their grievances and not to go against each other.
Although Sharif family circles strongly deny these reports, the fact remains that the slain governor of Punjab, Salman Taseer, had accused the Sharif government of courting the SSP in the Jhang district of south Punjab to safeguard its vote bank in the Pakistan People’s Party in a March 2010 by-election for a vacant seat in the Punjab provincial assembly.
Taseer, who was gunned down by his bodyguard for his liberal views, in Islamabad on January 4, 2011, had subsequently written a letter to Shehbaz Sharif on March 5, 2010, demanding drastic action against Law Minister Rana Sanaullah for his public meetings and addresses to rallies in Jhang accompanied by known terrorists of the SSP.

The rise and rise of the SSP
The LeJ was launched in 1996 by a breakaway faction of Sunni Deobandi extremists of the SSP, including Ishaq, Riaz Basra and Akram Lahori, who walked out of the outfit after accusing the SSP leadership of deviating from the ideals of its founder, Maulana Haq Nawaz Jhangvi, who was killed by his Shi’ite rivals in February 1990.
But terrorism experts believe that the SSP is in fact the mother organization that has provided human fodder to the cauldron of the region’s multi-layered violence in the name of Islam.

The SSP – Corps of the Prophet Mohammad’s Companions – is a violently anti-Shi’ite Sunni sectarian group responsible for targeting the Shi’ite minority in Pakistan. The ultra-fanatic sectarian SSP emerged in central Punjab in the mid-1980s as a response to the Iranian Revolution of 1979, seeking proclamation of Pakistan as a Sunni state. Having ideological affinity with the Taliban, the SSP aims at restoring the caliphate system and has declared the Shi’ite minority to be non-Muslim.
The SSP and the LeJ, which is considered to be the military wing of the SSP, were once the strategic assets of the state of Pakistan and have linked with al-Qaeda as its ancillary warriors, killing Pakistani citizens and targeting the security forces to dissuade Pakistan from fighting the “war against terror” as a United States ally.
The LeJ today has deep links with al-Qaeda and the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban and is considered to be the most violent terrorist organization operating in Pakistan, with the help of its suicide squad. As with most Sunni Deobandi sectarian and militant groups, almost the entire LeJ leadership is made up of people who have fought in Afghanistan with the backing of the Pakistani security establishment and most of its cadre are drawn from the numerous Sunni madrassas (seminaries) in Pakistan.

The Lashkar stands out for its secrecy, lethality and unrelenting pursuit of its core objectives – targeting Western interests in Pakistan and the Shi’ite community as a way to the eventual transformation of the country into a Taliban-style Islamic state. It has become the group of choice for hard-core militants who are adamant in pursuing their jihadi agenda in Pakistan.
The LeJ consists of loosely coordinated cells, of approximately five to eight militants each with limited contact with one another, spread across Pakistan with self-regulating chiefs for each of them. The operational successes of the group over the years are attributed to its multi-cell structure.
While not much is known about its structure of operations, intelligence reports indicate that, after each attack, Lashkar cadres disperse and subsequently reassemble at various bases/hideouts to plan future operations. The LeJ’s presence has been reported from locations as varied as Lahore, Rawalpindi, Gujranwala, Multan, Islamabad, Jhang, Khanewal, Layyah, Bhakkar, Sargodha, Rahimyar Khan, Orakzai, Sahiwal, Karachi, Dera Ismail Khan, Bannu, Kohat, Sukkur, Bajaur, Parachinar, Kurram, South Waziristan, North Waziristan, Hangu, Hyderabad, Bahawalpur, Nawabshah, Mirpur Khas, Chitral, Gilgit and Quetta.
Although sporadic crackdowns by the security forces since late-2001 have had some success, the LeJ continues to make new recruitments to replace those arrested or killed. And great care is taken in recruiting cadres, while considering both religious conviction and the skill and commitment to carry out attacks.
While Shi’ites remain the primary target of the LeJ, the group has, since 2002, broadened its focus to include other civilian, government and Western targets in Pakistan.
Despite the involvement of the LeJ and its parent party, the SSP, in sectarian violence since its inception in 1996, the Pakistani state has failed to neutralize either group. Being part of a broader jihadi movement with Deobandi ideological affiliation, the LeJ has links with other jihadi groups, including the Jaish-e-Mohammad, the Harkatul Mujahideen and the Harkatul Jehadul Islami.

