This too was Pakistan (1947-71): A response to Nadeem Paracha’s “Also Pakistan” – by Abdul Nishapuri
Related post: This All Began in 1947: The Jihadist Operations of Pakistani State
Nadeem F. Paracha’s (NFP) history of Pakistan in the four part series in daily Dawn suffers from an error of exclusion. It is the history of Pakistan’s upper-middle classes in an urban setting where lifestyle choices imply that somehow Pakistan was more liberal in the past. It also reduces Pakistan to a (mainly) Punjabi-Muhajir urban upper-middle class landscape – like the plays of Fatima Surayya Bajia, Hasina Moin and Ashfaque Ahmed or romantic writings of Shafique-ur-Rehman and Nasim Hijazi.
The pictures in NFP columns tell a story of an upper middle class whose “liberal” membership has shrunk. Simultaneously, it also reinforces the myth that there is a tiny bulwark of upper-middle class activists who are protecting Pakistan from complete Talibanisation – as long as their literary festivals, social media melas and fashion shows are well funded by foreign consulates and donor agencies.
In terms of strategy, “liberals” tactics are very similar to the post-9/11 strategy of General Musharaf. In the first half of the last decade, this strategy was employed to the hilt by Musharaf in trying to convince the West that he and the army under him represent the last stand against the Taliban. Of course, now the whole world knows the dual policy of Pakistan’s military establishment of officially opposing the Taliban but protecting and sponsoring them and their local Jihadi affiliates at the ground level. Plausible deniability was taken to a new level by Pakistan’s military establishment. Similarly, it is commonly known that several of Pakistan’s “noted liberals” including but not limited to Najam Sethi, Ejaz Haider and their predecessors in the past have played a questionable role in undermining democratic governments in Pakistan.
What NFP has presented in this series is only a limited remembrance of Pakistan from an elitist, upper-middle class perspective. If a narrow window of Pakistani society can be described as Pakistan, rest assured such Pakistan exists even today within its typical confines, e.g., five star hotels, private beaches, civil society melas, literary festivals, aman ki asha events etc in secluded luxury hotels or private residences.
What NFP did not describe is how the country was shaping itself right from its inception when Jinnah and his close comrades authorized military take over of Balochistan, despatch of Pashtun and Punjabi mercenaries to Kashmir, dismissal of Dr. Khan’s government in NWFP and suppression of Bangla language. In 1948 and beyond we saw a repeat of similar events, e.g., when Jinnah’s funeral was refused to be led by a Shia cleric, when Objectives Resolution was passed by Pakistan’s first legislative assembly thus formalizing the ascendancy of Sunni Islam, when anti-Ahmadiyya riots took place in streets of Lahore and other cities of Pakistan. NFP also did not mention the fact that long before General Zia’s Islamization, one of the bloodiest massacres of Shias took place in Terhi Sindh in 1963. That too was Pakistan.
Romanticizing of Pakistan from an upper-middle class lens is a great thing to write and read and we are not challenging the fact that confines of the upper-middle class lifestyle have relatively reduced in the past few decades courtesy General Zia, Zakir Naik, Farhat Hashmi, Imran Khan etc, however, that lifestyle featuring several elements of social hedonism is still available and enjoyed by the select elite.
The photos and narrative also reinforce the upper-middle class narrative that the seeds of extremism, intolerance and hypernationalism were sown during Bhutto’s time and harvested by Zia ul Haq. Unfortunately, this selective narrative excludes the role of Pakistan’s urban elites (eg Rana Liaquat Ali Khan, Qudratullah Shahab, Altaf Gauhar etc) who silently watched the destruction of a pluralist society and the resulting rampant extremism while their own socio-economic interests were taken good care of.
The seeds of extremism in Pakistan were not planted by Zia or Bhutto but were there much earlier and should be highlighted. Today, Pakistan’s Shia Muslims are undergoing a slow-motion genocide which is deliberately being misrepresented or ignored by the urban elites who have positioned themselves as the “Endangered Liberal Species”. Such elites have largely participated in inexplicable silence on the massacre of at least 19000 Shia Muslims in Pakistan in the last few decades.
1947: A country created on the basis of communal hatred and othering
Pakistan was a country created on the basis of communal hatred and exclusion. The bloodshed was only natural in 1947-48 at the time of partition.
Pre-1947: Founder of a communal state is evasive about his own communal identity
The country’s founder was a Shia but it was Mr. Jinnah himself who was evasive about his Shia Muslim identity.
The founder of the state, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, although himself a Twelver Shia after conversion from the Ismaili sect, was wont to describe himself in public as neither a Shia nor a Sunni. His stock answer to a query about his sect was: was Muhammad the Prophet [pbuh] a Shia or a Sunni? (Source)
1947: Pakistan army hires tribal mercenaries to liberate Kashmir
Tribal invasion of Kashmir started on 22 October 1947, an outcome of collaboration between Pakistan army, Pakistan Muslim League and Muslim Conference. Muslim Conference not only invited the tribal attack but also actively joined the raiders. Reward for this collaboration was that they were appointed rulers of this region known as Azad Kashmir; they and their political masters in Pakistan kept on feeding lies to people to strengthen the impression that the ‘tribesmen’ were ‘liberators’, and they came to Kashmir to fulfil their religious obligation. The Tribal Invasion was a contentious and significant action, because of its serious consequences; and because it clearly violated the Standstill Agreement concluded between Pakistan and the Ruler of Jammu and Kashmir. Furthermore, it resulted in death and destruction of thousands of innocent people; and it forced the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir to seek help from India, which was only made available after the ‘provisional accession’ to India. Apart from that it divided Kashmir resulting in enormous problems for thousands of families on both sides of the divide. It should also be remembered that the Tribal Invasion, apart from other problems also resulted in the first India and Pakistan war, bringing its own problems, animosity and subsequent wars. While discussing about brutalities of the Tribal attack, Khawaja Abdul Samad said: ‘Hindus and Muslims were taking refuge in separate areas. Most of the properties that belonged to Hindus had been burnt down. Many Hindus and Sikhs had been mercilessly slaughtered and most of their bodies were still lying in their homes or on the streets. In the past two days, the tribesmen had dragged numerous bodies and thrown them into the river………..’ 8 Khawaja Abdul Samad further said: ‘Their attack had totally devastated Muzaffarabad. The homes of Hindus and Muslims were looted, shops were plundered and all the stock loaded onto trucks. Places of worship were not spared; they entered and took whatever they considered to be of value. They tore down mandirs and desecrated masjids. In their lustful search for gold, silver and rupees they even used digging equipment to search beneath the stone floors of shops. Whatever they could find would be amassed in a collective place where tribal leaders would supervise the whole process. From here, everything would be loaded onto trucks and sent on their way to the North West Frontier Province. In Muzaffarabad and its surroundings, no Muslim home was spared from this tribal bounty-hunt.’ Tribesmen steal from a Masjid – Mosque. Khawaja Abdul Samad, while discussing the loot and plunder carried out by the tribesmen who apparently came to Jammu and Kashmir for the purpose of ‘Jihad’ and to ‘liberate’ people of Jammu and Kashmir, explained how they even looted materials hidden in a Masjid. ‘As there was no restriction on how much booty the tribal Pathans could take home, some of us locals consulted with each other and made a plan. We decided that in order to protect Hindu assets from being seized by the tribesmen, we would take upon ourselves (Muslims) to transport goods and valuables from Hindu homes and store them in the masjid. Some Hindu youngsters, many of whom were our close friends; who had yet somehow avoided the deathly onslaught were also utilised in this exercise….. ‘The ‘Bazaar Wali’ masjid was a two-storey building. By the evening, so much stock had been stored there that there was barely room for even a solitary ‘sandooq’ (large metal box for storing valuables) to fit in. We locked up the masjid at night and left for our respective camps of refuge. When I returned in the morning, I found that the masjid had been stripped bare clean. I was later to learn that the tribesmen had come late the night before and taken everything.’ (Source)
The Founder of Pakistan Jinnah with GOC East Pakistan Ayub Khan in 1948. Not yet Field Marshal, Ayub Khan was barely a Brigadier at that time. In 3 years he would be the C-in-C and 7 years more the Head of State. The person recieving the military cross is Mohammed Ahmed who became a Brig. and subsequently military sec to Ayub Khan.
