Do not ignore the distinction between Deobandi jihadis and Salafi (wahhabi) jihadis in Pakistan

Many international and national analysts, scholars and journalist usually do not take into account some important distinctions between various jihadi and sectarian groups operating in Pakistan.

In his op-ed (in daily Express, 7 June 2010), Muhammad Amir Hashim Khakwani points towards some important distinctions between the deobandi jihadis (Taliban) and the salafi (wahabi) jihadis (Lashker-e-Taiba) operating in Pakistan.

Overall, it seems that:

1. The Salafi or Wahabi (Ahl-e-Hadith) jihadis of Lashker-e-Taiba (also camouflaged as Jamaat-ud-Dawa) are completely under the ISI’s control. In the current jihadi landscape, they are not involved in any act of terror against Pakistan Army or within the state of Pakistan.

2.  The Deobandi jihadis of Taliban (most if not all of them) are no longer controlled by the ISI. Because of their ideological affiliation with the Afghan Taliban (of Mullah Omar), they have taken a much tougher and violent stance against the state of Pakistan and its armed forces, and are involved in most acts of terror within the country.

3.  The Punjabi Taliban (dominated by terrorists of Sipah-e-Sahaba aka Lashkar-e-Jhangavi – a sectarian deobandi organisation) are now ideological leaders and mentors of the Taliban militants in Pakistan (known as Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP)).

4. Taliban in general and the Punjabi Taliban (Sipah-e-Sahaba) in particular are currently very much annoyed with Hafiz Muhammad Saeed and his Lashkar-e-Taiba because of the latter’s persistence in tightly following the ISI’s commandments. Therefore, Hafiz Saeed’s life is currently under threat from the deobandi terrorists of Punjabi Taliban / Sipah-e-Sahaba. Here the ideological differences between Deobandis and Salafis seem to further compound their political differences in the current jihadi landscape in Pakistan.

5. Extremist Deobandis (TTP, Sipah-e-Sahab) consider it legitimate to attack all those Deobandis who are opposed to the TTP’s violent anti-military establishment agenda and tactics. Attacks on Maulana Hassan Jan shaheed (a Deobandi scholar from Peshawar) and Maulana Fazlur Rehman (a pro-military establishment religio-political leader) are an example of this phenomenon.

Given that this important perspective is often ignored in national and international press, we are cross-posting Khakwani’s article (in Urdu) on this topic.

Related articles:

ریاض سہیل – بریلوی دیوبندی تاریخ اور اختلافات

Evidence of extremist Deobandi literature brainwashing suicide bombers of Taliban and Sipah-e-Sahaba – by Farhan Q

Hijacking a faith: How an extremist Deobandi ideology rules the Barelvi majority? – by Fawad Manzoor

Deoband and Terrorism

Sectarian terrorism in Pakistan during 2009 – By B. Raman

In defense of our Salafi (Ahl-e-Hadith) brothers and sisters

Deobandi terrorists of Sipah-e-Sahaba rule the country while Pakistani leaders look the other way – by B. Raman

Finally, the Deobandi awakening against Taliban terrorists?

A tribute to Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi: The most impressive representative of Deobandi Islam

ICG Report: ‘Radical Deobandi groups source of Pakistan terror’

Shame on you Maulana Tariq Jamil and other Tablighi Jamaat Mullahs; You will never condemn suicide attacks by terrorists coz you provide footsoldiers

Extremist Deobandis’ war on people’s Islam — by Yasser Latif Hamdani

Why are some Pakistanis in a state of denial about the Taliban and Sipah-e-Sahaba? The LUBP Denial Archive

Kafir kafir Shia kafir, jo na manay wo bhi kafir – by Zalaan

Just who is not a kafir? – by Amir Mir

Thank you, Allama Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri

A brief history of extremism in Pakistan – by Hassan Amin

70 responses to “Do not ignore the distinction between Deobandi jihadis and Salafi (wahhabi) jihadis in Pakistan”

  1. I dont agree the way they are classified, there should be official and unofficial Jihadis. Irrespective of their religious sect. Masood Azhar, Fazlur Rehman Khalil, Abdullah Shah Mazhar etc are also Deobandis, but the strickly follow the establishment line, even M Ishaq also is among those said above. As when GHQ was attacked and a senior military officer was made hostage by the Dr. Osman, it was F Khalil, A Rauf, Masood Azhar bro and M Ishaq who were brought to negotiate with Dr. Osman and it is said that they demanded M Ishaq release but he refused to get release on the price of Pak Army officers.(Amir Mir).
    Taliban type outfits are the neo kharhjites, who are inclined to the salafi ideology of Al Qaeda, and what Taliban are doing here has been practiced by the Al Qaeda affiliants Algire militants, as they are involved in mass killings and beheading of the rural peoples e.g farmers etc for the last decade.

  2. One must keep in mind that the real brain behind this perversion i.e. Lashkar-e-Tayyaba or Jamatut Dawah were Zafar Iqbal and Professor Hafiz Mohammad Saeed were actually in Jamat-e-Islami in the beginning.

  3. @Aamir Mughal
    ہر طرف جماعت اسلامی – نفاق اور فساد کی جڑ جماعت اسلامی

    لشکر طیبہ کے پیچھے بھی جماعت اسلامی

    قیس تصویر کے پردے میں بھی عریاں نکلا

  4. On a not very unrelated note, what is the Lashkar–e-Taiba / Jamaat-ud-Dawa cooking in Hunza?

    Jamat Dawa active in Hunza – Nagar despite of being a banned organization
    Posted on June 7, 2010 by Pamir Times
    PT Report

    Gilgit, June 7: The banned religious organization, Jamat Dawa, is actively working in Hunza despite of being on the list of officially banned organizations.

    Public circles have demanded action against the organization.

    “Writ of the government is not visible anywhere”, said a social activist who did not want to be named. “Hunza has been flooded by religious and political organizations but the local administration is not taking any action against the banned organizations”, he said.

    It is pertinent to note that UN Security Council had banned Jamat Dawa for his alleged connections with Al – Qaeeda and Taliban.

    Jamat Dawa has transported dry food relief for 200 families of Hunza – Nagar recently.

  5. I agree with Ali Arqam. the only way this dichotomy makes sense is that jihadis allied with GHQ are good and those fighting GHQ are bad. Now this author is trying to base this on theological difference – so how does he explain Lashkar-e-Taiba’s acts of violence committed in Mumbai, Kashmir and Afghanistan? I agree of course that deobandi != salafi, but this article is not making a correct distinction.

  6. @Ali Arqam Durrani Your comments are thought provoking.

    If the Salafi ideology is to be blamed, then why do we see minimal role of the Lashkar-e-Taiba / Jamaat-ud-Dawa in acts of terrorism and violence within Pakistan?

    Is it a mere coincidence that the dominant majority of Taliban subscribe to the Deobandi ideology, not the Salafi ideology?

    The point I want to make is to place the blame where it duly belongs. At least in recent years, there is only one major source of terrorism in Pakistan, i.e., Taliban not Lashkar-e-Taiba.

    Sometimes I think our Ahl-e-Hadith (Salafi) friends are a convenient scapegoat for all the mess which the Taliban, ISI , CIA and Saudi Arabia have created in Pakistan and the wider region.

  7. @Abdul_Nishapuri: you are making an ideological distinction where the issue is simply friendship with GHQ.

    If what you were saying was true, then ahl-e-hadith groups like lashkar-e-taiba would not openly engage in jihad in india, e.g. Mumbai attacks (after all violence in another country can hardly be classified as “morally better” as this author is trying to do). And why do we have a deobandi group like the Afghan Taliban of mullah omar restraining itself from launching attacks into Pakistan?

  8. @Rabia Let’s try to simplify this for the ease of understanding:

    The following are two forceful (and therefore relevant) jihadi organisations in Pakistan.

    1. TTP and affiliates;
    2. LeT and affiliates.

    While the former has taken a violent course against the state of Pakistan, the latter is tightly following the state (ISI’s) line.

    Dig a bit further; and the ideological differences between the two (TTP and LeT) might not appear to be much irrelevant.

    I am trying to visualize the whole situation from a different angle.

    Yes, Khakwani’s article has some holes too, which I could not find energy to touch upon in the above post.

  9. @Rabia The ideological distinction may be traced in the way they define jihad. For LeT / JuD, jihad will be defined and declared by the state (embodied in the ISI); for Taliban, the state of Pakistan has lost its relevance and authority because of a number of reasons.

    You stated: “And why do we have a deobandi group like the Afghan Taliban of mullah omar restraining itself from launching attacks into Pakistan?”

    I do not see much distinction between the TTP and the Afghan Taliban. Both parties are ideologically and logistically connected; their political and diplomatic manoeuvres notwithstanding.

  10. If LeT/JuD is an ISI controlled group, as everyone believes, then we have to face the reality that Mumbai attacks were officially sanctioned. To me that is more troubling than a few journalists not knowing the difference between sarkaari and loose cannon jihadis.

  11. Abdul Nishapuri : Sometimes I think our Ahl-e-Hadith (Salafi) friends are a convenient scapegoat for all the mess which the Taliban, ISI , CIA and Saudi Arabia have created in Pakistan and the wider region.

    Salafis-Wahabis-Ahl-e-Hadith cannot be absolved themselves from the present mess though they are not as much involved in these Sectarian Killings and their Ideology prefer to restrict themselves to writing books on Bida’at and related Issues and they differ with everybody even they don’t like Deobandi what to talk of Barelvis and Shias.

    Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Qatar must share the blame that they are behind this Lashkar Tayyaba and Dawah but Saudis and other Salafi Sheikhs think that we are some kind of Chootiya sitting around in Pakistan because during Pan Arabism of Jamal Nasir, these Saudi Muttawwas used to support Qutub, Bannah and Ikhwani Bandits [Jamat-e-Islami of Arab Countries] rather overwhelming Majority of Scholar in Saudi before the siege of Makkah in 1979 were of Islamic Brotherhood even Jeddah has an street named after that “Dajjal – Mawdudi”.

    Very conveniently Saudis, Qataris and Kuwaitis distanced themselves from Pakistani Ahle Hadiths after 911 and started issuing Fatwa “to Follow the Command of Rulers” and don’t indulge in any kind of Individual Jihad.

    Hypocrites to the core. Saudi Mutawwas particularly the King Fahad, Princ Turki Al Faisal must share the responsibility for the mess in the streets of Pakistan by providing Lashkar Tayyaba and Dawah much needed Riyals for Saudi Agenda. The same Fahad and Truki used to support Saddam [Fahad even gifted Solid Gold Kalashnikov to Saddam] during Iran Iraq War and when Saddam turned towards Kuwait these Mutawwas issued Fatwa against Saddam “that he is Baathist Socialist hence Deviant [Read Kafir]” by the way Saddam had 25 Shias in his Cabinet.

  12. @Abdul Nishapuri
    In reality, Salafi vs. Deobandi is not the way to visualize the split in the jihadi circles in Pakistan.

    The better way to visualize is to think of “tightly controlled”, “less tightly controlled” and “totally out of control” jihadis.

    In the tightly controlled, you have the LeT/JuD as well as the groups like Maulvi Nazir of S.Waziristan and the Haqqani faction of Miranshah. These guys depend on the ISI for everything and cannot defy the “mother ship”. They are almost an extension of the army.

    In the “less tightly controlled” you have Jaish-e-Mohammad, Harkatul Mujahideen, Harkatul jihad-e-Islami, Sipah-e-Sahaba where the leaders like Qari Saifullah, Masood Azhar etc. are loyal to the ISI but some factions are acting on their own. With these guys, every time some one goes off the reservation, ISI will always blame “factions” and the leaders like Qari Saif will assure the masters that they will be more careful “next time”

    Finally, you have the “out of control” groups like the hardcore TTP, Ilyas Kashmiri, LJ etc. who simply cannot be convinced to stop. If the mother ship pushes too hard, they tend to accuse their mentors as munafiq and do not hesitate to bite the hand that feeds. They are also closely tied with the Arab Al Qaeda types and are therefore most dangerous both in terms of attacking Pakistanis as well as being involved in overseas plots.

    The problem is that these groups often have same people passing through and do not mind supporting one another. For example, even if Masood Azhar orders Jaish leaders to be careful, some “commanders” might help out TTP or LJ or even Arab fighters.