The LeJ also maintains close operational links with the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaeda. There is, in fact, sufficient evidence to indicate that the LeJ has been transformed into a significant al-Qaeda affiliate, which provides not only back-up support but also takes part in terrorist attacks linked to al-Qaeda. Yet, the group stays focused on its home turf and its stated goal of radicalizing Pakistan.
Most terrorism experts agree that LeJ operatives are the most highly trained and equally vicious killers the world of terror has to offer. Intelligence sources say the LeJ has finally moved to center stage and the past claims by Pakistani agencies of its demise after the capture of its salar-e-Aala (commander-in-chief) Akram Lahori have proved to be wide off the mark. This is evident as the group has already started a fresh recruitment drive to form new cells at the district and provincial levels, especially following the release of Ishaq.

Amir Mir is a senior Pakistani journalist and the author of several books on the subject of militant Islam and terrorism, the latest being The Bhutto murder trail: From Waziristan to GHQ.

Balochistan at the edge of precipice, slipping into chaos

Tariq Khosa
Friday, October 07, 2011

With a heavy heart and great sorrow, I am constrained to warn the present policy-makers that Balochistan is fast slipping into chaos and turmoil that may result in disintegration of the State of Pakistan.

Being the first and only Baloch Inspector General of Balochistan Police in 2007, I do not want this to happen as the vast majority of the Baloch sub-nation does not want their province to be embroiled in the new great game being played in the region. What really bothers me is the lack of political will and wisdom to set things right. The security establishment has a barrel vision as its current strategy is perpetuating tit for tat killings and violence.

Rule of law and the writ of the State are the biggest casualties despite a strong message being given by the High Court of Balochistan to all the relevant stakeholders to come up with a strategy to foil the designs of the terrorists and insurgents. Recent spate of targeted killings of Shia community is a case in point. The State seems to be helpless or groping in the dark to take on proscribed militant organization Lashkar-e-Jhangvi. The Government of Balochistan has not come up with a concerted strategy after detailed review and consultation with the chief secretary, home secretary, inspector general police, DG Levies, IG Frontier Corps, IB, ISI, Special Branch, and CID. A few meetings to pay lip service will not do.

Everyone knows that after the escape of a hardcore LJ terrorist from the high security prison in Quetta, the LJ has regrouped and developed a nexus with BLA and other militant outfits in the province to cause systematic mayhem. It is not a secret that such forces have their hideouts near Mastung in Kabo and other Ferrari camps. These camps are located in the B Areas, which are out of the reach of Balochistan Police, thanks to power-hungry politicians and bureaucrats who have handed over 95% of the province to the rag-tag militias, called the Levies. A turf battle has been won by narrow-minded bureaucrats against the police. Consequently, there is no rule of law and peace in the entire province.

The Balochistan police are totally demoralized and their fractured command is unable to deliver peace. They were not even consulted when Police Act of 1861 was re-enacted with a new name. The IG is struggling to post even the SPs as bureaucratic control over the police has been re-established by law and Rules of Business. A junior home secretary has no guts to summon the command of all the law enforcement and intelligence agencies to evolve an action plan on law and order.

The Frontier Corps looks up to the army command rather than the Ministry of Interior to respond to acts of terrorism and disorder in the province. A huge force is being fed gigantic internal security allowance out of limited financial resources of the province, and yet it is not accountable and responsive to the needs of the provincial government to carry out raids in the 95% lawless areas of the province. With such fragmented administrative machinery, how can Balochistan not go down the road of utter chaos?