1947: Jinnah dismisses an elected government in NWFP Province
Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan popularly known as Dr. Khan Sahib was a pioneer in the Indian Independence Movement and a Pakistan politician. On 15th August 1947 Mr. Jinnah took oath as Governor General of Pakistan and on 22nd August, just after a week dissolved the elected government of Dr. Khan. In 1958, Dr Khan was assassinated in Lahore.
1948: Bacha Khan remains in intermittent house arrest from 1948 to 1964
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan) was always presented as a traitor of Pakistan and an Indian agent. Ghaffar Khan was placed under house arrest without charge from 1948 till 1954. He was re-arrested in 1958 until an illness in 1964 allowed for his release.
1948: At least 150 Pashtuns massacred in Babhara village, Charsadda
On August 12, 1948, while Jinnah was at deathbed, the security forces opened fire on a protest rally of Khudai Khidmatgars in Babhara village, resulting in the killing of more than 150 people and injuries to over 400 men and women. Some reports, however, put the death toll at 602 while the number of wounded was stated to be in thousands.
1948: First military operation in Balochistan
The rebellion against Pakistan’s forced occupation of Balochistan was led by Prince Abdul Karim Khan, brother of the Khan of Kalat, Mir Ahmad Yar Khan. In April 1948 the central government sent the Pakistan army to harass and force Mir Ahmed Yar Khan to give up his state (Kalat). Mir Ahmed Yar Khan signed an accession agreement ending Kalat’s de facto independence. His brother, Prince Karim Khan, decided to carry on with the struggle. Basing himself in Afghanistan he conducted guerrilla warfare against the Pakistan army. Abdul Karim organized a rebellion against Pakistan in the Jalawan area. He received assistance from Mir Gohar Khan Zahri, an influential tribal leader of the Zarkzai clan. Major General Akbar Khan, who was in charge of the Pakistani army’s Seventh Regiment, was ordered to attack the insurgents and force them to surrender. Prince Karim and his 142 followers were arrested and imprisoned in the Mach and Quetta jails. Many Baloch insurgents were killed and others served rigorous imprisonments. Karim’s revolt is important in Baloch history for two reasons. First, it established that the Baloch did not accept the accession of Kalat with Pakistan. Second, it led to the wide-spread Baloch belief that Pakistan had betrayed the safe conduct agreement. The Baloch regard this as a first series of broken treaties that have created distrust between them and Pakistan’s central government/army. Karim and his followers were all sentenced to long prison terms and became rallying symbols for the Baloch liberation movement.
1948: State funeral for Jinnah cannot be led by a Shia cleric
Both Jinnah sahib and his sister Fatima Jinnah were given private Shia burial rituals initially before the State they created swung into motion and made a sectarian issue of their burials.
Jinnah’s state funeral was not allowed to be led by a Shia cleric. That was a formal declaration that Pakistan is a Sunni State. Mufti Shabbir Usmani was an uncle of Mufti Taqi Usmani and Mufti Rafi Usmani, the mentors and apologists of the Taliban and Sipah-e-Sahaba in Pakistan.
Fatima Jinnah organized a private Shia funeral for Jinnah inside the house.
1949: Islamisation of Pakistan begins. Objectives Resolution passed by PM Liaquat Ali Khan
The Speech of Mr Sris Chandra Chattopadhya in Opposition to Objectives Resolution, Constitutent Assembly of Pakistan, 12 March 1949
1951: A Jihad-e-Kashmir mercenary kills PM Liaquat Ali Khan
1952: Bangla language riots in East Pakistan
On 21 February 1952, a demonstration in the Language movement demanding equal and official status to the Bengali language turned bloody, with many fatalities caused by police firings.
The seeds of Bangladeshi liberation and independence were laid when Jinnah denied Pakistan’s largest ethnic group the right to their rich language. From 1947-1971, the Bengladeshis were subject to constant persecution and discrimination – an element that is missing from the happier times pictures in NFP’s collection.
1953: Anti-Ahmadiyya riots in Punjab
In 1953, a religious movement began to agitate for the removal of the Ahmadiyya Muslims from power positions, and demanded a declaration of Ahmadis as a non-Muslim minority groups. Due to government’s lack of action, mass rioting broke out in the Punjab against both the government and followers of Ahmadis. Several dozens were killed by violent mobs of Jamaat-e-Islami and other Sunni Deobandis, Wahhabi and Barelvi groups.
General Azam Khan – the first Martial Law Administrator having hard talk with Sardar Nishtar. With the government failing to contain anti-Ahmadi riots in Lahore, property of civilians being destroyed and truoble spreading to other major cities of the Punjab in 1953, Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin, an ineffective administrator while presiding over a cabinet meeting in Karachi kept saying what should I do, what should I do. Lahore was on fire and the Governor of Punjab had just confirmed the fact. Defense Secretary Iskander Mirza was asked to find out the exact situation. He went to the ante room and called GOC Lahore General Azam Khan who confirmed the reports. ‘How long will it take you to control the situation?’ Mirza asked him. ‘One hour’ quipped Azam. ‘Then go ahead’ Mirza advised him. He returned to the Cabinet room and announced that he had declared Martial Law in Lahore. True to his word Azam restored law and order, arrested Maulana Maudoodi and Maulana Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi, tried them in a summary military court, sentenced them to death and sent them to the black cell for hanging the next morning. A call from King Saud however got them a reprieve. But with the carte blanche given to Gen Azam, military supremacy had been ensured in Pakistan for all times to come. Also Saudi hegemony in protecting and sponsoring Wahhabi-Deobandis of Pakistan was also established.