  13. @Jameel I agree. Your description and classification of the jihadi groups in Pakistan appears to be logical and convincing.

    On an related (ideological) note, can you think of a notable Salafi jihadi group which is working against the interest of its masters (in the ISI)?

  14. Abdul Nishapuri : Sometimes I think our Ahl-e-Hadith (Salafi) friends are a convenient scapegoat for all the mess which the Taliban, ISI , CIA and Saudi Arabia have created in Pakistan and the wider region.

    Give liberty to a Wahabi for Expose’


    Those who talk of Following “Correct Saudi Islam” and also talk of Jihad in Indian Kashmir and Pakistani Flag on Red Fort Dehli should first do some Homework within Pakistan by “ENFORCING FOLLOWING AND SEE WHAT HAPPENS”

    To proceed.

    Look around Jannatul Baqeeh in Medina and Jannatul Moalla in Makkah and you will not found single Shrine or Plasters grave [Aal-e-Saud followed the command of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH)] and bulldozed every single shrine and plastered grave. Prophet Mohammad [PBUH] had done the same when Makkah was conquered [Reference: Bukhari]

    If one talks of Saudi Arabia [Ahl-e-Hadith] then follow and start doing what was done as mentioned in Hadith and as followed by Aal-e-Saud and take a start from Jinnah’s Shrine then Data Darbar then Abdullah Shah Ghazi, then Lal Shahbaz, then Shah Latif and then common graveyard. See what happens after that.

    For Sufi Muslims in Pakistan [CJ SC and CJ LHC often listen to Sufi Music] and those who go to Shrines [more than 60% Pakistanis are constant Visitors]

    Read the book Kitab Al Tawheed by Sheikh Mohammad Bin Abd Al Wahab, Majmoa Al Fatawa by Ibn Taiymiya, and countless others where these “Ahl-e-Hadiths” [who follow the interpretation of Ibn Al Wahab and Ibn Taiymiya] declare that “Sufiism” is the most abhorrent Bida’at [Innovation] in Islam. These Ahl-e-Hadith have taken one more step that they also declare that “Shaykh al-Akbar Muhiyiddin Ibn al-‘Arabi [Inventor of Pantheism and Whadatul Wajood and Great Sufi Master] was a Kaafir [of course you have already excluded deobandis and barelvis for debate because both of these group Follow Ibn Arabi the Sufi particularly the Ashraf Ali Thanwi the Deobandi]

    Mansoor Al Hallaj is praised as a Saint by Barelvis and most of the Deobandis but since Salafis talked of Saudi Islam then it is mentioned here that they consider Hallaj and his teachings and his books “Tawaseen” full of Disbelief and consider Hallaj a “Kaafir” since Salafis were very worried about Pakistani’s faith then please clear some doubt here “what about those Muslims who consider an Apostate (Hallaj) a Muslim [Read Barelvi and Deobandi Scholar]. – Saudi Islam also “BANNED” Deobandi Book [syllabus of Raiwind] i.e. Fazail-e-Aamal – There are more than 30 Fatwas against that Books regarding Disbelief, Polytheism, and Concocted Hadith in the same.

  15. Do not ignore the distinction between Deobandi jihadis and Salafi (wahhabi) jihadis in Pakistan= Pure and simple definition for both “Ghundas, Lofars, Mobsters, Gangsters, Eman Farosh Bhayriya, Mozi, Khun Asham, Mercenaries. They are the insult upon the Holiest Worship of Allah i.e. Jihad.

  16. @abdul,
    maybe you can explain the motivation behind making this distinction between salafis and deobandis. Is it just for academic reasons or do you have an argument that the salafis are somehow less to blame or should be treated as our “friends”? If so, how would you explain that argument? Hafiz Saeed has argued that Jihad is an individual duty. Can you cite some source which states that he is against jihad against the Pakistani state on theological rather than practical reason? And even if that’s the case, given his stance on jihad in India and Kashmir, can you say that he is any better than TTP or any other group? Also, to Jameel’s point, if we accept that LeT is better because it only fights jihad as declared by the state, then are we to assume that Pakistan is at war with India?

  17. May be this distinction netween the taliban is being made to safe one for some other time to use against as state is not convinced to abandon the idea of militancy fully if it serves its agenda or international agenda which may come after some years, who knows.

  18. @Abdul

    Touche. There is no Salafi group in Pakistan that is out of ISI control. However, my categorization still holds.

    If you think about it, there are good reasons for the total dependence on state by LeT/JuD. Ahle Hadees followers may at best number 1% of our population. There is simply no natural popular base for the Salafis.

    In contrast, Deobandis are huge in Pakistan. In fact, they have been among us, in our extended families and social circles from the 1800s. They have madaris, political parties (JuI), charities and masjids everywhere. They collect ‘qurbaani kay khaal’ and donations all over.

    The Deobandi jihadis do not NEED the ISI. That is why some of them feel bold enough to take on their former masters.

  19. 90 Percent of Madaris Students are Mentally Taliban ,They need just one “Chingari ” .

    There are Talibans in Sind and Punjab backed by ISI and Arabs .This issue can be solved in few days all the government has to do is to stop the funding from where they are being fed and this is not the rocket science ,In last 10 years there have been huge funding in Madaris of Karachi ,Sind and Punjab .The expenses of each madersa in thousands per day and simply they are not sunning just by local “Chanda ”
    If our intelligence agency ,police and Government is capable to find out the source of money there would be no issue of Talibanization in Sindh and Punjab .

    Jamia Ashraful Madaris ,Darul uloom Karachi ,Jamaia Rashidia of Karachi and other Madaris are funded billions of rupees from “Unknown sources ” The students who gets admission has intention that one day they would be in power like Taliban .

    Taliban newspapers ,Magazines and booklets are being published in major cities and can be found After Jumma Prayers and our government is sleeping .

    The Taliban “Charity organizations ” Like Al rehmat trust ,Al mazher trust ,Al Rasheed Trust and others are operating in Pakistan if government impose ban on them they can easily change the names .

    This shows the lack of governance and poor law and order in the country

  20. Rabia : @Aamir Mughal
    well said

    Dear Ms. Rabia,

    Let me be blunt and allow me to say that since the first day of arrival of First Oil Rich Pedophile/Pederast Arab Rascal Sheikh in Pakistan our Rulers from General Ayub to Zardari [Bhutto is included] played the Role of Pimps and Paddlers for them e.g. Wild Hunting Parties [with every kind of vice] in the most poor areas of Pakistan i.e. South Punjab – The Seraiki Belt – or you may say the HQ of Punjabi Taliban. They way these Rascals Treat Working Class [Educated Middle Class] from Pakistan, India and Bangladesh could only be called worst kind of slavery and cruelty because from Airport to Work Place these Arabs [from Executive to Citizen] insult them and violate every Law given in the book particularly the Labour Laws. And these very Arabs are Financing the Khawarijs in Pakistan, let me show all of you their real face:

    Open letter to Bush from an Arab girl/Open letter to Arab Sheikhs from a Pakistani Man – 2

    Open letter to Bush from an Arab girl/Open letter to Arab Sheikhs from a Pakistani Man – 3

    Open letter to Bush from an Arab girl/Open letter to Arab Sheikhs from a Pakistani Man – 4

    Open letter to Bush from an Arab girl/Open letter to Arab Sheikhs from a Pakistani Man – 5

    Open letter to Bush from an Arab girl/Open letter to Arab Sheikhs from a Pakistani Man – 6

    Open letter to Bush from an Arab girl/Open letter to Arab Sheikhs from a Pakistani Man – 7

  21. These Wahabbi/Deobandi terrorists bring a bad name to Islam; they should be ousted from Pakistan to their respective countries that is Wahabbis to Saudi Arabia and Deobandis to India. We want Pakistan to be free from the terror-minded asses who make a big fuss in the name of the peaceful religion ‘Islam’ and transmits the signal to the world that Pakistan is a terrorist nation, the real Muslims of Pakistan are busy offering five-time prayers in the mosques and don’t involve themselves in any kind of political activities let alone ‘terror-activities’. Gen. Zia is responsible for all of this Wahabbi/Deobandi crap that we are going through today.

  22. Real Face of Hafiz Saeed’s sponsors i.e. Saudi Arabia!!!

    سعودی عرب: شادی کا نیا نکاح نامہ
    آخری وقت اشاعت: جمعرات 3 جون 2010 , 07:28 GMT 12:28 PST

    سعودی عرب میں حکام نے عمر رسیدہ مردوں کی کم عمر لڑکیوں سے شادیوں کی روک تھام کے لیے نئے نکاح نامے جاری کرنا شروع کر دیے ہیں۔

    نئے نکاح نامے میں دلہن کی عمر کے بارے میں بتانا لازمی ہو گا۔

    سعودی عرب کے ایک مقامی اخبار نے ایک اہلکار کے حوالے سے بتایا ہے کہ ’عمر رسیدہ مردوں کے نو عمر لڑکیوں سے شادی کرنے کے حالیہ واقعات کے بعد وزارتِ انصاف نے لڑکیوں کی عمر طے کرنے کے لیے سنجیدہ اقدامات شروع کیے ہیں‘۔

    خیال رہے کہ سعودی عرب میں عمر رسیدہ لوگوں کی کم عمر لڑکیوں سے شادی کے متعدد واقعات سامنے آنے کے بعد حکام نے اس ضمن میں نئے اقدامات اٹھانے کا وعدہ کیا تھا۔

    انسانی حقوق کی تنظیموں نے سعودی حکام نے اقدامات کو سراہتے ہوئے کہا ہے کہ کم عمر لڑکیوں کو نقصان نہ پہنچنے کے حوالے سے واضح اقدامات کی ضرورت تھی۔ انسانی حقوق کی قومی سوسائٹی نے نئے اقدامات کا خیر مقدم کیا ہے۔ سوسائٹی کے چیئرمین کا کہنا ہے کہ ’ گزشتہ تین سال سے کم عمر لڑکیوں سے شادی کے زیادہ واقعات سامنے آ رہے ہیں‘۔

    سعودی عرب میں بچوں سے شادی کے حوالے سے قوانین موجود نہیں ہیں۔

    رواں سال فروری میں ایک لڑکی نے جب خلع لیے کیس دائر کیا تھا تو اسے اپنے اسی سالہ شوہر کے ساتھ شادی قائم رکھنے کا کہنا گیا تھا۔ شادی سے چند ماہ پہلے لڑکی کے والد کو جہیز کے طور پر بائیس ہزار چھ سو ڈالر ادا کیے گئے تھے۔

    اس سے پہلے دو ہزار آٹھ میں ایک آٹھ سالہ لڑکی کا پچاس سالہ شخص سے شادی کا کیس اس وقت سامنے آیا تھا جب لڑکی کی ماں نے شادی ختم کرانے کی کوشش کی تھی۔

    کم عمر شادیوں کو جائزہ قرار دینے والوں کا کہنا ہے کہ یہ سعودی ثقافت کا حصہ ہیں

    سعودی عرب میں کم عمر شادیاں

    کم عمری میں شادیوں کی بڑی وجہ غربت ہے
    آخری وقت اشاعت: Wednesday, 15 April, 2009, 12:29 GMT 17:29 PST

    سعودی عرب میں ایک ساٹھ سالہ مرد کی آٹھ سالہ لڑکی کے ساتھ شادی کے بارے میں تنازعہ سامنے آنے کے بعد حکومت نے کہا ہے کہ وہ کم عمری میں لڑکیوں کی شادیوں کے بارے میں قواعد وضوابط بنائے گی۔

    سعودی عرب کے شہر اونیزہ میں عدالت نے مشروط طور پر ساٹھ سالہ شخص کی آٹھ سالہ لڑکی سے شادی کو جائز قرار دے دیا ہے۔ عدالت نے اپنے فیصلے میں کہا ہے کہ جب تک وہ بچی بلوغت کی عمر کو نہیں پہنچتی اس کا شوہر اس سے جنسی رابط نہیں کر ے گا۔

    سعودی عرب کے وزیر انصاف محمد عیسٰی نے کہا ہے کہ ان کی وزارت بچیوں کے والدین کی طرف سے ان کی کم عمری میں شادیاں کرنے کے رجحان کو روکنے کے لیے اقدام کرنے کے بارے میں غور کر رہی ہے۔

    تاہم انہوں نے یہ نہیں کہا کہ کم عمری کی شادیوں کو مکمل طور پر ختم کر دیا جائے گا۔