Intelligence Bureau, the civilian police-led agency of the Federal Government, has been made ineffective as power lies somewhere else. Its role in Balochistan is to act as glorified partner of the local special branch. The military-led all powerful ISI is not willing to part with its administratively acquired technological prowess for intelligence-based investigations against the terrorists and insurgents. About Military Intelligence (MI), less said the better in the context of Balochistan.

Balochistan faces major challenges on account of insurgency stoked by foreign sponsored sub-nationalists, sectarian terrorism by LJ and anti-state militants, lack of safety on the highways, poor policing by tribal levies, ineffective border control by the Frontier Corps, lack of will by the police, selective sharing of information by the intelligence agencies and above all lack of political will to steer the province out of its present quagmire. The provincial government, with Levies and police, the Federal Government, with Frontier Corps, IB, ISI, FIA, assisted by the armed forces have to sit together and come up with a concerted and effective plan that has political, economic and security solutions if Balochistan is to be pulled back from the edge of precipice.

We cannot afford to have another Hamudur Rehman Commission in our history. Political issues require political solutions. Economic help is the right of the deprived people of Balochistan. Security policies must not lose sight of dignity and self-respect of those seeking their rights. Absence of Baloch political parties from APC held on September 29, 2011, has been a setback. The saner voices like that of Senator Abdul Maalik and Hasil Bizenjo need to be heard. Death of Nawab Akbar Bugti in August 2006 under military siege should be probed by an independent judicial commission. The BNP-M and its leadership need to be brought back in the political mainstream. Issue of missing persons must be resolved by our security establishment.

Balochistan has a huge economic potential. This land has great reservoirs of gold, copper, coal and other precious metals and minerals. Gwadar port is certainly destined to become a trade conduit and economic boom for Pakistan. This land is our land. It is the future of Pakistan. Please save it from going down.

The writer is a renowned and celebrated former IG Police of Balochistan

Email: tariqkhosa@gmail.com

http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=71385&Cat=6

There is an astounding similarity in the narratives of Hamid Mir, Mustafa Qadri and Ali Dayan. It’s ethnic cleaning! http://search.jang.com.pk/archive/details.asp?nid=563291