Pakistan was co-opted by a powerful civil-military bureaucracy immediately after coming into existence. This establishment ensured that Deobandi clerics and organizations e.g., Shabbir Ahmed Usmani, Maulana Maududi were given a prominent place in a non-democratic setup. The Objectives Resolution followed quickly and a large scale pogrom against the Ahmadi Muslims took place in Pakistan in 1953. None of this is reflected in the pictures selected in NFP’s collection – incidentally, that is not Stewart Granger and Ava Gardner either – although both of them were here for the filming of Bhowani junction. The most abiding memory of them isn’t Ava Gardner’s ethereal beauty or Granger’s rackish charms. Rather is the pride felt by the urban elites when Stewart Granger was slapped by an army officer (Suo Moto anyone)
In terms of presenting an alternate history and point of view, it is important to appreciate some of Nadeem’s earlier anti-establishment work. However, it is also important to highlight the limitation of these views as an urban reflection which do not delve deeper into the historical roots of the problems currently facing Pakistan. Unwittingly, this presentation reinforces the selective elite narrative which works overtime to shift the blame from the establishment and the liberal class to convenient scapegoats (generals and politicians).
1955: One unit system adopted in West Pakistan
One-Unit System Adopted Sep 30, 1955. West Pakistan adopts a one-unit government system, with Lahore as its capital, in an attempt to ease tensions between provinces over their representation in the National Assembly. In practice, this meant Punjabi dominance over Sindhis, Pashtuns, Balochs and other minority ethnic groups. It also means that Bengali majority was undermined by equating them with a much smaller ethnic group, Punjabis. Ayub Khan is appointed as Chief Minister of the One-Unit system.
1956: Islamic name for Pakistan
Islamic Republic of Pakistan Mar 23, 1956. Pakistani leaders dissolve the Dominion of Pakistan and establish the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, with Iskander Mirza — a vocal advocate of “controlled democracy” (including an electoral college) — as president.
1958: Second military operation in Balochistan
The next violent outbreak of Baloch sentiments came in 1958 as a direct result of the centralising policies pursued by Pakistan central government and army. Fears of Bengali domination in the 1950s had propelled the Punjabi leaders of West Pakistan, who controlled the levers of power, to consolidate the Western Wing of Pakistan into a unified province to counter Bengali numerical strength. This One Unit plan was resisted by the Baloch, both by Abdul Karim who had completed his prison term in 1955 and the Khan of Kalat who mobilised wide spread demonstrations through tribal chieftains. Balochi nationalists urged Iskander Mirza to exempt Kalat from the One Unit scheme, and to allot more government spending on developmental activities in Kalat. But General Ayub Khans ambitions changed the political matrix in Pakistan and when some Baloch sardars started non-cooperating with the Pakistani commissioner, under a flimsy pretext that the Khan had raised a parallel army to attack Pakistani military, Ayub ordered Pakistani army to march into Kalat on 6 October 1958, a day before he imposed martial rule in Pakistan. The army arrested the Khan and his followers and accused them of secretly negotiating with Afghanistan for a full-scale Baloch rebellion. The arrest touched off a chain reaction of violence and counter-violence with the government bombing villages suspected of harbouring guerrillas. Pakistan military’s campaigns in Danshera and Wad were resisted by the Jhalawan Sardars loyal to the Khan. The octogenarian Chief of the Zehri tribe in Jhalawan, Nauroz Khan put up a stiff resistance in the Mir Ghat mountains, but the Pakistani military swore an oath by the Quran and urged Nauroz to give up arms and prepare for negotiations. Nauroz surrendered in anticipation of safe conduct and amnesty but the army put Nauroz and his sons behind the bars as soon as they laid down their arms. Naurozs sons were hanged soon afterwards, in Hyderabad and Sukur, in July 1960. A shocked and surprised Nauroz died soon afterwards in Kohlu prison in 1962. Ayubs message to the Balochis of Kalat who were the first to challenge the might of the Pakistani state, was clear. He reportedly threatened the total extinction of Balochis if they did not mend their ways.
The 1958 revolt was followed by the Pakistan Army setting up new garrisons at key points in the interior of Balochistan. This in turn provoked the Baloch to plan for more armed guerrilla movements capable of defending Balochi interests. The movement was led by Sher Mohammed Marri who was far-sighted in classic guerrilla warfare. The Pararis, as the guerrillas were called, ambushed convoys, bombed trains and so on. In retaliation, the army staged savage reprisals. For example, the Army bulldozed 13,000 acres of almond tress owned by Sher Mohammed and his relatives in the Marri area. The fighting continued sporadically until 1969 when the Yahya Khan withdrew the One Unit plan and got the Baloch to agree to a ceasefire.
1963: Shia massacre in Therhi, Sindh
At least 116 Shia Muslims were massacred in district Khairpur’s village Therhi (Sindh) on June 6, 1963. Police stood by while radical Deobandis and Wahhabis massacred Shias. This was the first major incident of Shia genocide in Pakistan. Justice was not done to the martyrs of Therhi and the anti-Shia terrorists and their masterminds were not awarded exemplary punishment. Lack of due action against the ferocious killers encouraged them to continue the genocide of Shia Muslims in Pakistan.
The 1963 Theri massacre of Shia was a landmark event but does not seem to merit a space in the photographical history presented by Nadeem Paracha. Of course such pictures and also those of the 1953 anti-Ahmadi riots would disturb the romanticized, liberal-baptized version of Pakistan which never was!
1965: Operation Gibraltar and the Pakistan India war
Operation Gibraltar was the codename given to the strategy of Pakistan to infiltrate Jammu and Kashmir, the northernmost state of India, and start a rebellion against Indian rule. Launched in August 1965, Pakistan Army’s 50th Airborne paratroopers and Pakistan Army’s guerrillas, disguised as locals, entered Jammu and Kashmir from Pakistan with the intention of fomenting an insurgency among Kashmiri Muslims. However, the strategy went awry from the outset as it was not well-coordinated and the infiltrators were soon found. The debacle was followed by an Indian counterattack that resulted in the 1965 Indo-Pakistani War.
1967: Fatima Jinnah’s funeral
Mr. I.H. Ispahani was present when Miss Fatima Jinnah died in Karachi in 1967. He himself arranged the ghusl and janaza for her at Mohatta Palace according to the Shia ritual before handing over the body to the state. Her Sunni namaz-e janaza was held later at the Polo Ground, after which she was buried next to her brother at a spot chosen by Ispahani inside the mausoleum. Ritualistic Shia talgin (last advice to the deceased) was done after her body was lowered into the grave. (Jinnah had arranged for talgin for Ruttie Bai too when she died in 1929).