    انسانی حقوق کی تنظیموں کا کہنا ہے کہ کم عمری کی شادیاں اور خاص طور پر عمر رسیدہ لوگوں کی کم عمری لڑکیوں سے شادیوں کی بڑی وجہ غربت ہے۔

    سعودی عرب میں سنی فرقہ کے شرعی قوانین نافذ ہیں جن کے تحت غیر مرد اور خواتین کے درمیان کس قسم کے تعلقات کی معمانیت ہے اور لڑکی کے والد کو اس کی اپنی مرضی سے شادیاں کرنے کا پورا اختیار حاصل ہے۔

    اونیزہ میں آٹھ سالہ لڑکی کی شادی کا مقدمہ لڑکی کی والدہ عدالت میں لائیں تھیں اور انہوں نے عدالت سے استدعا کی تھی کہ اس شادی کو ختم کیا جائے۔

    عدالت نے کہا کہ انہوں نے اس ساٹھ سالہ مرد کو اس بات پر راضی کرنے کی کوشش کی کہ وہ لڑکی کو طلاق دے دے لیکن وہ اس پر تیار نہیں ہوا۔

    وہ لڑکی نکاح کے بعد بھی اپنے والدین کے ساتھ رہ رہی ہے اور جب تک وہ بالغ نہیں ہو جاتی اسے اس کے شوہر کے گھر نہیں بھیجا جائے گا۔

    عدالت کے مطابق یہ لڑکی بالغ ہونے کے بعد خلع کے لیے درخواست دے سکتی ہے۔

    مقامی اخبارات کے مطابق یہ شادی معاشرے میں پائے جانے والی روایت کی عکاسی کرتی ہے کہ کس طرح سعودی عرب میں لوگ اپنی لڑکیوں کو بیچ دیتی ہیں۔

    نامہ نگاروں کے مطابق لڑکی کے باپ نے ساٹھ سالہ مرد سے پیسے لے کر اس سے اپنی آٹھ سالہ لڑکی کی شادی کی تھی۔

    قبل ازیں سعودی عرب کے مفتی اعظم شیخ عبدالعزیز الشیخ نے کہا تھا کہ اسلام میں پندرہ سال اور اس سے کم عمر لڑکیوں کی شادیوں کی اجازت ہے۔

  23. Oman Ruler Qaboos is a Rampant Homosexual

    Real Face of Oil Rich Arabs:

    غریب لڑکیوں کی شادی یا’ فروخت‘

    عمر فاروق
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، حیدر آباد دکن

    اومان کے دو بھائیوں محمد بن سالم اور یوسف بن سالم ثانی بوالسعدی کو مرگی کے دورے پڑتے ہیں اور وہ اپنی بیویوں کو مارتے پیٹتے بھی ہیں
    حال ہی میں حیدرآباد کی دو غریب لڑکیاں ثمینہ بیگم اور نازیہ بیگم کی عرب شہریوں سے شادی ایک بار پھر توجہ کا مرکز بن گئی ہے کہ آخر کس طرح غریب لڑکیوں کی خرید و فروحت ہوتی ہے اور کیسے انکا استحصال ہوتا ہے۔
    ثمینہ بیگم اور نازیہ بیگم کا نکاح حالیہ سال اٹھارہ جولائی کو اومان کے دو بھائیوں محمد بن سالم اور یوسف بن سالم ثانی بوالسعدی کے ساتھ ٹیلیفون پرہواتھا۔ دونوں ایک خوشحال زندگی کے خواب سجائے اومان روانہ ہوگئیں۔

    بے حد کسمپرسی اور غربت میں ڈوبے دونوں خاندانوں کو امید تھی کہ اب ان کے سارے دکھ درد دور ہوجائیں گے۔ لیکن یہ سارے خواب بکھرکر رہ گئے جب ان دونوں لڑکیوں نے انتہائی پریشانی کے عالم میں اپنے خاندان والوں سے رابطہ کر کے یہ شکایت کی کہ ان کے شوہر ذہنی طور پر بیمار ہیں اور انہیں مرگی کے دورے پڑتے ہیں- انہوں نے یہ بھی کہا کہ ان کے شوہر ان پرظلم کرتے ہیں اور انہیں جسمانی اذیت پہنچاتے ہیں- اس فون کال نے ان خاندانوں کے ہوش و حواس اڑادیے-

    میرے اومانی داماد نے مجھ سے فون پر کہا ہے کہ ان شادیوں پر انہوں نے پچہتر ہزار روپے خرچ کیے ہیں اور اگر یہ رقم انہیں واپس مل جاتی ہے تو وہ لڑکیوں کو واپس بھجوانے کے لئے تیار ہیں

    ثریا بیگم، والدہ نازیہ بیگم
    ان میں سے ایک لڑکی ثمینہ بیگم کے والد سید مصطفی کی واحد خواہش یہ ہے کہ ان کی بیٹی بخیر و عافیت وطن واپس لوٹ آئے- دوسری لڑکی نازیہ کی بیوہ والدہ ثریا بیگم کا کہنا ہے کہ ان کے اومانی داماد نے ان سے فون پر کہا ہے کہ ان شادیوں پر انہوں نے پچہتر ہزار روپے خرچ کیے ہیں اور اگر یہ رقم انہیں واپس مل جاتی ہے تو وہ لڑکیوں کو واپس بھجوانے کے لئے تیار ہیں-

    حیدرآباد کے پرانے شہر تالاب کٹہ کے رہنے والے ان دو خاندانوں نے اب اس معاملہ کو پولیس کے حوالے کردیا ہے اور پولیس نے یہ شادیاں کروانے والے دو مشاطاؤں اور تین قاضیوں کو گرفتار کرلیا ہے-

    ساؤتھ زون کے ڈپٹی کمشنر آف پولیس سندیپ شنڈالیہ نے بی بی سی کو بتایا کہ پولیس کمشنر کی جانب سے دہلی میں اومان کے سفارت خانے کو ایک مکتوب روانہ کیا گیا ہے جس میں مطالبہ کیا گیا ہے کہ ان دونوں لڑکیوں کو ان بھائیوں کے چنگل سے نکال کر حیدرآباد واپس بھجوایا جائے- انہوں نے کہا کہ وہ اومانی حکام سے مسلسل رابطہ رکھے ہوئے ہیں-

    سید مصطفی ایک ٹیلی ویژن میکنک ہیں۔ انکا کہنا تھا کہ اومان کے ایک اور شہری قسیب خلفان سعد الحسینی نے جولائی کے مہینے میں ان سے اور ثریا بیگم سے علیحدہ علیحدہ ملاقات کی اور ان دونوں اومانی بھائیوں کی تصاویر انہیں دکھاکر ان کی بچیوں کے لئے پیام دیا تھا-

    اس معاملے میں دو مقامی مشاطہ ممتاز بیگم اور شاہنواز بھی شامل تھے- سعد الحسینی نے انہیں ان دونوں بھائیوں کو بیرون ملک شادی کرنےکے لیے حکومت اومان کی اجازت کا مکتوب بھی دکھایا جس میں کہا گیا تھا کہ ان دونوں کو سوشیل سیکوریٹی فنڈ سے تینتیس اومانی ریال ماہانہ ادا کیے جاتے ہیں۔ محمد بن سالم کو دیے گئے اجازت نامے میں اس بات کا بھی واضح طور پر ذکر ہے کہ اسے مرگی کے دورے پڑنے کی شکایت ہے-

    مجھے ٹیلی فون پر ان دونوں بھائیوں کے نکاح پر اس لیئے حیرت یا اعتراض نہیں ہوا تھا کہ عام طور پر اس طرح کی شادیاں ہوتی رہتی ہیں اور شریعت میں اس کی گنجائش ہے

    سید مصطفی، والد ثمینہ بیگم
    مصطفًی کا کہنا ہے ک وہ مشاطاؤں کی باتوں میں آ کر اس رشتے کے لیئے راضی ہو گئے کیونکہ غربت کی وجہ سے حیدرآباد میں اپنی لڑکی کی شادی کا بندوبست نہیں کرپا رہے تھے-

    دوسری لڑکی کی والدہ ثریا بیگم کا بھی کم و بیش یہی بیان تھا- مصطفی کا کہنا تھا کہ انہیں ٹیلی فون پر ان دونوں بھائیوں کے نکاح پر اس لیئے حیرت یا اعتراض نہیں ہوا تھا کہ عام طور پر اس طرح کی شادیاں ہوتی رہتی ہیں اور شریعت میں اس کی گنجائش ہے-

    مصطفی کی شکایت ہے کہ رشتہ کروانے والوں نے انہیں دونوں اومانی شہریوں کی ذہنی حالت اور مالی حیثیت کے بارے میں دھوکے میں رکھا کیونکہ اومانی حکومت کا اجازت نامہ عربی میں تھا اس لئے وہ اسے ٹھیک طور پر سمجھ نہیں سکے-

    پولیس کا کہنا ہے کہ نکاح پڑھوانے میں دو قاضیوں حاجی محمد ظہیرالدین اور محمد عبدالرشید اور معطل شدہ قاضی عبدالوحید قریشی کا ہاتھ تھا- عبدالوحید قریشی کوگزشتہ سال ریاستی وقف بورڈ نے اس وقت معطل کردیا جب انھوں نے پرانے شہر کی دو غریب لڑکیوں کا نکاح دبئی کے ایک شہری سے بیک وقت پڑھادیا تھا-

    پولیس کی تحقیقات سے پتہ چلا ہے کہ ان شادیوں کے لیے ان دونوں اومانی شہریوں کی جانب سے مشاطاؤں اور قاضیوں کو پچتہر ہزار روپے کی رقم ادا کی گئی- نکاح پڑھانے کی رسم وحید قریشی نے انجام دی اور دستاویزات پر قاضی ظہیرالدین اور قاضی عبدالرشید سے دستخط کروائے-

    حیدرآباد میں مقامی لڑکیوں کی عربوں سے شادی کی تاریخ کافی پرانی ہے کیونکہ اس شہر میں عرب نژاد شہریوں کی ایک بڑی آبادی رہتی ہے- یہ وہ لوگ ہیں جو آصف جاہی حکمرانوں کی فوج میں شامل تھے اور اس کے بعد سے یہ حیدرآباد میں ہی آباد ہیں-

    اب یہ تینوں دھوکہ دہی کے الزام میں جیل کی سلاخوں کے پیچھے ہیں- پولیس اس بات کی تحقیق بھی کرر ہی ہے کہ کس طرح ایک معطل شدہ قاضی وقف بورڈ سے ان شادیوں کے سرٹیفکیٹس حاصل کرنے میں کامیاب ہوا- پولیس حکام نے اس امکان کو مسترد نہیں کیا ہے کہ اس اسکینڈل میں کچھ وقف بورڈ کے ملازمین بھی ملوث ہوسکتے ہیں-

    حیدرآباد میں مقامی لڑکیوں کی عربوں سے شادی کی تاریخ کافی پرانی ہے کیونکہ اس شہر میں عرب نژاد شہریوں کی ایک بڑی آبادی رہتی ہے- یہ وہ لوگ ہیں جو آصف جاہی حکمرانوں کی فوج میں شامل تھے اور اس کے بعد سے یہ حیدرآباد میں ہی آباد ہیں-

    ابتدا میں یہ شادیاں صرف انہی خاندانوں تک محدود تھیں لیکن رفتہ رفتہ جہیز کی رسم اور لڑکوں کے خاندانوں کی جانب سے بڑھتے ہوئے مطالبات نے جب مقامی غریب لڑکیوں کی شادی ناممکن بنادی تو عرب شہریوں سے ان کی شادیوں کا سلسلہ شروع ہوگیا-

    یہ شکایت بھی عام رہی ہے کہ کم عمر مقامی لڑکیوں کا بیاہ بوڑھے عرب شہریوں سے کردیا جاتا ہے- 1991 ء میں زبردست ہنگامہ کھڑا ہوگیا تھا جب چودہ سالہ آمنہ کو ایک ساٹھ سالہ سعودی شہری سے بیاہ دیا گیا تھا-

    اس لڑکی کواس وقت بچالیا گیا جب سعودی عرب جانے والے ایئر انڈیا کے طیارے میں ایئر ہوسٹس نے اسے روتے ہوئے دیکھا اور پوچھنے پر آمنہ نے اسے اپنی بپتا سنائی-