جنرل موسیٰ خان ہم شرمندہ ہیں!…قلم کمان …حامد میر

جنرل موسیٰ خان 1965ء کی پاک بھارت جنگ کے دوران پاکستانی فوج کے سربراہ تھے۔ اس جنگ میں پاکستانی فوج نے جس بہادری سے لاہور، سیالکوٹ اور دیگر شہروں کا دفاع کیا اس پر آج بھی فخر کیا جاتا ہے۔ 1965ء کی جنگ نے پاکستانی قوم کو کئی ہیرو دیئے۔ ان میں سے ایک جنرل موسیٰ خان بھی تھے جن کی قیادت میں پاکستانی فوج نے چونڈہ میں بھارت کو ٹینکوں کی لڑائی میں شکست دی تھی۔ عوام میں ان کی مقبولیت کے باعث ریٹائرمنٹ کے بعد صدر ایوب خان نے جنرل موسیٰ خان کو مغربی پاکستان کا گورنر بنا دیا تھا۔ جنرل ضیاء الحق کے دور حکومت میں ایک دفعہ پھر موسیٰ خان کو بلوچستان کا گورنر بنایا گیا تو پہلی دفعہ عام پاکستانیوں کو پتہ چلا کہ موسیٰ خان کا تعلق کوئٹہ کی ہزارہ برادری سے ہے۔ ہزارہ برادری کو آج بھی اپنے سپوت جنرل موسیٰ خان پر فخر ہے جو 1965ء کی جنگ میں آرمی چیف تھا اور بعدازاں دو مرتبہ گورنر بھی بنایا گیا۔ ہزارہ نسل کے لوگ کوئٹہ اور کراچی سمیت پاکستان کے مختلف شہروں میں پھیلے ہوئے ہیں اور جنرل موسیٰ خان کی طرح پاکستان سے محبت کرنے والے لوگ ہیں لیکن افسوس صد افسوس کہ آج پاکستان سے ان کی محبت کا امتحان لیا جا رہا ہے۔ کوئٹہ میں آئے دن ہزارہ برادری کو ٹارگٹ کلنگ اور بم دھماکوں کا نشانہ بنایا جا رہا ہے۔
کوئٹہ سے پیپلز پارٹی کے ٹکٹ پر قومی اسمبلی کے منتخب رکن سید ناصر علی شاہ کو کئی مرتبہ قتل کرنے کی کوشش کی جا چکی ہے کیونکہ ان کا تعلق بھی ہزارہ برادری سے ہے۔ گزشتہ عیدالفطر کو وہ کوئٹہ کی جس مسجد میں نماز عید ادا کر رہے تھے اس مسجد کو خودکش حملے کا نشانہ بنایا گیا۔ پھر کوئٹہ سے ایران جانے والے زائرین کی بس پر مستونگ کے قریب حملہ کیا گیا اور درجنوں نہتے ہزارہ افراد پر گولیاں برسائی گئیں۔ یہ واقعہ تو شہر سے باہر ہوا لیکن 4/اکتوبر کو کوئٹہ شہر کے اندر ایک اور بس پر حملہ کر کے ایک درجن سے زائد غریب ہزارہ مزدوروں کو موت کی نیند سلا دیا گیا۔ افسوس کہ پچھلے تین سال کے دوران ہزارہ برادری کی نسل کشی میں زیادہ اضافہ ہوا ہے اور شاید اسی لئے قومی اسمبلی کے رکن سید ناصر علی شاہ اپنی ہی پارٹی کی حکومت کے خلاف بغاوت پر مجبور ہو کر بلوچستان میں گورنر راج کے نفاذ کا مطالبہ کر رہے ہیں۔
دوسری طرف ہزارہ ڈیموکریٹک پارٹی بھی کوئٹہ میں دہشت گردی کی بڑھتی ہوئی وارداتوں کا ذمہ دار حکومت کو قرار دے رہی ہے۔ کوئٹہ میں ہزارہ برادری پر حملوں کا آغاز گیارہ سال قبل جنرل پرویز مشرف کے دور میں ہوا تھا۔ 8 جون 2003ء کو 13 زیر تربیت پولیس کیڈٹس کو نشانہ بنایا گیا۔ 4 جولائی2003ء کو کوئٹہ کی ایک امام بارگاہ کو نماز جمعہ کے دوران نشانہ بنایا گیا اور51/افراد لقمہ اجل بنے۔ 2 مارچ 2004ء کو کوئٹہ میں عاشورہ کے جلوس پر حملہ کیا گیا اور 36/افراد مارے گئے۔ ان بہیمانہ واقعات میں ملوث کسی ایک ملزم کو بھی گرفتار نہ کیا جاسکا اور یہ سلسلہ جاری رہا۔ 