Fatima Jinnah’s own funeral became something of a theatre of the absurd after her friends had given her a Shia funeral before the state could give her a Sunni one. Field Marshal Ayub Khan writes in his Diaries:
11 July 1967: Major General Rafi, my military secretary, returned from Karachi. He had gone there to represent me at Miss Jinnah’s funeral. He said that sensible people were happy that the government had given her so much recognition, but generally the people behaved very badly. There was an initial namaz-e janaza at her residence in Mohatta Palace in accordance, presumably, with Shia rites. Then there was to be namaz-e janaza for the public in the Polo Ground. There an argument developed whether this should be led by a Shia or a Sunni. Eventually, Badayuni was put forward to lead the prayer. As soon as he uttered the first sentence the crowd broke in the rear. Thereupon he and the rest ran leaving the coffin high and dry. It was with some difficulty that the coffin was put on a vehicle and taken to the compound of the Quaid’s mazar, where she was to be buried. There a large crowd had gathered and demanded to converge on the place of burial. This obviously could not be allowed for lack of space. Thereupon, the students and the goonda elements started pelting stones on the police. They had to resort to lathi charge and tear gas attack. The compound of the mazar was apparently littered with stones, Look at the bestiality and irresponsibility of the people. Even a place like this could not be free of vandalism. (Source)
1971: Bangladesh Liberation War and the genocide of pro-freedom Muslims and Hindus of East Pakistan
The Bengali people in East Pakistan had long felt exploited and underrepresented by the Pakistani government, and for valid reason: despite a purportedly democratic election which the Bengali leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had clearly won, the new military President Yahya Khan refuse to surrender power. East Pakistanis are outraged and begin agitating non-violently for autonomy. West Pakistani forces try to put down the demonstrations in a brutal campaign to execute East Pakistan’s intellectuals, political leaders, and other civilians. Western Pakistan soldiers terrorize the East with methods including the rape of Bengali women and girls. Western Pakistan’s Army Chief Tikka Khan became known as “The Butcher of Bengal.”
But the western Pakistan militias are repulsed by an ad-hoc force made up of Bengali soldiers, paramilitary, and civilians, all backed militarily and economically by neighboring India. In an attempted end-around, the West Pakistani forces launch pre-emptive strikes into India, but are soundly defeated by the Indian Army. Pakistan’s surrender in December 1971 marked the birth of Bangladesh (the former East Pakistan).
Liberation War of Bangladesh: NBC News Footage
Text of the Instrument of Surrender, 16 December 1971
The Pakistan Eastern Military High Command agree to surrender all Pakistan Armed Forces in Bangla Desh to Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora— General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Indian and Bangla Desh Forces in the Eastern Pakistan. This surrender includes all Pakistan land, Air Force and Naval forces as also all paramilitary forces and civilian armed forces. These forces will lay down their arms and surrender at the places where they are currently located to the nearest regular troops under the command of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora.
The Pakistan Eastern High Command shall come under the orders of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora as soon as this instrument has been signed. Disobedience of orders will be regarded as a breach of the surrender terms and will be dealt with in accordance with the accepted laws and usages of war. The decision of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora will be final, should any doubt arise as to the meaning or interpretation of the surrender terms.
Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora gives a solemn assurance that personnel who surrender will be treated with dignity and respect that soldiers are entitled to in accordance with the provisions of the Geneva Conventions and guarantees the safety and well-being of all Pakistan military and paramilitary forces who surrender. Protection will be provided to foreign nationals, ethnic minorities and personnel of Pakistan origin by the forces under the command of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora.
Signed at Ramna Course in Dacca, East-Pakistan at 1701Hrs (6:01pm PST) on the Sixteenth day of December, 1971, by J.S. Aurora (India and Bangla Desh) and A.A.K. Niazi (Pakistan) on behalf of Republic of India and State of Pakistan, in the interests of succession of East Pakistan as Bangladesh, at war with Pakistan.
Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora
Supreme Commander of Indian Eastern Command and Bangla Desh Forces in the Eastern Theatre.
Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi
Unified Commander of Pakistan Eastern High Command
Vice-Admiral Mohammad Shariff
Commander of Pakistan Eastern Naval Command.
Vice Admiral R.N. Krishna
Commander, Eastern Navy Command
Air Vice Marshal Patrick D. Callaghan
Commander of Eastern Air Force Command, Pakistan Air Force
Lieutenant-General Jacob Farj Rafael Jacob
Chief of Staff, Indian Eastern Command
Note: Several pictures in this post have been cross-posted with thanks from the on-line collection of Dr Ghulam Nabi Kazi. Several paragraphs in this post have been contributed by a fellow editor. This post is a quick compilation of several articles taken from web to present a picture of a much larger, bigger and more real Pakistan than what was presented in NFP’s collection of happy times.
We cannot move forward until we reconcile with our past. For a progressive, pluralist and secular Pakistan, we cannot be selective of our history and genesis. By perpetuating a selective and concocted version of history, we are doomed to repeat our follies.
Thanks for publishing this. I somehow could not connect to most of what was published in NFP’s nostalgia of Pakistan. Perhaps it’s to do with my rural and lower middle class background.
Here are links to Mr. Paracha’s four column series (the fourth one was published three days ago):
Why does LUBP insist to create divisions in Pakistan by highlighting certain sects and small ethnic groups? This is RAW, CIA agenda.
This is a very unfair post. You can’t force Nadeem to write on topics of your choice. In a way LUBP is behaving as a liberal fascist blog.
LUBP is creating further divisions in liberal class. We are already in minority; don’t divide us further. Keep your ethnic and sectarian agendas to yourself please.
Long live Najam Sethi club. NFP has found his instant karma in the shape of the anti-establishment hero Najam Sethi and other similar liberal elites. Long live Marxist socialist class of five star hotels and restaurants.
In fact I think it is a balanced post. I did not see anything personal against NFP in this post.
On a related note, Nadeem has an elitist bias and an aversion to current massacres while digging into (selective) history.
This is historically inaccurate. Pakistan was not envisaged as a communal state, Jinnah was not evasive about his shia faith….similarly the repetitive lie about NWFP dismissal is addressed here http://dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2011%5C12%5C26%5Cstory_26-12-2011_pg3_4
Shahzad Aslam Shaikh’s comment: (from facebook)
Shahzad wrote: “The upper middle classes are also a part of Pakistani society and surely there is nothing wrong in a portrayal based more or less entirely on them. And while it is true that there still exists a class which continues its “social hedonism” (and why should it not) the space available to it has become rather restricted of late. A gentle reminder of those happier times (for some if not all) is hardly out of place. As for your casting aspersions on Jinnah – he was anything but communalist! He realized that this dead beat Indian Musalman could only be motivated by an appeal to his religious ideals and in that he was extremely successful. His evasiveness about his Shia beliefs is also understandable considering the narrow religious vision of the Musalmans, most of whom are Sunni and might not have so readily followed a leader belonging to a different sect. Jinnah was hardly a practicing Musalman anyway so that hardly made any difference.”