    اس کے بعد آندھراپردیش کی حکومت نےسخت کارروائی کرتے ہوئے بلا اجازت اس طرح کی شادیوں پر پابندی عائد کردی تھی- قاضیوں کے لئے لازمی کردیا گیا کہ وہ متعلقہ ملک کی حکومت کی اجازت اور مقامی وقف بورڈ کی منظوری کے بعد ہی اس طرح کی شادیاں انجام دیں- لیکن پھر بھی اس طرح کے واقعات کا سلسلہ جاری رہا-

    عربوں سے شادیوں کا ایک اور گھناؤنا پہلو یہ سامنے آیا ہے کہ اس طرح کی شادیاں کروانے والے مشاطہ اور قاضی جان بوجھ کر کنٹرکٹ میریجز یا مختصر مدتی شادیاں کرواتے ہیں جس کے تحت شادی کرنے اور چند دن گزارنے کے بعد عرب شہری لڑکی کو چھوڑ کر اپنے وطن واپس چلے جاتے ہیں۔

    اس طرح کی شادیاں کروانے والے مشاطہ اور قاضی جان بوجھ کر کنٹرکٹ میریجز یا مختصر مدتی شادیاں کرواتے ہیں جس کے تحت شادی کرکے چند دن گزارنے کے بعد عرب شہری لڑکی کو چھوڑ کر اپنے وطن واپس چلے جاتے ہیں۔

    سرکاری طور پر اس طرح کی شادیوں کے کوئی اعداد و شمار دستیاب نہیں کیونکہ اس طرح کے کیسز اسی وقت سامنے آتے ہیں جب متاثرہ خاندان پولیس سے رجوع کرتے ہیں لیکن چونکہ استحصال کا شکار ہونے والے اکثر خاندان غریب اور ان پڑھ ہوتے ہیں اس لئے وہ یا رو پیٹ کر خاموش بیٹھ جاتے ہیں یا پھر جو کچھ پیسہ مل جائے اسی پر اکتفا کرلیتے ہیں۔

    ایک سینئر پولیس عہدیدار اے کے خان کا کہنا ہے کہ اس صورتحال کی ایک بنیادی وجہ یہ ہوسکتی ہے کہ حیدرآباد میں عرب ممالک کے شہریوں کو بلا روک ٹوک آنے اور گھوم پھرنے کی اجازت ہے جبکہ اس طرح کی سرگرمیوں اور لڑکیوں کے استحصال کے واقعات کے مد نظر یہ لازمی ہونا چاہئے کہ تنہا انڈیا آنے والے عرب شہریوں کی نقل و حرکت پر نظر رکھی جائے-

  24. Hafiz Saeed, Lashkar and Dawah are needed URGENTLY IN Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

    سعودی عرب‘ ہم جنسوں کی مبینہ شادی

    مبینہ شادی مدینہ میں ہوئی
    سعودی عرب میں پیر کو ایک روزنامہ میں شائع ہونے والی ایک خبر کے مطابق حکام تقریباً پچاس افراد سے، مدینہ میں ہم جنسوں کی شادی میں مبینہ طور پر شرکت کرنے کے معاملے پر سخت پوچھ گچھ کر رہے ہیں۔
    وقتِ اشاعت: Monday, 01 March, 2004, 10:50 GMT 15:50 PST

    روزنامہ عرب نیوز کے مطابق ان افراد نے شادی میں شرکت کرنے کی تردید کرتے ہوئے کہا ہے کہ انہوں نے چاد سے آئے ہوئے ایک دوست کی شادی کی تقریب میں شرکت کی تھی۔

    تاہم چاد کے باشندے کا کہنا ہے کہ ان کی شادی گزشتہ جمعہ کے روز ہونی تھی اور وہ شادی کی تیاریوں میں مصروف تھے۔

    اس واقعہ کے باعث پورے سعودی عرب میں ہلچل مچ گئی ہے کیونکہ یہاں ہم جنسوں کی شادی کی ممانعت ہے۔

    امریکہ میں ایک لیزبیئن جوڑا

    اس سے قبل سان فرانسِسکو میں ہم جنس پرستوں کی شادیوں پر عائد پابندی ختم کئے جانے کے بعد سینکڑوں ہم جنس پرست ملک بھر سے امریکی ریاست پہنچنا شروع ہو گئے تھے۔

    سان فرانسسکو کے میئر گیون نیوسم نے ہم جنس پرستوں کی شادی پر سے پابندی اٹھاتے ہوئے کہا تھا کہ یہ ممانعت ہم جنس پرستوں کے ساتھ امتیاز برتنے کے مترادف تھی۔

    تاہم ہم جنس پرستی کے خلاف کام کرنے والے گروہوں نے اس پابندی کے اٹھائے جانے کی مذمت کرتے ہوئے کہا ہے کہ وہ اس فیصلے کے خلاف عدالت سے رجوع کریں گے۔

    اس سے پہلے فروری کے اوائل میں امریکی ریاست میسےچیوسٹس میں سپریم کورٹ نے فیصلہ دیا تھا کہ ملک کی اس شمال مشرقی ریاست میں ہم جنسوں کو شادی کے یکساں حقوق حاصل ہونے چاہئیں۔

    اس فیصلے کے باعث امریکہ میں ہم جنسوں کی شادی کے معاملے پر شدید تنازعہ پیدا ہو گیا اور وائٹ ہاوس کو یہ وعدہ کرنا پڑا کہ ملک میں شادی کے تقدس کی حفاظت کی جائے گی۔

  25. کیا ڈھونڈتے ہو توڑا بورا میں
    دشدگردی کی جڑ منصورہ میں

    جو قتل دھماکے ہوئے ابھی
    ان کا جشن منا منصورہ میں

    یہ جو فتنہ ہے شیطانوں کا
    یہ لشکر اور طالبانوں کا
    یہ فتنہ افغانی بھی نہیں
    یہ لکھا گیا منصورہ میں

    سچ کو گر چھپانا ہو
    جھوٹ کو سچ کر جانا ہو
    گر اسلام کو سیاست بنا ہو
    تو دیکھو اکر منصورہ میں

    کب تک آرام سے بیٹھو گے
    کب تک لاشوں پر ناچو گے
    جو آگ تم لگاتے ہو
    ایک دن آ اکر رہے گی منصورہ میں

  26. I fail to understand this difference; any organization that promotes extremism in any form should be banned.

  27. Taliban, Sipaha e Sahaba, Laskare jhangvi and Salfi these all are same their names are different but their working is same and that is killing of innocent people in the name of islam they have killed Shia Muslims , Ahmedis and Christians and no body is here to stop them but on the other hand they have full support from some parts of government and establishment who facilitate them and their alloy

  28. Rabia :
    @Aamir Mughal
    well said

    King Abdullah Bin Abdulaziz Bin Abdulrahman Bin Faisal Bin Turki Bin Abdullah Bin Muhammad Bin Saud should be sodomized to have some feeling. Every Wahabi and Ahle-e-Hadith in Pakistan and India should start following this practice of Wahabis of Saudi Arabia. Every Ahl-e-Hadith of Pakistan, Bangladesh and India should start giving their mothers [if widowed], 8 year daughters, and sisters to UAE, Saudi, Kuwaiti and Qatari Sheikhs. Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)
    The purpose of FGM is to curb the sexual desire of girls and women and preserve their “sexual honor” before marriage. The massive mutilation is irreversible and extremely painful, and is usually done to young girls.

  29. “Lies, damned lies, and statistics”

    Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) delegation met with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Senior Minister Bashir Bilour and emphasized that Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) is a “Welfare Organization” [“Lies, damned lies, and statistics”] – who were fingering in India from 1991 till 911.
    Wednesday, June 09, 2010, Jamadi-ul-Sani 25, 1431 A.H

    JuD invites ANP leaders to Punjab Monday, June 07, 2010 Bureau report

    PESHWAR: The remarks by Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Senior Minister Bashir Bilour calling for a crackdown on Muridke town in Punjab to eliminate terrorist camps generated controversy on Sunday and prompted the Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) to clarify the situation and invite the Awami National Party (ANP) leaders to visit its headquarters. Bashir Bilour and other ANP leaders had accused the Punjabi Taliban and other religious extremists’ organisations in Punjab of carrying terrorist attacks in Pakistan and demanded military action in southern Punjab and crackdown on Muridke town, housing headquarters of Jamaat-ud-Dawa.

  30. Aamir Mughal : “Lies, damned lies, and statistics” Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) delegation met with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Senior Minister Bashir Bilour and emphasized that Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) is a “Welfare Organization” [“Lies, damned lies, and statistics”] – who were fingering in India from 1991 till 911.

    رسالہ ’الدعوۃ‘ سے جماعتہ الدعوۃ تک
    آصف فاروقی
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، اسلام آباد

    حافظ سعید نے اپنی سرگرمیوں کا محور لاہور کے نواح میں واقع قصبے مریدکے میں قائم مرکز دعوۃ والارشاد کو بنایا
    لشکر طیبہ، جماعت الدعوۃ اور مرکز دعوۃ والارشاد کے بانی حافظ محمد سعید کے جاننے والوں کا کہنا ہے کہ اُن کی سوچ اور نظریے پر انیس سو اکہتر میں ملک کے دو لخت ہونے اور بنگلہ دیش کے قیام کے گہرے اثرات پائے جاتے ہیں اور اپنے نظریے کو عملی جامہ پہنانے کا آغاز دراصل انہوں نے انیس سو اکہتر کے فوراً بعد ہی کر دیا تھا۔
    لیکن اس نظریے کی تشہیر کے لیے باقاعدہ نتظیم سازی کا آغاز انہوں نے سن انیس سو چھیاسی میں ایک ماہانہ میگزین ’الدعوۃ‘ کی اشاعت سے کیا۔

    اسی وقت مرکز دعوۃ والارشاد کی تشکیل بھی عمل میں آئی۔ جیسا کہ نام سے ظاہر ہے کہ اس تنظیم کا کام تبلیغ و فلاح کرنا تھا۔ اس مقصد کے لیے مختلف رسائل اور جرائد کے علاوہ مختلف فلاحی کاموں کا بھی سہارا لیا گیا۔

    ان میں سرفہرست تعلیمی اداروں کا قیام تھا۔ مرکز الدعوۃ کے زیراہتمام ملک کے مختلف علاقوں میں مدارس کھولے گئے۔ حافظ سعید نے زیادہ توجہ پنجاب کے دیہات اور پاکستان کے زیرانتظام کشمیر پر مرکوز رکھی۔

    حافظ سعید نے اپنی سرگرمیوں کا محور لاہور کے نواح میں واقع قصبے مریدکے میں قائم مرکز دعوۃ والارشاد کو بنایا۔

    لشکر طیبہ

    اس دوران بھارت کے زیرانتظام کشمیر میں ایک نئی علیحدگی پسند تحریک نے جنم لیا۔ اب تو جیسے حافظ سعید کی برسوں پرانی خواہش ہو گئی۔ بعض لوگ تو اس امکان کو بھی مسترد نہیں کرتے کہ کشمیر میں آزادی کی نئی تحریک میں حافظ سعید اور انکے ساتھیوں کا اہم کردار تھا۔

    حافظ سعید نے زیادہ توجہ پنجاب کے دیہات اور پاکستان کے زیرانتظام کشمیر پر مرکوز رکھی ہےاسی کی دہائی کے ختم ہوتے ہوتے، حافظ سعید نے کشمیر میں جاری تحریک میں باضابطہ طور پر شمولیت اختیار کرنے کا فیصلہ کیا اور اس مقصد کے لیے عسکریت پسندوں کی بھرتی کا کام شروع کر دیا گیا۔ انیس سو نوے تک انکے پاس اتنی تعداد میں تربیت یافتہ ہتھیار بند ’جہادی‘ موجود تھے جنکے بل بوتے پر انہوں نے لشکر طیبہ کے نام سے ایک نئی تنظیم کی بنیاد رکھی۔
    دیکھتے ہی دیکھتے حافظ محمد سعید کی تنطیم لشکر طیبہ بھارتی کشمیر میں سرگرم عمل عسکری تنظیموں میں ایک مؤثر گروپ کے طور پر سامنے آئی۔ تنظیم کی زیادہ تر رکنیت پاکستانیوں کی تھی۔ یہ سلسلہ دس برس چلتا رہا۔ اس دوران لشکر طیبہ کی عسکری کارروائیاں اتنی زیادہ تعداد میں ہونے لگیں کہ خود حافظ سعید اپنی اصل تنظیم مرکز الدعوۃ کے بجائے لشکر طیبہ کے نام سے پہچانے جانے لگے۔