2007ء میں دو افراد پکڑے گئے اور انہوں نے اعتراف کیا کہ وہ ہزارہ برادری کے خلاف قتل و غارت میں ملوث ہیں لیکن یہ دونوں افراد پولیس کی تحویل سے فرار ہونے میں کامیاب ہوگئے۔ ان دونوں ملزمان کے فرار نے ہزارہ برادری کے پاکستانی ریاست پر اعتماد کو متزلزل کیا۔ 2008ء کے انتخابات میں ہزارہ برادری کی اکثریت نے پیپلزپارٹی کو ووٹ دیئے اور اپنے علاقے سے اس پارٹی کے امیدوار سید ناصر علی شاہ کو کامیاب کروایا۔ بلوچستان میں پیپلزپارٹی کی حکومت قائم ہونے کے بعد ہزارہ برادری کو امید تھی کہ انہیں تحفظ اور انصاف ملے گا لیکن پیپلزپارٹی تو خود کوئٹہ میں محفوظ نہ رہ سکی۔ 2009ء میں پیپلزپارٹی سے تعلق رکھنے والے صوبائی وزیر تعلیم شفیق احمد خان کو کوئٹہ شہر میں دن دہاڑے قتل کردیا گیا۔ وزیراعلیٰ بلوچستان نواب اسلم رئیسانی بھی زیادہ وقت اسلام آباد میں گزارنے لگے اور کوئٹہ میں ٹارگٹ کلنگ کے واقعات بڑھتے چلے گئے۔ کوئٹہ میں ہزارہ برادری کے علاوہ پنجابیوں کو بھی ٹارگٹ کیا جا رہا ہے۔ قانون نافذ کرنے والے ادارے ہزارہ برادری پر حملوں کو ایک فرقہ پرست تنظیم کی کارروائیاں قرار دیتے ہیں اور پنجابیوں پر حملوں کو بلوچ علیحدگی پسندوں کے کھاتے میں ڈالتے ہیں۔ ہزارہ برادری کے اکثر لوگ یہ سمجھتے ہیں کہ ان پر حملوں میں طالبان ملوث ہیں کیونکہ ایک کالعدم تنظیم کو طالبان کے کچھ عناصر کی سرپرستی حاصل رہی ہے۔ طالبان کے حامی اس الزام کی تردید کرتے ہیں۔ ان کا کہنا ہے کہ امریکہ نے کوئٹہ کو طالبان کے حوالے سے پوری دنیا میں بدنام کر رکھا ہے اور کہا جاتا ہے کہ افغان طالبان کے تمام فیصلے کوئٹہ شوریٰ کرتی ہے اس صورتحال میں طالبان کبھی یہ نہیں چاہیں گے کہ وہ کوئٹہ کا امن برباد کریں کیونکہ کوئٹہ میں بدامنی کا انہیں بہت نقصان ہوسکتا ہے۔
یہ بھی کہا جا رہا ہے کہ جس طرح افغان انٹیلی جنس نے سوات اور باجوڑ کے پاکستان مخالف طالبان کو کنٹر میں پناہ دے رکھی ہے اور وہ کنٹر کے راستے سے پاکستانی علاقوں پر حملے کرتے ہیں اسی طرح افغان انٹیلی جنس نے ایک کالعدم تنظیم کے گروپ کو جنوبی افغانستان میں پناہ دے رکھی ہے اور یہ تنظیم کوئٹہ میں کئی سال سے دہشت گردی کر رہی ہے تاکہ ہزارہ برادری پر حملوں کے ذریعے ایک طرف کوئٹہ کو غیرمحفوظ بنایا جائے دوسری طرف پاکستان اور ایران کے تعلقات میں کشیدگی پیدا کی جائے۔ افغان حکومت کے ذرائع کا کہنا ہے کہ کوئٹہ میں ہزارہ برادری پر حملوں سے ان کا کوئی تعلق نہیں کیونکہ ہزارہ برادری کا افغانستان میں کافی اثر و رسوخ ہے اور افغان انٹیلی جنس پاکستانی ہزارہ برادری پر حملے کرا کے افغان ہزارہ برادری کو ناراض کرنے کا خطرہ مول نہیں لے سکتی۔ افغان حکومت اور ہزارہ برادری کے اہم عمائدین کا اصرار ہے کہ ان پر حملوں میں طالبان ملوث ہیں کیونکہ ماضی میں طالبان کے ہزارہ برادری کے ساتھ تعلقات کشیدہ رہے ہیں۔ 