I don’t agree with the line taken by LUBP against the article by NFP. Nadeem was not presenting or claiming to present the entire history of Pakistan; he was only presenting the liberal past of a Pakistani society that is either no more or is fast dwindeling.
We all know about the violence of the partition, the anti Ahmedi riots of 1954 etc. However, that doesn’t take away the fact that Pakistan was actually much more liberal in the past than it is now.
LUBP . . . . i think so enough now . .
this behavior led you to so called genocide . . .
buses se utar utar kr khtm kr dia jata hai aisi soch rkhne walon ko . . . got it ! bch k zrra . .
What LUBP post has shown is that the 1953 Ahmadi massacre, 1963 Shia massacre and 1971 Bengali massacre did not happen in a vacuum. There was a consistent pattern of intolerance and violence which started with the Partition itself.
“Jinnah was not evasive about his shia faith”
The post reflects the hatered of its author to wards the founder of Pakistan. LUBP stands for disintegration of Pakistan,how can you build a nation by creating division on sectarian basis.
Wonderful, simply a wonderful article. A piece of art! Well done Abdul the Great!!!!!
I don’t know why a real intellectual and PTI and Jinnah supporter @TheRealYLH is bothering to engage with these “ethnofascist storm troopers” of PPP and ANP. This blog is out to destroy the last bastion of liberals like Ejaz Haider, Hamid Mir, Najam Sethi, Ansar Abbasi, Beena Sarwar, Samad Khurram and committed activists of IJT and PTI. This post is all lies. Jinnah was a muslim and there is no sects in Islam.
LUBP, thanks for writing this. Daily we are losing our near and dear ones and if one is Ahmadi, Shia, Christain or Hindu in Pakistan, they are in very bad state. Jinnah sahib should be clear that he was a Shia. If the founder of the country ducked clear and direct questions about his own identity, no wonder the rest of us are so confused. If the founder of the country was evasive in saying that Pakistan will be secular, no wonder we are heading towards Mullah Omar ki khilafat.
The title of NFP’s column is “Also Pakistan” not “Pakistan”, so he has shown the Pakistan which was more Liberal and free than today 🙂
In 1986, not long after the inception of Saarc, Pakistan hosted a meeting of Saarc finance ministers in Islamabad. Azam Khan travelled by car from Lahore to attend a small dinner party for the delegation from Bangladesh at the residence of the then ambassador.
He was in an expansive and nostalgic mood. He recalled the 1953 anti-Ahmadiyya riots in Lahore and other areas of the Punjab. It had begun as a religio-political agitation. A motley group of extremists had demanded that the Ahmadiyyas be declared a religious minority, and that all Ahmadiyyas holding important positions in the government be removed from office. The main target was Foreign Minister Chaudhury Zafarullah Khan. There was the threat of “direct action” if the demands were not met.
Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin, a devout Muslim and a thorough gentleman, could not accede to the demands. He was, however, less than firm and decisive in addressing the admittedly difficult situation. In the month of March, when civil administration broke down in the face of widespread riots, killings, looting and arson in Lahore and other cities of the Punjab, martial law was proclaimed in the affected areas. Azam Khan, as the GOC of the 10th Division at Lahore, administered the martial law and quelled the riots with utmost rigour and efficacy.
A summary military court sentenced to death Maulana Maudoodi and Maulana Abdus Sattar Khan Niazi for their role in fomenting the disturbances. The sentences were subsequently commuted to life imprisonment, and eventually both were released. This was Pakistan’s first experience of martial law; it would last for over two months.
Azam Khan believed, as did many others, that the riots were a cynical ploy by a political cabal, which included Punjab Chief Minister Mian Daultana, to undermine and discredit Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin. Both Nazimuddin and Daultana would be ousted from office in the aftermath — and largely as a consequence — of the riots.
In the month of July, a two-member Court of Inquiry was constituted to inquire into the “Punjab Disturbances of 1953.” The Court comprised the chief justice of the Lahore High Court, M. Munir, as president and Justice M.R. Kayani, Puisne Judge, as member. The close to 400-page report of the Court exhaustively covered the issues, facts and train of events in respect of what happened. Their lordships concluded their report almost on a note of despair: “But if democracy means the subordination of law and order to political ends, then Allah knoweth best and we end the report.”
The Lahore riots of 1953 were a series of violent agitations against the Ahmadiyya movement in the city of Lahore, Pakistan, which were quelled by the Pakistan Army. Demonstrations began around February, and soon escalated into citywide incidents of murder, looting and arson against the Ahmadi community. The attacks were held to be incited by the Jamaat-e-Islami political party led by Abul Ala Maududi, a Sunni theologian and strong ideological critic of the movement. Unable to contain the increasingly widespread civil disorder, Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad handed over the administration of the city to the army under Lieutenant General Azam Khan and imposed martial law on March 6.
Marking the military’s first foray into civilian politics, the 70-day-long military deployment saw Lahore return to normalcy under Azam Khan’s coherent leadership. Purported agitators Maududi and then-Secretary General of the Awami Muslim League, Maulana Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi, were arrested and sentenced to death, but their sentences were subsequently commuted. The riots also brought hitherto unprecedented political consequences; Ghulam Muhammad first dismissed Mian Mumtaz Daultana from the post of Chief Minister of Punjab in March, before dismissing the entire federal cabinet of the country’s first Prime Minister, Khwaja Nazimuddin, on April 17 and swearing in Muhammad Ali Bogra.
Jan After the convention of All Pakistan Muslim League at Dhaka, anti-Ahmadiyya elements threatened to take direct action after 22nd Feb. 1953, if their demands (to declare Ahmadis as non-Muslim) were not met.
Feb 01 Burial of an Ahmadi was resisted by anti-Ahmadiyya elements in Sargodha.
Feb 23 Anti-Ahmadiyya riots break out in West Pakistan specially in Punjab Province.
Feb 27 Publication of daily Alfazal, published from Lahore, banned by Government for one year. The vacuum was filled by starting another periodical titled Farooq. First issue of Farooq was published on 4 March but after the second issue, it was forced to stop publishing on 11 March.
Mar 05 Master Manzoor Ahmed, a teacher was killed in Baghbanpura, Lahore.
Mar 06 Ahmadiyya Noor Mosque, Rawalpindi was attacked and set on fire by a mob.
… Press belonging to an Ahmadi was burnt.
… Many shops and houses belonging to Ahmadis and President of Jamaat Ahmadiyya, Rawalpindi were ransacked.
Mar 06 Countrywide riots including torture, murder attempts and arson started against Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, especially in Lahore.
Mar 08 Havaldar Abdul Ghafoor and another Ahmadi perfumer were killed in Lahore.