    اور پھر امریکہ میں گیارہ سمتبر دو ہزار ایک کے حملے ہوگئے۔

    ان حملوں نے پاکستان اور بھارت میں عسکریت پسندی کی تحریکوں کو جیسے ایک نئے دور میں داخل کر دیا اور کچھ گروہوں کو باضابطہ طور پر دہشت گرد قرار دیا گیا۔ کشمیر کے بارے میں پاکستانی اور بھارتی حکومتوں کے درمیان خاموش معاہدے ہوئے جنکے نتیجے میں کشمیر میں عسکری کارروائیوں کا سلسلہ سرد پڑتا چلا گیا۔

    جماعت الدعوۃ

    لشکر طیبہ اس وقت ایک نئی صورتحال سے دو چار ہوئی جب نومبر دو ہزار ایک میں بھارتی پارلیمنٹ پر ہونے والے خودکش حملوں کے الزام میں اس پر حکومت پاکستان کی جانب سے پابندی عائد کر دی گئی۔ لیکن چونکہ پابندی کا دائرہ اثر صرف پاکستان کے اندر تھا تو اس سے نمٹنے کے لئے حافظ سعید نے اپنے دیرینہ ساتھی ذکی الرحمٰن لکھوی کواس تنظیم کا سربراہ مقرر کر کے اسکے دفاتر پاکستان کے زیرانتظام کشمیر منتقل کر دیئے اور خود ایک بار پھر مرکز الدعوہ کے کاموں میں مصروف ہو گئے۔ لیکن اس تنظیم کا نام انہوں نے بدل کر جماعت الدعوۃ رکھ دیا۔

    کریک ڈاؤن، اشرف کا خاندان روپوش
    نثار کھوکھر
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، سکھر

    حافظ سعید نظر بند، مظفر آباد میں بھی کارروائی
    بیورو رپورٹ
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، پاکستان، کشمیر

    ’جماعت الدعوۃ لشکر کا دوسرا نام‘

    حسن مجتبٰی
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، نیویارک

    لشکر کی سوچ بدل گئی؟

    نعیمہ احمد مہجور
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، لند

    کالعدم لشکر، جیش فعال کیوں؟

    الدعوۃ کے خلاف پابندیاں اور اٹھتے سوالات

    ہارون رشید
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، اسلام اباد

    مرکز طیبہ نئے روپ میں

    علی سلمان
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، لاہور

    لشکر کے دو الگ الگ کردار

    آصف فاروقی
    بی بی سی اردوڈاٹ کام، اسلام آباد

    بھارتی حکام کے مطابق لشکر طیبہ نے ہندوستان میں سرگرم شدت پسند تنظیم سٹوڈنٹس اسلامک موومنٹ آف انڈیا (سمی) اور انڈین مجاہدین سے روابط پیدا کیے
    ممبئی حملوں میں اسکے ملوث ہونے کے ثبوت موجود ہوں یا نہ ہوں، بھارتی مبصرین کی نظر میں گزشتہ پانچ برس میں لشکر طیبہ نامی عسکریت پسند تنظیم بھارت میں مختلف علیحدگی پسند تحریکوں کے ’نرو سینٹر‘ کے طور پر سامنے آئی ہے جس سے نمٹنا بعض دفاعی ماہرین کی نظر میں ہندوستان کی سلامتی کے اداروں کی سب سے اہم ذمہ داری بن چکی ہے۔
    بھارت میں اس تنظیم کا کردار جتنا تخریبی ہے، پاکستانی ریاستی اداروں بشمول خفیہ اداروں کے لیے لشکر طیبہ اپنی نوعیت کی دیگر تنظیموں کے مقابلے میں اتنی ہی قابل قبول ہے۔ اور اسکی وجہ مبصرین کی نظر میں ہندوستان دشمنی نہیں بلکہ پاکستانی اداروں کا احترام ہے۔کیونکہ اس تنظیم کے کسی رکن کو پاکستان کے اندر تخریبی کارروائیوں میں ملوث ہونے پر سزا نہیں ملی جبکہ گزشتہ چند برسوں سے اس نوعیت کے بیشتر جہادی گروپوں کا محبوب مشغلہ رہا ہے۔

    خطے کے دو اہم ممالک کے ساتھ اس مؤثر جہادی گروپ کا یہ رویہ جس کے دو رخ ہیں، بعض تجزیہ کاروں کی نظر میں پاکستان اور بھارت کے درمیان اب تک تو صرف کشیدگی کا باعث بنتا رہا ہے لیکن ممبئی بم حملوں کے بعد بھی اس مثلث کو اسی طرح برقرار رکھنے کی کوشش خطے کو جنگ میں جھونکنے کا باعث بن سکتی ہے۔

    لشکرِ طیبہ میں ٹوٹ پھوٹ نہیں ہوئی
    لشکر طیبہ کے بارے میں خاصے وثوق سے کہا جاتا ہے کہ ان سالوں میں نہ تو اس تنظیم کا ٹوٹ کر کوئی گروپ بنا جیسا کہ تقریباً ہر دوسری جہادی تنظیم کے ساتھ ہوا، اور نہ ہی یہ اسکا کوئی رکن کسی تخریبی کارروائی میں ملوث پایا گیا
    امریکی وزیرخاجہ کونڈولیزا رائس نے گزشتہ ہفتے پاکستانی حکام کو بتایا ہے کہ بھارت کے پاس اس تنظیم کے نہ صرف ممبئی حملوں میں ملوث ہونے کے ناقابل تردید ثبوت موجود ہیں، بلکہ بھارتی حکام نے انہیں اس تنظیم کی بھارت میں دیگر کار گزاریوں سے بھی آگاہ کیا ہے جو تیزی کے ساتھ بھارتی سلامتی کے لیے سب سے بڑا بیرونی خطرہ بنتی جا رہی ہے۔

    بھارتی دفاعی تـجزیہ کاروں کا خیال ہے کہ جس تیزی کے ساتھ لشکر طیبہ نے بھارت میں چلنے والی علیحدگی کی مختلف تحریکوں کے ساتھ تعلقات استوار کئے ہیں، ہندوستان کی سلامتی کے اداروں کے لئے یہ رفتار حیران کن ہے۔

    خاص طور پر ہندوستان میں سرگرم مسلمان شدت پسندوں کے ساتھ لشکر طیبہ کے تعلقات بھارت کے لئے بہت تشویش کا باعث بتائے جاتے ہیں۔ اور بھارتی ادارے یہ بات سمجھ چکے ہیں کہ سابق پاکستانی صدر جنرل پرویز مشرف کے تعاون سے اس تنظیم کا کشمیر میں ناطقہ بند کرنا، بھارت کو کتنا مہنگا پڑ رہا ہے۔

    ممبئی حملوں کے بارے میں تو پاکستانی اداروں اور تجزیہ کاروں کے پاس کوئی شواہد موجود نہیں ہیں، لیکن واقف حال لوگ اس حقیقت سے انکار نہیں کرتے کہ چھ برس قبل کالعدم قرار دئیے جانے، پاکستان میں اسکے تربیتی مراکز بند ہونے اور لائن آف کنٹرول کے ذریعے بھارتی کشمیر میں ان کی سپلائی لائن بند ہو جانے کے بعد اس تنظیم نے کشمیر میں „اپنے جہاد‘ کو بھارت کے مختلف علاقوں تک پھیلانے کےمنصوبے پر کام شروع کیا تھا۔

    اس مقصد کے لئے بھارتی حکام کے مطابق لشکر طیبہ نے ہندوستان میں سرگرم شدت پسند تنظیم سٹوڈنٹس اسلامک موومنٹ آف انڈیا (سمی) اور انڈین مجاہدین سے روابط پیدا کئے۔

    بعض مبصرین کا کہنا ہے کہ لشکر طیبہ نے، جو کہ عملاً تو نہیں لیکن وہابی مکتبہ فکر کے لحاظ سے نظریاتی طور پر القاعدہ سے قریب ہے، بھارتی عسکریت پسندوں کو القاعدہ کے ساتھ روابط پیدا کرنے میں اہم کردار ادا کیا ہے۔

    اور بھارتی حکومت اور اداروں کے لئے یہی وہ جرم ہے جسے ناقابل معافی قرار دیا جا رہا ہے۔ ان اداروں کا خیال ہے کہ صرف مسلمان شدت پسند نہیں، لشکر طیبہ بھارت میں بعض علیحدگی پسند تحریکوں کو اشتعال دلانے اور ان کی مختلف طریقوں سے مدد کرنے میں بھی پیش پیش ہے۔

    اسی بنا پر بھارتی سلامتی کے ادارے اس تنظیم کو موجودہ حالات میں بھارت میں ریاست مخالف عناصر کی سرگرمیوں کا نرو سینٹر قرار دیتے ہیں۔

    اس تمام صورتحال کے بالکل برعکس لشکر طیبہ، جو اب جماعت الدعوہ کے نام سے پاکستان میں کام کرتی ہے، پاکستان کے ریاستی اداروں کے لیے باقی تمام جہادی تنظیموں کی طرح کبھی درد سر بنتے نظر نہیں آئی۔

    افغان، کشمیر اور پھر دوبارہ افغان عسکری کارروائیوں میں شامل رہنے والی اسکے علاوہ باقی تمام جہادی تنظیمیں پاکستان میں فرقہ وارانہ اور اب حالیہ کچھ سالوں میں پاک فوج اور دیگر اداروں کے خلاف حملوں میں ملوث رہی ہیں۔

    لشکر طیبہ کے بارے میں خاصے وثوق سے کہا جاتا ہے کہ ان سالوں میں نہ تو اس تنظیم کا ٹوٹ کر کوئی گروپ بنا جیسا کہ تقریباً ہر دوسری جہادی تنظیم کے ساتھ ہوا، اور نہ ہی یہ اسکا کوئی رکن پاکستان میں کسی تخریبی کارروائی میں ملوث پایا گیا۔

    اسکی ایک وجہ بعض مبصرین کی نظر میں اس گروپ کا اپنے مقصد کے بارے میں یکسو رہنا ہے۔

    انیس سو نوے میں ایک ریٹائرڈ پروفیسر حافظ محمد سعید نے اس گروپ کو اس وقت بنایا تھا جب بھارت کے زیرانتظام کشمیر میں علیحدگی کی تحریک زور پکڑ رہی تھی۔ اس وقت اس گروپ میں بہت کم تعداد میں ایسے لوگ شامل کئے گئے تھے جو روس کے خلاف افغان جہاد میں حصہ لیتے رہے تھے۔ اس تنظیم کے تمام کلیدی عہدوں میں اور عام بھرتی میں بھی زیادہ تر نئے لوگ شامل تھے۔

    امریکہ پر گیارہ ستمبر کے حملوں کے بعد جب کشمیر کا محاذ ٹھنڈا اور افغانستان کا گرم ہوا، تو بیشتر مجاہدین گروپس نے افغانستان اور پاکستان میں امریکی مفادات کے خلاف جہاد میں سرگرمیوں میں شمولیت اختیار کی۔ لیکن حافظ محمد سعیدکے بارے میں کہا جاتا ہے کہ انہوں نے اس نوعیت کی کسی سرگرمی میں حصہ نہ لینے کا فیصلہ کیا اور بہت کامیابی کے ساتھ اپنے گروپ کے ارکان کو اس پر عمل بھی کروایا۔

    تجزیہ کاروں کا خیال ہے کہ لشکر طیبہ پاکستان میں موجودہ وقت میں اور ماضی میں سرگرم کسی بھی گروپ سے زیادہ طاقتور ہے۔ اور اسکا اندازہ اس گروپ کی اکتوبر دہ ہزار آٹھ کے زلزلے اور دیگر مواقع پر فوری اور بڑی امدادی کارروائیوں سے بھی لگایا گیا ہے۔

    اس پس منظر میں مبصرین سمجھتے ہیں کہ پاکستانی ریاستی اداروں اور اس گروپ کی قیادت کے درمیان ایک دوسرے کو نہ ’چھیڑنے’ کا خاموش معاہدہ کسی نہ کسی سطح پر موجود ہے، اور بھارتی اور امریکی دباؤ میں اگر پاکستانی حکومت برسوں سے قائم اس معاہدے کو توڑتی ہے تو اس بات کا امکان ہے کہ لشکر کی تخریبی صلاحتیوں اور کارروائیوں کا رخ پاکستان کی جانب ہو جائے۔

  31. Let me show the Filthy and Debauch Face of Wahabis [God Father of Salafi Lashkar]

    King Fahd presented Kalashnikov to another pervert Saddam Hussein [Fahd ordered Mutawwas to Issue Fatwa against the Same Saddam when Saddam fingered Wahabi Kuwait [Kuwait is even worst than Saudi Arabia] Enjoy the picture and after the pictutre read about the Debauch, Womanizer, Gambler Khadimul Haramian Sharifain.