1994ء میں طالبان نے قندھار سے کابل کی طرف بڑھنا شروع کیا تو افغان ہزارہ برادری کی تنظیم حزب وحدت نے شمالی اتحاد کا ساتھ دیا تھا اور1997ء میں مزار شریف پر قبضے کی لڑائی میں دونوں نے ایک دوسرے کا قتل عام کیا تھا۔ تاریخ بتاتی ہے کہ ہزارہ نسل کے لوگوں پر سب سے زیادہ ظلم افغان حکمران امیر عبدالرحمن کے دور میں ہوا اور اس نے 1892ء میں ہزارہ برادری کے خلاف لڑائی کو ”جہاد“ قرار دیا تھا۔ امیر عبدالرحمن کی فوج کے ظلم و ستم سے تنگ آ کر ہزارہ برادری نے مشہد اور کوئٹہ کی طرف ہجرت کی تھی۔ 1935ء میں کوئٹہ میں زلزلہ آیا تو اس کے بعد کوئٹہ کی تعمیر نو میں ہزارہ مزدوروں نے اہم کردار ادا کیا تھا۔
ہزارہ برادری کے کئی علماء نے تحریک پاکستان میں قائداعظم کی حمایت کی تھی لیکن افسوس کہ قائداعظم کا ساتھ دینے والے اکبر بگٹی کے ساتھ بھی ظلم ہوا اور آج ہزارہ برادری کے ساتھ کوئٹہ میں روزانہ ظلم کے پہاڑ توڑے جا رہے ہیں۔ پاکستان کے ریاستی ادارے کوئٹہ میں ٹارگٹ کلنگ روکنے میں ناکام ہیں بلکہ گزشتہ دنوں تو ڈی آئی جی ایف سی فرخ شہزاد کی رہائش گاہ پر بھی حملہ کیا گیا جس میں ان کی اہلیہ سمیت 25/افراد جاں بحق ہوئے۔ دوسرے الفاظ میں ریاست بے بس ہو چکی ہے۔ اس بے بسی کے خاتمے کا واحد راستہ اتحاد ہے اور اتحاد کیلئے ہمت اور ثابت قدمی کی ضرورت ہے۔ مت بھولئے کہ کئی سال تک کُرّم کے علاقے میں بھی اہل تشیع اور اہل سنّت کو آپس میں لڑایا جا رہا تھا۔ متحارب قبائل میں ایک حالیہ معاہدے کے بعد کُرّم میں صورتحال قدرے بہتر ہوئی ہے۔ کوئٹہ میں بھی امن قائم کرنے کیلئے تمام اہم سیاسی جماعتوں اور ریاستی اداروں کو مل بیٹھ کر کوئی حل تلاش کرنا ہوگا۔ 1965ء میں پاکستانی فوج نے ہزارہ برادری کے ایک جرنیل موسیٰ خان کی قیادت میں پاکستان کا دفاع کیا تھا۔2011ء میں اہل پاکستان کو ہزارہ برادری کا دفاع کرنا ہے۔ ہزارہ برادری کے دشمن پاکستان کے دشمن ہیں۔ ان دشمنوں کو ناکام بنانے کا ایک ہی طریقہ ہے کہ ہم ایک دوسرے کو تحفظ دیں اور جنرل موسیٰ خان کی روح کے سامنے شرمندہ نہ ہوں۔

Former IG of FC Tariq Khosa is blaming Baloch nationailst and politicians, of course he does not point out the sinister role of army, ISI, MI and judiciary.

マーク ジェイコブス la
アナスイ 財布 池袋
iwc ポルトギーゼコピー

iPhone 6 競馬
ノーノーヘア スマート プラス 違い
腕時計 ベルト 伸縮
ティンバーランド ソール白
ケイトスペード 長傘
サングラス 40代 男性
ザノースフェイス 30l
celine 男
エンジェルハート 腕時計 レディース 40代

Who couldn’t use help in this economy? Using coupons can be a way to make the most of your budget. Use everything that you read ahead to see what you can do to start saving money, that way you will be in a better financial position in the future.
Coach Factory Outlet

マイケルコース アクセ
カルティエ 財布 紫
ゴヤール 偽物通販
グレゴリー z25
ドクターマーチン 9733z
サマンサ シルブァ
アニアリ クラッチ オレンジ
バッグ ブランド ポシェット
ザノースフェイス ボルトリュック