Mar 12 Additional Magistrate Jhang prohibits Supreme Head of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community from commenting on anti-Ahmadiyya riots and anti-Ahmadiyya movement.
Apr 01 Mirza Shareef Ahmad and Mirza Nasir Ahmad were arrested in Lahore during the ongoing riots. They were released on 28 May.
Superintendent of Police Jhang searched Qasre Khilafat and central offices of Sadar Anjuman Ahmadiyya, Rabwah.
Nazir Tableegh was arrested.
Some people (supporters of ISI, PTI, LeJ etc) are very upest by this post. Take care.
MUHAMMAD OMAR @UNBEAT
@CriticalPPP be ready to see the massacre of #LUBP !
MUHAMMAD OMAR @UNBEAT
and you know objectionable views (near masses) leads towards violence !
MUHAMMAD OMAR @UNBEAT
#LUBP Islam dushman , Pakistan dushman , Quaid e Azam Dushman
MUHAMMAD OMAR @UNBEAT
sir wait till some one buried alive NFP & LUBP words/ works ! @TarekFatah great article on the LUBP forum @AhsanMalik13 @munaeem
Two different views:
Tarek Fatah @TarekFatah
The undocumented history of early Pakistan exposed in this great article on the LUBP forum. http://criticalppp.com/archives/222082 @AhsanMalik13 @munaeem
This too is Pakistan! Roots of voilence and sectarianism
Yasser Latif Hamdani @theRealYLH
@beenasarwar @AnsarKhakwani jokers at LUBP are CLUELESS about history. Half of their entire post is based on strawman fallacies/distortions.
Zainab Imam @zainabimam
Fascinating rebuttal to NFP’s equally fascinating Also #Pakistan series. But Taqi Usmani is not a mentor of TTP or SSP:
Much needed post
Oh, boy, here we go again. Now the LUBP rabids are after NFP. Why are you guys so reactive? I mean, really. NFP’s writings have done more for secularism in Pakistan and Zardari’s PPP than you guys can ever will or can do!
Btw, if you go through NFP’s Also Pakistan series, he has covered the East Pakistan issue and the coming of Zia rather brilliantly. And suggesting that it is an upper-class perception is ridiculous. Did you actually go through the series?
The way you guys have lost friends I’d amazing. I am now convinced about what someone once told me: LUBP is a bloody ISI reckket.
Good day and riddance, former comrades. I’d have NFP over you guys any day.
Oh no, here we go again. Now you guys are after NFP. His writings have done more for secularism and democracy in Pakistan than you guys can ever will or can do.
Why are you so reactive? What a silly argument you have put forward. Did you even go through his Also Pakistan series in which he sensitively covers the East Pakistan issue and Zia’s take over? Did you even comprehend his overall thesis? Nope.
You guys have been losing friends fast. And I am now convinced about something I mostly used to reject: Many on Twitter think LUBP is actually an ISI front. I now believe that.
Well, good luck, good day and good riddance.
I did not see anything in this post to suggest that LUBP guys are after NFP. Stop behaving like Samad Khurram, Hamid Mir types.
Yawer, I am shocked to see your reactive response. Is that all you saw in this excellent post? I personally like NFP’s writings but agree with this post that his series on Pakistan was limiting and suffered from an errors of omission. Did you even bother reading this article.
Team LUBP: please keep writing such bold articles. It must be funny to be called an ISI racket when your entire material is the opposite. Hope the ISI arranges nice 5-Star events for you in nice hotels where you get to schmooze. Oh wait, that is only for “real liberals”
@anon . . .
its not fair . . . actually upset you are else never write or support this article . .
” Some people ” (supporters of ISI, PTI, LeJ etc) are very upset by this post. Take care.
you wrote some people and pasting only one person’s comments 😛
LUBP walas abhi tk ap ne btaya nahi AZAM KHAN AHMEDI ne kitne sunniyo ko goliyon ka nishana banaya ?
19000 ka to brra pta hai ap ko gin gin kr thakay nahi kya
Wonderful article as always from the guiding force of LUBP Mr Nishapuri. NFP can get biased in some of his write ups. Anyway, IMO some good old feedback never hurts!
As far as one comment here credits NFP for bringing more liberalism to Pakistan than Prez Zardari and PPP, I can only laugh at its childishness. PPP govt has introduced more legislation for women than probably no other previous govt or dictatorship, for that matter!
There’s no harm in criticism. Why would any one think NFP is being targeted. He is a hero in his own right.
A fishy post indeed, I can smell an anti-Islamic Republic agenda
Excellent – hard truth – must be told and re told – and must be told loudly
Actually Nadeem Paracha series was accurate. His series was titled this WAS Pakistan where as the series you post is more like this IS Pakistan.
All those pictures posted by NFP are bygone days of mostly urban Pakistan. While the pictures above the genocides of Shias and Ahmedis, the atrocities, the expulsion of Hindus and Sikhs is not history more like an event underway which began in 1947.
It is a good reminder of the ugly history. I agree with you in that while many people like Nadeem Paraccha say o everything was so great prior to the sixties but became terrible after Bhutto and Zia is an oversimplification.
I dis agree with you on the Shia identity issue. There is hardly any difference between Shia and Sunni (indian Pakistani) in AQEEDA.
While there maybe more differences between Sunni and Sunni ( Maliki Vs Hanafi).
You are making a big deal about Jinnah’s Shia identity, he was not very practicing anyway. Maulan Shabir Osmani was the perfect guy to do the funeral as he is respected by both Shia and Sunni Ulema.
This too is Pakistan
NISHTAR PARK KARCHI:
MAJLIS E HUSSAIN : SPEAKER ALLAMA RASHID TURABI
ATTENDEES OVERWHELMING MAJORITY SUNNI MUSLIMS.
Here are some pictures that show that Nadeem Paracha’s romanticized liberal Pakistan exists even today, although like before it is accessible to only elite liberals.
Lifestyle liberalism is an expensive commodity in Pakistan. Poor can’t afford it nor should they worry about it.
This post is just sour grapes by LUBP becos they were not invited to the Social Media Mela at Avari Towers.
Shabbir Usmani was the main mind behind the Objectives Resolution, which was the first fatal blow on secular and multicultural Pakistan.
He became a member of Muslim League only in 1944 just like Abu Sufyan to reap benefits in the new dominion.
He founded the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam in 1945 and served as JUI’s president until his death in 1949. JUI as you know is the parent party of Sipah-e-Sahaba. Haq Nawaz Jhangvi used to be provincial deputy president of JUI Punjab.
After the Partition of India, Usmani became a member of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, and spearheaded the Qarardad-i-Maqasid Objectives Resolution, which was passed by the constituent assembly on March 12, 1949. It may be added here that most non-Muslim members of the constituent assembly opposed the Objectives Resolution. Usmani was given the honor of inaugurating and flying the flag of Pakistan.