    Khadim ul Harmain Sharifain – Shah Fahad The Debauch – In reality, it was a test of the ebullient Fahd’s capacity to govern. The Crown Prince would have to live down his personal reputation as a reckless womanizer, drinker, and gambler. King Fahd’s Saudi Arabia by Harvey Sicherman August 12, 2005

    Real Face of King Fahd: There were stories of all night sessions at seedy clubs in Beirut, of affairs with belly dancers, and of the wife of a Lebanese businessman paid $100,000 a year to make herself available. Then in 1969, Fahd was said to have lost $1,000,000 in a single dusk-to-dawn marathon of Scotch-fuelled gambling at the tables of a MonteCarlo nightclub. He was summoned back to Riyadh by his brother, the then King Faisal Abdul Aziz ibn Saud. Life and legacy of King Fahd By Paul Wood BBC defence correspondent Last Updated: Monday, 1 August 2005, 10:14 GMT 11:14 UK

    Saudi Arabia’s King Fahd: [The Mutawwa in Chief due to his fingering Streets of Pakistan are burning] Real Face: His visits with his retinue of 3,000 had earned the local tradesmen riches indeed. It is estimated that an extra €30,000 (£21,000) a day was spent just in Puerto Banus. As heir apparent, Fahd first visited Marbella in 1974 and stayed at the Incosol hotel and spa. He booked 100 rooms but some of the princesses didn’t like the decor so he ordered the dark carpets to be changed to white. As a reward, Fahd left the hotel a tip of $300,000 — enough for the entire staff to receive, in effect, an extra year’s salary.

    He told one Spanish journalist that he liked Marbella because “it was a land blessed by Allah”, referring to the Arab occupation of most of Spain from the 8th to the 13th century. In the early 1980s he started the construction of his Mar Mar Palace, a replica of the White House. Because of increasing ill health (he suffered a stroke 10 years ago), he last visited in August 2002, just after a £134m refurbishment of the palace. Marbella mourns its own King Midas King Fahd’s epic spending enriched his favourite part of Spain, says Deirdre Fernand From The Sunday Times August 7, 2005

    Sitting in the other chair at Crawford was Crown Prince Abdullah, neo-medieval monarch of the most reactionary and doctrinaire nation on earth. According to Gilbert Achcar in 1997, democratic America longstanding client state Saudi Arabia is the antithesis of democracy. It is a country where the Koran and Sharia are the only basic law and which is run by ultra-puritan Wahhabi [fanatically extremist and arch-authoritarian] Muslims. It is incontestably the most fundamentalist state in the world, the most totalitarian in political and cultural terms, and the most oppressive of the female half of the population (4). King George, Prince Abdullah, Global Warming, and the Torture of Thomas Jefferson King George, Prince Abdullah, Global Warming, and the Torture of Thomas Jefferson By Paul Street Sunday, May 01, 2005

  32. ‘A picture speaks a thousand words’ Sons of Late. King Faisal [Great Great Great Maternal Grandson of Mutawwa Sheikh Mohammad Bin Abd Al Wahab] Turki Al Faisal and Saud Al Faisal with NEO CON Ex- US Vice President Dick” Cheney [Wahabis are one big fraud] {Sheikh Mohammad Bin Abd Al Wahab must be cursing in his grave [of course Un-Plastered Bulldozed Grave. What an Hypocrite Aal-Sauds [where is the so-called National Dress i.e. Diaper on Heads.

  33. Debauch Saudi Wahabi Somersault Fatwa of Takfeer against Saddam Hussein.

    King Fahd financed Iraq Iran War but when Saddam Hussein entered Kuwait [Worst than Saudi Arabia] Fahd ordered Saudi Toady Mutawwas to Issue Fatwa against the Same Saddam.

    Fatwa of Takfeer against Saddam Hussein by the same Saudi Arabian Mufti. Saudi Wahabi Salafi Shiekh Ibn Bazz Baz fatwa Saddam Sadam

    Same Saudi Mullahs [due to Danda of Aal-e-Saud] had to say this: NEWS\ Monday 31 March 2003 Shaykh ‘Ubayd al-Jaabiree on the Position Towards Iraq

    Thirdly, the banner of fighting in Iraaq, who is carrying it? It is carried by Saddaam Hussain at-Takreetee, and he is the leader of the Ba’athi Party in his land…and the Ba’athi Party, is secularist, disbelieving, heretical. Its foundation is upon mixing and not differentiating between a Sunni Muslim, Guidance from the Scholars Concerning Iraaq and between the Jew, Christian, Communist, and others. They are all the same, equal. And for this reason, their slogan is, as their poet has said:

    I believe in, — (Shaykh Ubayd): I seek refuge in Allaah —
    I believe in al-Ba’ath as the Lord which has no partner
    And in Arabism as a religion, which has no other (religion)

    This is their religion, qawmiyyah (nationalism) and shu’oobiyyah, and their religion is not Islaam. So built upon this, the one who fights under the banner of the Iraaqi government, then he is fighting under a banner of disbelief. And we do not dispute that the people of Iraaq have the right to defend themselves. They can defend themselves, their blood, their honour and their wealth, they can defend those who transgress upon them, whether America or Britain or other than them.

    Click here for further fataawa regarding Iraq

  34. Amir Mir’s most recent report points towards the distinction I highlighted in the above post.

    Taliban held for plan to kill Hafiz Saeed

    Amir Mir / DNASaturday, June 12, 2010 0:29 IST

    ISLAMABAD: Pakistani authorities have arrested a Pushtun militant from outside the Muridke headquarters of the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) near Lahore. The militant said he was on a mission to assassinate Jamaat-ud-Daawa (JuD) ameer Hafiz Mohammad Saeed.

    Punjab police sources said the potential assassin-cum-suicide bomber was arrested last week by private security guards of the LeT, at the main entrance of the building. The arrested man was identified as a Taliban member from Waziristan who confessed having been dispatched to Muridke by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), led by Baitullah Mehsud, with the specific mission of killing Saeed. The sources said the authorities tightened security for Saeed after he was threatened by the TTP recently.

    But why did Saeed invite the wrath of the TTP? Home department sources said the LeT founder had condemned suicide bombings conducted by the TTP, which led to the death of civilians.

    Following the arrest, the home department directed the departments concerned to beef up security at the Muridke headquarters of the LeT, the Jamia Qadsia offices of Hafiz Saeed and his Johar town residence in Lahore.

    Meanwhile, a volley of US missiles killed 15 alleged militants in an extremist stronghold in northwestern Pakistan on Friday, the second such strike in less than 12 hours, officials said.

    The US regards missile attacks from drone aircraft as a key weapon against al Qaeda and the Taliban close to the Afghan border. Last month, al Qaeda’s reputedNo 3 official, Mustafa al-Yazid, was reported killed in a similar strike in the North Waziristan region.

    Six missiles were fired in Friday’s attack on a house in a village close to the border, two intelligence officers said. Yousaf Khan, a government administrator in the region’s main town of Miran Shah, said 15 alleged militants were killed. He said officers were still
    gathering information about the identities of the victims.

    Late Thursday, two people were killed in another strike in North Waziristan. Officials did not say whether they were believed to be militants.

    Pakistan is under pressure to launch a military offensive in the region, but the army says it is too stretched and committed to other parts of the border region to do so anytime soon.

  35. Abdul Nishapuri :
    Amir Mir’s most recent report points towards the distinction I highlighted in the above post. Taliban held for plan to kill Hafiz Saeed Amir Mir / DNASaturday, June 12, 2010 0:29 IST

    Acha Hai Kuttay Maren Kuttay Ko.

  36. Exclusively for Salafis on this board and Ahl-e-Hadiths of Pakistan with a question where it is written in Quran and Hadith to treat you servants like this:

    Saudi Rascals and Emirates Arab Sheikhs [as per them] do everything as per As per Quran and Sunnah, Aal-e-Saud, and Aal-e-Sheikh [means Muttawwa who are blood relatives of Shaykh Mohammad Ibn Abd Al Wahab] Yalla Yalla, Yaani Yaani, Taal Taal…

    If I tell my whole story it will not be finished even in a day and a night. When I return home, I will maybe bring nothing. From 12 midnight to 2:30 a.m. my employer beat me with an electric cable. In the end, she said, “Other madams [employers] would send you home but I won’t. You have only two choices: either you work without a salary, or you will die here. If you die, I will tell the police that you committed suicide.” “As If I Am Not Human” JULY 14, 2008 “As If I Am Not Human” Abuses against Asian Domestic Workers in Saudi Arabia “As If I Am Not Human” JULY 14, 2008

    Kuwait: Abuses against Marginalized Groups Annual Rights Review Recommends Attention to Status of Domestic Workers, Stateless, and Women JANUARY 24, 2010 – The isolated nature of domestic work also increases the workers’ risk of physical and sexual abuse, and makes prosecutions of abusers more difficult. The availability and accessibility of shelters for those fleeing abuse is inadequate.

    “The Island of Happiness” MAY 19, 2009 – “The Island of Happiness” Exploitation of Migrant Workers on Saadiyat Island, Abu Dhabi

  37. In the name of Allah .Blessings be upon Rasulullah s.a.w.
    Month of Rajab , the month of Allah, is the best time to taubah. It is now. The Muslims have abandoned the Quran and the hadith which are authenticated by the Quran. Prophet Muhammad even forbade any kind of defensive warfare in which earth, crops, water, is harmed and others in which fire is a component such as landmines, rockets, missiles, fire power of any sort . WVDs and nuclear weapons are certainly satanic and that is why even the Shia Khameni said that nuclear weapons are haram something said by Abdul Rahman Azzam Pasha in his monumental “Eternal Message of Muhammad”

    Our beloved Prophet Muhammad s.a.wassalam said some of the above explicitly and some implicitly and I have mentioned the above at the pioneering War Crimes Conference by Perdana Global Foundation for Peace which played a major role in the completely peaceful preparation for the Gaza Flotilla.
    The last chapter revealed to Prophet Muhammad s.a.wasalam was Surah At Taubah. In it we learn that Allah did not describe all non Muslims as kuffar but only those who were inveterate enemies of Islam and who fought against Islam . This was the explanation given in an interview by Muhammad Asad where he actually quoted Imam Gazzali’s view that the Quranic term kafir meant kafir harbi . The Quran uses the term Nasrani, Yahud, Majuzi, Sabean, Dahri, Mushrik, Muslim, Sun worshippers for the different groups.
    This was the view of Marmaduke Pickthall in Cultural Side of Islam. His Quran translation was the first to be approved by Al Azhar.

    Muslims forgot the great saint of Peace who hailed from Kandahar and who showed the Love of Islam to white miners of Australia in the 30s and 40s. Australian Christians wrote poems of this man who was also a herbalist . And from NWFP came another Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan who is the real hero who realised that modern warfare is haram. But how do we defend ourselves today?.

    I have been in da’wah work for more than 4 decades and have been fortunate to be with those who promote Islamic unity including those who are “Salafi” Deobandi, Brelvis, Ithna Ashari, Dawoodi Bohra, the so-called Muhammadiyah initially of Indonesia and the other Hanafis, Shafeis etc. Our stand is “Hold fast to the Rope of Allah and be not disunited” We dont allow polemical discussions which have no end but we concentrate even in the late 30s with denouncing Zionism, worldwide , when there was still no Israel . Yes we were the first to publicise about the heresy of the Ahmadiyyah but we dont allow violence because there will be no end to revenge and becasue Islam is the way of beautiful behaviour bil Hikmah wal mauzedatil hasanah.