Usmani died at Baghdadul Jadid in Bahawalpur State on December 13, 1949, and was buried at Islamia College, Karachi. Had he been alive, you would have seen him taking a more active role against Ahmadis, Shias and Barelvis just like his sons and grandson. Taqi Usmani, his descendant, is the same person who wrote a book in condemnation of Maulana Maududi’s Khilafat o Mulukiat, and is known for his sympathies to Taliban and SSP.
Taqi Usmani’s brother Rafi Usmani is the same man who blames Blackwater for terrorism by LeJ-ASWJ http://criticalppp.com/archives/3969 and refused to condemn Shahbaz Bhatti’s murder. When the prime minister, Yousaf Raza Gilani, led a two-minute silence in parliament, three members of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam party remained seated. “I am afraid that this could be an American conspiracy to defame the government of Pakistan, Muslims and Islam,” Rafi Usmani, the grand mufti of Pakistan, told AP. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/mar/03/pakistan-christians-shahbaz-bhatti-assassination
Taqi Usmani is the board chairman of the Dow Jones Islamic Index (IMANX). Whatever his stockpicking abilities may be, they are dwarfed by his jihadist credentials. A key executive of Pakistan’s prominent Deobandi jihadist factory, the madrassa Darul Karoom Karachi (currently headed by his brother, Rafi Usmani), Taqi Usmani has openly advocated jihad by Muslims in the West, and just last month again publicly endorsed suicide bombing and the Taliban. http://article.nationalreview.com/?q=ZjBhMTM5MTlmN2YzNzE0MmFkOTg2OGYxNWM2MGNiNTQ=&w=MQ==
Taqi Usmani was a key member of a team of scholars which helped declare Ahmadis as non-Muslims by Pakistan’s National Assembly. During the presidency of General Zia ul Haq, he was instrumental in drafting laws pertaining to Hudood, Qisas, and Dayiat. He strongly opposed the Women’s Protection Bill.
Real liberals like Najam Sethi, Ejaz Haider, Nadeem Paracha, Hamid Mir, Beena Sarar, Mehr Bokhari are doing financially productive things. LUBP on the other hand is obsessed about Ahmadi-Shia-Baloch-Minority rights! Get a life LUBP and learn from real liberals.
Strange. NFP in his series also greatly touches upon folk music, leftist student movements, soft drinks, cinemas, Urdu films, cricket matches, habib Jalib, qawali … Etc., etc., etc..
How are or were these “elitist?”
I agree with Mr. Yawar. So you guys are entirely reactive. And what’s even more ironic I ca,e across this post when I saw some LUBP people advertising this post to ppl like Beena Sarwar and Ejaz Haider. LOL!
NFP’s series was a social history with a hit of politics thrown in. You misjudged it etirely. Sad.
By financially productive things you mean they have jobs. You should get one as well. It’s good for Pakistan’s economy.
Also, NFP speaks a lot about the hippies that use to come to Pakistan. Most of them stayed at run down cheap hotels. All these hotels were run by not very elitist Pakistanis. Seriously guys, there was a better way of getting attention. Your whole post smacked of reactionary finger wagging.
I do not know what do you want to present in this critical situation of Pakistan. And I also do not know where from are you educated. But educated from my best country “Pakistan” then you must deliver good past prospects of Pakistan. Because if you read American early 60 or 70 years history, may be American condition nearly same like the Pakistan. But there educated personalities DELIVER the positive behaviour rather then explain the negativity of their past Leaders. Please we get early education from, so its duty to deliver one s duty positively.
In Nadeem’s own words:
“I’ve been scouting newspaper libraries and personal photo collections belonging to the parents, aunts and uncles of friends and acquaintances for the last many years in an attempt to chronicle social and cultural shifts and trends in Pakistan before the years when Pakistan’s cultural and social evolution began to become ruddily ridiculous by a quasi-Orwellian ‘Islamist’ dictatorship – a flippant happening whose deafening echoes can still be heard and felt in the now much anguished and tormented Pakistan. There is very little memory left of a Pakistan that today almost seems like an alien planet compared to what it has been ever since the mid-1980s. Here, I will share with you some interesting photographs that I’ve managed to gather in the last couple of years of that alien country. A place that was also called Pakistan.”
Here he is suggesting a “shift from mid-1980s before Pakistan’s cultural and social evolution began to become ruddily ridiculous by a quasi-Orwellian ‘Islamist’ dictatorship”.
This shift had started right from 1947, and more than Islamist dictators it was manufactured and enabled by Pakistan’s very founders (Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan etc) and apparently secular dictators (Ayub Khan, Iskander Mirza etc).
Obviously Qawwalis and Sufi shrines do exist in Pakistan today and are still visited by millions of pilgrims and devotees. Nadeem is mourning the shrinking of liberal space for his parents, uncles, aunts and acquaintances.
“I saw some LUBP people advertising this post to ppl like Beena Sarwar and Ejaz Haider.”
Evidence? Who? Where?
jawad hassan @ideal_ben
why Founder of a communal state is evasive about his own communal identity http://criticalppp.com/archives/222082/comment-page-1#comment-264667
Ijaz Khan @ijazkhan
Breaking the Myth of Pakistan ever being a liberal state – This too was Pakistan – http://t.co/vAQ8nvLp
These johnnies of @CriticalPPP aka Let Us Bugger Pakistan (LUBP) represent the perfect nexus of faux activism, irrelevance and idiocy
Adnan Aamir Sarparah @AdnanSarparrah
Also Pakistan, A rare article based on reality from a disinformation blog LUBP http://t.co/vAQ8nvLp
“Punjabi Mohajir” elite? You guys make me laugh out loud. NFP is one of the most blatant critics of urban middle class and elitist Punjab and one of the most open sympathizer of Sindhi nationalism in mainstream media. What are you people talking about?
Have you guys ever visited any college in interior Sindh? NFP writings are read religiously by the students there. And he is also unique in the way that he is also popular with PSF and APMSO youth.
Elite, my ass.
I fail to understand from where it is conceived that this piece of write is in defiance of Nadeem F. Paracha’s take. On the contrary, this write up tells the unsolved question put forth in Paracha’s beautiful fact sheet. At least I can’t deny the hard work by Paracha. It has simply jolted the minds of the people by showing “that was then and this is now”. Whosoever has written this piece has just given explanation “why that was then and why this is now” which Mr. Paracha just left unanswered. This write up by no means belittles the masterpiece of Paracha, rather it explains the present situation that we are in up to our necks, was being cooked right from 1951 that gained momentum after 9/11.
In my humble opinion both the articles are just commendable and must be kept as two faces of historical coin. Pakistan has not become so overnight.
Ali Taj, Shia doctors killed in Pakistan because they were “practicing” shias or just practicing doctors who happened to be Shias. What you mean “practicing”? Thousands of Shias killed in Pakistan becos they practicing? Also Jinnah sahib should gave straight forward answer to direct question; why he ashamed of his Shia identity. How come he choose Shia Qabristan for his wife in Mumbai. No wonder rest of country so confused about their identity
Did you even read the post. LUBP simply pointed out omissions in Nadeem’s article. The same post even praises NFP. I don’t get the job dig by Sharmeen and you. Does LUBP get money like other NGOs/think tanks/consulates/journalists or does it do this work gratis.
Pointing out the ommission of history and critisizing a simplistic narrative might be “finger wagging” to you but not to those who have suffered. Where were all these Marxists/MQM activists when Ahmadis were being apostasized. It is shameful to see how even Faiz sahib kept quite. I used to think LUBP was over the top but the more I see the insecure reaction to bold posts published at LUBP and the more I investigate their arguements, I think they have a point. They have exposed the activists-for-hire who canvass for safe causes but talk utter rubbish when it comes to real issues of life and death.
And another thing Rohail,
No one is above criticism. Not Zardari, not Chaudhary and certainly not NFP. I also like his articles but that does not mean that everything he says is the gospel truth. If this is how you people react to well researched critiques, then you all are a very insecure bunch of people.
@Javed Kamal Sahib
NFP is good. But don’t make him holy!
His support for MQM and Altafism is hugely liked by Sindhi speaking folks in Nawabshah and Shikarpur.
Particularly his recent praise for Peer Altaf (whose inspiration of drill machines, bori coffins, bhatta came for Sufi traditions of Ibn Taymiyya and Sayyid Qutb) was hugely liked by Sindhi nationalists.
“It can be explained as a consensus reached between the modernist, pro-business and secular aspirations of the party’s new leadership and the hyper populism of the old guard that still roots its rhetoric in the horrid memory of the bloodshed witnessed during the state’s operations against the party and in imagery entrenched in the idiom of martyrdom found in the tales of defiance in Sufi folklore.”
Ram Jethmalani narrating story of post-partition sindh
Upon NFP work i would say, his work clearly shows that Pakistani state its avoided to patronize the religious extremism. till the time of Zia though nation was religiously arrogant but state of neutral player to a significant level.
Declaring Jinnah as communal leader is totally wrong because the communal-ism in India started with shuddi, sanghatan and arya samaj movements. the main purpose of such movements was to purify India from ISlam.
Jinnah were never a religous person but he just proved to be true advocate of muslim cause. he was a political leader rather a religious ideologue. he advocated the wishes of the then muslims. thats all.
Yea Jinnah did wrong on the issue of Bangali language. to some extent Jinnah’s dictatorial actions against provincial govts are also questional but one should also have the then scenario in mind. For example state then was having principalities, provincial governments were not as such committed to pakistan. It were though tough actions but such actions were under compulsions.
NP. India did same with regard to principalities . Indian control on Kashmir, Junagarh and hyderabad was also by military use.
meaning thereby it was a time when both states were trying to have central control on all provincial territories . it was under fear of secession
rest of the work after Partition regarding military’s wrong actions, atrocities agianst Shia and Ahmadiaya etc are totally accepted.
A marvellous collection
First time commenting on LUBP. So glad you made this post. NFP’s series were terribly narrowed, one side. Thanks again, LUBP.
Without doubt Pakistanis live in a fools paradise and selectively focusing on their history. There is a need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission across all of Pakistan. On 65th Anniversary of Pakistan, there can not be a greater gift
This is amazing. And I mean it when I say it’s amazing. You, LUBP, have always been amazing no matter what your critics say, rightly or wrongly 😉
@Mehreen, I don’t know what u have heard but here at LUBP, it is about the discourse, not the person. I know some of the LUBP Team and they are passionate but welcome constructive criticism. Please feel free to comment and if u want to write something for them, go ahead. I agree with ur observation on NFP’s recent series. I really used to like his writing but he seems to have lost some originality of late.
I am a keen observer of Pakistan and Islam. I am realizing that most Pakistanis are now accepting the fact that something is wrong with Pakistan and its ways and are trying hard to find the reason. Few of them are even moving further and seeing something very wrong with Islamic World as a whole.
Pakistanis need to answer one question very honestly:
We Indians and Pakistanis are basically same people in almost every sense except religion. India has many inherent problems it has more diversity, poverty, social imbalances, langauges, religions, etc.. Now how come India managed to get its act together whereas Pakistan could not. The real question to be answered is : HAS IT SOMETHING TO DO WITH ISLAM? IS ISLAM THE REAL PROBLEM? Unless this question is not answered honestly and courageously – no solutions will be found – everyone will keep beating around the bush. Nonetheless – I wish you all the best in your endeavors. I would be happy to answer your doubts, if you have any. Regards,
First of all, let me compliment you guys for caring. I had given up on that. There may still be hope.
I do not see your post as a response to that of NFP. I actually see it as an addition. I am happy for both because in the end we are filling in the gaps in the history books.
Thanks for your effort.
Welcome to this forum. Although, your “question” is not pertinent to this thread, nonetheless, thanks you asked this question. I know from where you are coming from. You want to prove that there is something wrong with the religion Islam, and very politely, you have challenged you are ready to dig into arguments. Had there been anything wrong with Islam, it would not have blossomed from Mecca city and spread throughout the world. It is very wrong concept that Islam was “enforced” by sword or coercion. If that would have been so, where are now the Mongols, where is nation of Genghis Khan and Hilaku Khan. They are nowhere, but Islam is here with all its glory. What is in Islam, what the Koran says, is not being followed. Its not Islam’s fault, it is certainly our fault that we are not following the principles of Islam. Hinduism is older than Islam, besides India, just how many more countries have adopted this religion. It is high time, we should forget about good religion and bad religion. What we are discussing is injustice, oppression, tyranny. Islam has nothing to do if we keep our name muslim and do the acts of Rasputin or Hitler. We are the victims of “what goes around, comes around”.
Some other time dear friend. Please google “Not the whole truth Mr. Huntington”. First is me. May be you could remove some misconceptions of yours about Islam. Regards.
This is a great post after a really long time. Well done.
Amazing. First of all, welcome Ms. Mehreen Kasana. Bold of you to comment on an epic display of feature writing (Also Pakistan) and this. I was expecting your usual doodling. You still doodle, don’t you? Very impressive. Doodling is epic too. Especially when done by .. errm .. feminists like you. You are a feminist, no? Doodling feminist.
Well, first of all congrats to LUBP for such an interesting post. But friends, this piece has NOTHING to do with NFP’s series, really. His was not a political feature but a look at certain aspects of Pakistan’s old urban culture. After all, it is the urban middle classes in this country that have been displaying and deciding morality for us, aren’t they.
I agree with someone here who said this post can be seen as an addition to NFP’s series. It is certainly NOT a rebuttal. Wrong word, my friend.
So, Ms. Kasana, where were we? Yes, of course, doodling …