    Since there is no end to violence I hope to touch on this subject Insha’Allah earning thawab in this month of Rajab. I have many sins and I am paying for it with my almost toothlessness, limping leg, and physical emaciation. I hope that before I pass away I will be able to do some good for my beloved Pakistani brothers . When Pakistan broke into two , we here cried . Coming back to the subject of violence I hope that the very first reference to violence was made by the angels when ALLAH announced that a “khalifa fil ard” was about to be created namely Adam and they responded in the parable ” And bring fasad and bloodshed”
    Remember these are the angels who pray that Allah forgive all those on earth.
    Later we are told in the early part of the Quran that Abel told Cain, “If you lift your hand to kill me, I will not leave my hand to kill you because I am in awe of Allah and heed Him, the Lord of all universes”
    It does not say that he would not defend himself but he would not kill his brother even in self defence.He was killed but there was no death sentence for Cain who was exiled to east of Aden perhaps to Sarandib where there is an Adam’s Peak . About this site I dont know for sure Wallahu ‘alam bisawab.
    Indeed I dont find any mandatory death sentence in the Quran.
    (to be continued)

    I am stopping for a few minutes because of the painful carpal tunnel syndrome in my fingers. One has already jammed. So please be patient. Wasalam

  38. Our Prophet Muhammad and the early Muslims suffered for more than 13 years in Makkah Mukarramah. He did not allow anyone to practice violence . There were a few who fought back but they were exceptions. Twice migration was practised by the early Muslims the first to Habashi where they were cordially and beautifully treated by the Christian Negus. When those Muslims returned the condition had worsened adn the Muslims were sufffering a total social and economic boycott. They were holed up at Shib Abu Talib. A few mushrikeen intervened to end the boycott. Prophet went to Taif and he was stoned but he refused to curse the people. He returned to Makkah and again only a mushrikeen by the name of Muti Adi gave him asylum. But the oppression continued and still the Muslims practised non-violence because the Quran did not give them the authority to fight back and had they fought back it would have been an excuse for the kuffar to kill them altogether. One of them a woman was torn to pieces by horses pulling her limbs in different directions . It is as bad as a recent case in Bosnia where the Serb pinned an old man to a tree with a knive into him , and made him eat the entrails of his grandson before killing him
    Later while the kuiffar planned all togetehr to assasinate the Prophet, the Prophet had already received revelation to migrate to Yathrib. It was a Mushrikeen who guided Rasulullah and Abu Bakr to Quba and then Yathrib.
    When they were in Yathrib (Madinah) the kuffar pursued them and wanted to attack them and the Muslims and their allies were frightened .They were despaired intensely unitl Prophet Muhammad received permission to fight back and the words for self defence came down . It was according to Chiragh Ali “Jihad” the verse verse allowing the defence of people of religion including Judaism and Christianity.

    “If ALLAH did not stop some people by using other people, cloisters, churches , synagogues and masajid in all of which the name of Allah is plentifully extolled would have been destroyed” (Surah Haj)
    As pointed out by Abdul Rahman Azam the first Secretary General of the Arab League in his “Eternal Message of Muhammad” there is a reason for Allah swt mentioning masajid last of all. Please check out the context of this verse. It is beautiful.

    39. To those against whom war is made, permission is given (to fight), because they are wronged;- and verily, Allah is most powerful for their aid;-

    40. (They are) those who have been expelled from their homes in defiance of right,- (for no cause) except that they say, “our Lord is Allah.. Did not Allah check one set of people by means of another, there would surely have been pulled down monasteries, churches, synagogues, and mosques, in (all of) which the name of Allah is commemorated in abundant measure. Allah will certainly aid those who aid his (cause);- for verily Allah is full of Strength, Exalted in Might, (able to enforce His Will).

    But we have to study the Ethics of Self Defence. Let me do a little of study first. Wasalam.

    Islam only allows defence i.e self defense of Muslims or to go to the defence of oppressed nations except when we have a non-intervention treaty with the oppressor in which case the treaty will have to be abrogated.
    Allah says very cleary “Allah loves not the aggressor” and aggressive behaviour and violence is condemned in the second chapter of the Quran.
    But even in self defence or going to the defence of the oppressed , there are rules to be followed which are based on Sunnah of the Prophet
    1. No scorch earth policy
    2. No destruction of crops , fruit trees
    3. No poisoning of water
    4. No terrorising of civilians, non combatants, women and children
    5 No mutiliation of dead bodies
    6 Places of worship and anchorites to be left alone
    7 No punishing with fire
    8 No destruction of the earth , its flora and its fauna
    The Prophet even when talking about safety said that “fire is your enemy”(Sahih Muslim) He forbade the use of fire even in medicine for example in the form of cauterisation by fire.
    My view based on above is that since fire power is very basic to modern warfare, it is also forbidden and very very haram.
    So how do we protect ourselves?

  39. The Growth of the Deobandi Jihad in Afghanistan
    Publication: Terrorism Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 2January 14, 2010 04:13 PM Age: 296 days
    By: Arif Jamal

    Commander Ilyas Kashmiri
    Three students from Karachi’s Jamia Uloom al-Islamia left their Islamic studies half way to completion and took a train to Peshawar on February 18, 1980 to take part in the nascent anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan. Anti-Russian passion was their only weapon, but they wanted to practice what they had learned in the classrooms of their madrassa. [1] The three students – Irshad Ahmed, Abdus Samad Sial and Mohammad Akhtar – later assumed grand religious titles; the first two became Maulana-s (“Our Master,” a title used for religious leaders with formal qualifications) while the third came to be known as Qari (“Reader,” i.e. one who recites the Quran). His colleagues later gave Qari Akhtar another grand title, “Saifullah” (Sword of Allah). They decided to call their three-member group the Jamiat Ansar-ul-Afghaneen (Party of the Friends of the Afghan people) and chose Irshad Ahmed as their first amir. The three students who formed Jamiat Ansar-ul-Afghaneen while still in their teens would later have a tremendous influence on the rise of Deobandi jihadism in South and Central Asia and beyond.

    On their way to Afghanistan the trio joined a small Afghan Deobandi group in Peshawar, the Harakat-e-Inqilab-e-Islami Afghanistan (Islamic Revolutionary Movement of Afghanistan – HIIA) of Maulana Nasrullah Mansoor. Armed by the HIIA, the group crossed the Durand Line into Afghanistan where it became the principal jihadi group for students from the Pakistani Deobandi madrassas. It had already trained some 4,000 Pakistani madrassa students by 1988 when the Soviets started leaving Afghanistan. The Pakistani boys that the HIIA had trained were later organized under the name of Harakat ul-Jihad al-Islami (Islamic Jihad Movement – HuJI) to wage jihad in Kashmir. [2] These 4,000 Deobandi jihadists provided the foundation on which the entire Pakistani Deobandi jihadist movement was founded in later years. Most of the Pakistani jihadist groups, including parts of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), directly trace their roots to the HuJI.

    HIIA and HuJI played another more important role, mostly ignored until now, by helping the Deobandi movement grow in largely Barelvi Afghanistan (the Barelvi are a less politicized branch of Muslims who place more stress on rituals). They not only recruited boys from the Pakistani Deobandi madrassas to fight jihad in Afghanistan, but also helped place Afghans in the Pakistani madrassas. These students later founded the Taliban movement. Thanks to HIIA, the Pakistani and Afghan Deobandis built a relationship that has survived against all odds. Interestingly, all the Pakistani Deobandi groups have split several times, but maintain unbreakable bonds with the Afghan Taliban, the main Deobandi group in Afghanistan.

    HuJI in Kashmir and the First Split

    At the end of the Afghan jihad in 1989, the HuJI looked for another theater of jihad and found one in nearby Kashmir. HuJI temporarily abandoned the Afghan theater of jihad completely and focused on Indian-administered Kashmir, which offered a gateway to India. The beginning was slow as Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) was not ready to unleash Pakistani jihadi groups in Kashmir for fear of reprisals from India. Moreover, the ISI was unable even to train and arm the boys crossing into Pakistan from Kashmir until 1991. [3] This period of relative inactivity gave birth to internal frictions in the group, which split in 1991. Maulana Fazlur Rehman Khalil and Maulana Masood Kashmiri led the revolt against the founding members and founded Harakatul Mujahideen. It is not clear what really caused the split. The founding members later alleged that Maulana Khalil was too subservient to the ISI and always sought publicity. [4] However, the split was a serious jolt to the HuJI, as the bulk of the mujahideen followed Maulana Khalil, their commander and teacher.

    Foundation of Harakatul Ansaar, al-Faran and the Second Split

    The split in the HuJI, an important recipient of Saudi money, made the Saudis very unhappy. They deputed a Mecca-based Deobandi alim (scholar), Maulana Abdul Hafeez Makki, to reunite the two groups. Maulana Makki immediately established contacts with an emerging jihadi alim, Maulana Masood Azhar, to fulfill this task (Masood later founded Jaish-i-Mohammad in 2000). Maulana Makki became a regular visitor to Pakistan in this period. [5] Their efforts bore fruit when the two groups reunited in 1993 under the name of Harakatul Ansar. Maulana Sadatullah became the amir of the united group. This is the time when the Kashmiri groups, particularly the Hizbul Mujahideen (the armed wing of Pakistan’s Jamaat-i-Islami and distinct from Harakatul Mujahideen), started showing weakness in the face of atrocities by the Indian security forces. This was also the time when the inflow of Kashmiri boys began decreasing. To keep the pot boiling in Kashmir, the ISI started encouraging Pakistani jihadi groups such as the HuJI to play a bigger role in the jihad in Kashmir.
    Harakatul Ansar attracted a lot of attention the following year when, helped by a small group of Hizbul Mujahideen, it occupied the Islamic shrine at Charar Sharif in Indian-administered Kashmir. The event encouraged jihadis fighting in Kashmir and jolted the Indian security forces. After its success in Charar Sharif, Harakatul Ansar organized the kidnapping of some European and American tourists in Indian-administered Kashmir. A previously unknown group, al-Faran, believed to be a front group for the Harakatul Ansar, claimed responsibility. After several months the United States designated Harakatul Ansar as a terrorist group. As U.S. pressure increased on Pakistan to take action against Harakatul Ansar, the ISI apparently asked them to split once more. The group again split into HuJI and Harakatul Mujahideen. [6]

    A Failed Coup d’état by Jihadist Major-General Abbasi

    The al-Faran episode was a wake-up call for the Benazir Bhutto government, which started putting pressure on the ISI to come clean on the jihadi scene. It also came down a little harder on the jihadis. HuJI decided not to take all of this lying down. In the early second half of 1995, the Pakistani civilian intelligence discovered a plot by a small group of Islamist army officers led by Major General Zahirul Islam Abbasi. The officers were accumulating arms to take over command of the army and the government. The intelligence services discovered that the plotters had planned to eliminate the entire military command during the corps commanders’ conference on September 30, 1995. Major General Abbasi’s group was closely affiliated with HuJI and wanted to overthrow the Bhutto government to pave the way for a Taliban takeover similar to Afghanistan. HuJI was to help the rebel army officers. In his first interview with the author, Major General Abbasi denied any plan to overthrow the government but did admit that his group was transporting arms and ammunition from the Afghan mujahideen to the Kashmiri mujahideen. [7] However, in a subsequent interview, he admitted that they were taking action against the Bhutto government and the army command as part of their faith. [8] During both interviews, he admitted his links with the HuJI. However, before the trial of the military began, the ISI asked Qari Akhtar to go to Afghanistan. Qari Akhtar returned to Pakistan only when General Musharraf dismissed Prime Minister Sharif’s government.

    9/11 – New Directions

    In spite of severe differences amongst them, all of the Pakistani Deobandi groups and political parties maintained close links with the Afghan Taliban. Jihadi groups went further and established links with al-Qaeda after the rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan. Many of them, such as HuJI, trained their cadres in al-Qaeda’s training camps. The U.S. bombing and occupation of Afghanistan enraged the entire Deobandi movement in Pakistan. They turned their guns against General Musharraf when he decided to join the U.S.-led coalition against terror in order to save the Kashmir jihad. Half of the Deobandi jihadi movement decided to fight General Musharraf while the other half would remain in sleeper cells as part of the grand strategy. Qari Akhtar took up arms against his former benefactor, General Musharraf but fled Pakistan after failed assassination attempts on the Pakistani president. Qari Akhtar was arrested in Dubai in August 2005 and extradited to Pakistan. However, under the growing influence of the Islamists, he was never prosecuted. After the suicide attack on the arrival ceremony of Benazir Bhutto in October 2007 (which she survived), she blamed Qari Akhtar and others for planning it. He was arrested but was again let off the hook.

    HuJI carried out several high-profile terrorist attacks in the years following 9/11 but claimed responsibility through previously unknown front groups. The attack on the then-finance minister and later prime minister, Shaukat Aziz, was claimed by the Islambouli Brigade; the attack on Lieutenant General Ahsan Saleem Hayat was claimed by the Jundullah of Karachi, and so on. Some of the other terrorist acts were claimed by or blamed on HuJI-al-Almi. It is important to note that most of the terrorists arrested in the post-9/11 period in Pakistan belonged to HuJI or to groups split from HuJI.

    Commander Ilyas Kashmiri and al-Qaeda

    HuJI ran at least six training camps, three in Pakistan and three in Afghanistan, before the 9/11 attacks forced the terrorists to go underground. These training camps included Ma’askar (“camp”) Mehmood Ghaznavi in Kotli (Pakistan-administered Kashmir), Ma’askar Abu Ubaida bin Jarrah in Gilgit (Northern Areas of Pakistan) and Ma’askar Abu Haneefa in Mansehra (North-West Frontier Province). In Afghanistan, they ran Ma’askar Irshad in Jalaabad, Ma’askar Khalid Zubair Shaheed in Rashkor near Kabul and another camp in Kirgha near Kabul. Ma’askar Mehmood Ghaznavi in Kotli was used by Brigade 313 [9], the wing dedicated to jihad in the Jammu region of Indian administered Kashmir while the remaining five trained jihadis from all over the world, including al-Qaeda cadres. [10] 313 Brigade leader Ilyas Kashmiri was arrested in the wake of the failed assassination attempt on Musharraf in December 2003, while Qari Akhtar succeeded in escaping for a time but was later arrested. Like Qari Akhtar and others, Commander Kashmiri escaped punishment thanks to the growing influence of the Islamists. In 2005, Commander Kashmiri moved to the Waziristan region where he coordinates his group’s activities with the TTP and al-Qaeda. Commander Kashmiri is a prime suspect in coordinating the suicide attack on Forward Operating Base Chapman in the Khost province of Afghanistan in December 2009 that killed seven CIA officers and injured six others. The United States is currently seeking his extradition from Pakistan (The News, January 6).


    1. Author’s interview with Abdus Samad Sial, July 30, 2001.
    2. Ibid.
    3. See Arif Jamal, Shadow War: The Untold Story of Jihad in Kashmir, Melville House, New York, 2009.
    4. Author’s interview with Qari “Saifullah” Akhtar, Afghanistan, July 1999.
    5. Author’s interview with Maulana Fazlur Rehman Khalil, Rawalpindi, October 2000.
    6. Author’s interview with Maulana Ameen Rabbani, Rawalpindi, December 1999.
    7. Author’s interview with Major General Zahirul Islam Abbasi, Rawalpindi, March 2002.
    8. Author’s interview with Major General Zahirul Islam Abbasi, July 2005.
    9. 313 Muslims won the first jihad under the leadership of the Prophet Muhammad against an army 10,000 infidels.
    10. Author’s interview with Commander Ilyas Kashmiri, Kotli, June 2000.

  40. Still shying away from condemning suicide bombings
    By Nasir Jamal
    Sunday, 02 May, 2010

    LAHORE: The Deobandi leadership in the country has for the moment refused to give a consensual nod of disapproval to suicide attacks and other acts of militancy — despite efforts by some members to reconcile the school to new realities.

    A meeting held here recently was part of this initiative for reconciliation. Rising above their political and factional disputes, around 150 leaders representing different Deobandi groups, seminaries and political parties from Karachi to Bajaur converged in Lahore on April 15 for a rare meeting.

    Over three days they shared space at the Jamia Ashrafia, one of the oldest and influential Deobandi institutions in the city.

    Many participants are known to have links with Pakistan’s visible and invisible establishment. They included moderates such as Mufti Rafi Usmani and hardliners such as Maulana Mohammad Ahmed Ludhianvi of the banned Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan.

    Big names in politicis — Maulana Fazalur Rehman, Hafiz Hussain Ahmed and Maulana Samiul Haq, whose Darul Aloom Haqania in Akora Khattak in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa is credited to have given birth to Afghanistan’s Taliban movement, were also there along with heavyweights such as Maulana Saleem Ullah Khan and Hanif Jallundhry, who manage the Deobandi seminaries and education system in the country.

    The objective of this rare Deobandi gathering, according to some participants, was to deliberate on terrorism, debate its causes, discuss impact on the economy and politics and suggest solutions and work together to stem the menace.

    “The basic goal of this conference was to organise the movement for enforcement of Shariah through peaceful and democratic means, and discuss the reasons for terrorism in the country,” Qari Hanif Jallundhry told this reporter from Multan by telephone.

    “The other objective was to draw public attention towards the need for defending Pakistan’s sovereignty and security.” More parochially, the organisers of the meeting were worried that growing militancy in the tribal backwaters of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and increasing incidence of terrorism in the cities in the rest of the country are exclusively being seen as a Deobandi phenomenon and has the potential to discredit the movement among the masses suffering because of it.

    After all, the tribal fighters engaged in a pitched war with the military and killing its soldiers in the north-west or suicide bombers carrying out operations elsewhere in the country are either graduates of the Deobandi seminaries or are linked with Deobandi groups and organisations.


    Qari Hanif conceded that militancy and terrorism could harm the Deobandi movement. “If terrorism can impact upon the economy and add to the troubles of common citizens of this country, how can we escape its effects,” he wondered.

    Others say the meeting was organised at the behest of the government (read establishment), which is desperately looking for wider support from Deobandi pockets against militants fighting the army in the tribal areas. “The most important objective of those who arranged the assembly was to somehow convince the participants to issue a fatwa or religious edict censuring militants involved in terrorism and fighting the army and urging them to renounce violence at the behest of the government,” a participant from Balochistan told Dawn by telephone.

    He said “a part of our leadership is under pressure (from the establishment?) to help evolve a wider consensus among all the Deobandi groups and organisations against the militants’ attacks on our soldiers and military installations as well as terrorist raids within the country”. If that was what the meeting aimed to gain, it was only partially achieved.

    Maulana Ludhianvi and Hafiz Hussain Ahmed are said to have “turned the tables” on the organisers and forced them to restrict themselves to issuing a joint communiqué that was soft on militants and harsh on government and, obviously, the United States.

    “Neither a fatwa triggered this war nor will it help stop one. If a fatwa could stop this war, we would have peace in our tribal areas and the rest of the country now,” another participant, who also refused to give his name, said. “Whatever is happening in Pakistan or Afghanistan today is a reaction to the American policies, its increasing influence and interference in Pakistan and our government’s inability to understand this fact and side with the West.”

    The same source said a majority of the participants agreed that militancy and terrorism would continue to haunt this nation as long as the factors and causes responsible for forcing people to take up were not removed. This was exactly what the joint communiqué says. It blames the government’s policy of ‘toeing the American line’ on Afghanistan for growing terrorism. “..militancy and terrorism continue to haunt this country in spite of wide denunciation of such acts (suicide bombings and subversive activities) by all patriotic people as well as use of organised military force. The situation calls for a dispassionate analysis of the fundamental causes (of this situation). In our view it is the consequence of the foreign policy that Pervez Musharraf pursued (in the aftermath of 9/11) and the incumbent government continues to follow. We demand that the government separates itself from the war in Afghanistan and stops pursuing pro-American foreign policies and providing logistics support to foreign forces (for military operations in Afghanistan,” the communiqué says. The opponents of an edict against militants were vociferously supported by the participants from Swat and Bajaur and other tribal areas. “They are the people who are actually suffering at the hands of Americans and their allies in Pakistan. They are the people who have to bear the brunt of military action and drone attacks. How could they support pro-government edicts and decrees?,” the participant from Balochistan quoted above argued. Nevertheless, the communique did urge the militant groups to pursue peaceful means to achieve their objectives of enforcement of Shariah and expulsion of Americans from the country.

    The paper calls for an end to all kinds of terrorist and subversive activities (by militant organizations). “If the government is following erroneous policies, it does not mean that we set our home afire. We, therefore, confidently and honestly believe that only peaceful struggle is the best strategy that can help enforcement of Islamic Shariah in Pakistan and secure it from the foreign influences.

    The use of violence is contrary to Islamic teachings and detrimental to our objective of enforcement of Shariah in the country and efforts to expel Americans from this region. Rather, it is helping the United States deepen its influence in this region,” it argues.

    Speaking to Dawn about the objectives and outcome of the meeting, Maulana Samiul Haq said: “We must avoid saying and doing anything that helps the evil forces (America in this case). And terrorism is helping the Americans.”

    He made a distinction between what is going on in Afghanistan and in Pakistan’s tribal regions. “What is going in Afghanistan is essentially jihad. They (Afghan Taliban) are fighting for the freedom of their country from foreign occupation. Some of our people (Pakistani Taliban) also want to go there and help their brethrens in their war for freedom.” He pointed out that certain elements who have entered the ranks of Pakistani Taliban and are killing innocent civilians and soldiers, are responsible for obliterating the distinction between jihad and terrorism. “The present situation is quite worrisome for us because it can build up pressures against our seminaries. But, the Maulana said, it is wrong to expect that the use of force can stop the militants from carrying out their operations or stem terrorism from the country. “The only lasting solution to the issue lies in talks. If the government is willing to talk (to the militants) on some solid, concrete points, we are ready to act as a bridge and mediate between the two parties. But before proceeding in that direction the government has to distance itself from the American policy objectives. You cannot stop suicide attacks and terrorism as long as you are seen to be standing side by side with the United States,” he contended.

    Another JUI leader said it is important for Pakistan to bring the militants to the negotiation table. “The Americans are talking to Taliban, the Afghan regime is talking to Taliban. Why can’t our rulers?” He was perturbed that Washington “ignored” Islamabad as it began peace talks with the Afghan Taliban in spite of the fact that we are the ones providing it logistics support and cheap oil for its operations there. The communique too urged the government to “realise that the lasting solutions to internal insurgencies lay in peace talks. It, therefore, should review its foreign policy in the light of recommendations of the in-camera session of the parliament and effect necessary shift in its policies.” A participant conceded that the moderate Deobandi leadership is worried about its loss of influence and control over younger graduates from the seminaries. “This loss of influence on younger generations is pushing them towards militancy. The communique particularly addressed the younger students of Deobandi seminaries and advised them to follow the opinion and views of ulema to stay on the right path.”

  41. Separating Taliban from al-Qaeda
    Thu, 2010-02-25 01:13 — editor
    By Farzana Shah – a Peshawar based journalist
    Till recently the US/NATO alliance was far from even realizing the threat posed by Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.

    The realisation felt only after the killing of CIA agents in Afghan attack followed by the video showing the attacker Dr. Hamam advocating attacks against US while sitting besides Hamikullah Mehsud.

    Those close to the ranks of TTP openly admit that the attack was carried out by both TTP and al-Qeada and Dr. Hamam was trained by Qari Hussain, who heads the TTP suicide squad which had been sending suicide attackers to Afghanistan as well as for blowing up in Pakistan. Sources say initially Hamam was kept in South Waziristan and after Pakistan military operation in the area he was shifted to Nort Waziristan Agency.

    When Pakistani forces started operation in Mehsud inhabited South Waziristan Agency, Taliban offered a nominal resistance and started evacuating their strongholds in Kotakai, Srarogha, Ladha, Makin, Karama, Dila, Kaniguram, Sarwakai, Khaisor, Spinkai Ragzai, Sam, etc one by one.

    They learned a lesson from their experience in Swat operation where Mulla Fazlullah led militants suffered huge causalities in open confrontation with the Army. This led them to avoid conventional war and wage protracted guerrilla warfare. Due to this early retreat militants have suffered minimal causalities.

    This is the same strategy practiced by Mullah Omer after US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. TTP has been in close co-ordination with both Jalal-u-din-led Afghan Taliban and Al-Qaeda. TTP battle strategy and tactics is equally supervised by both Haqqani network and Al-Qaeda.

    TTP founder, Baitullah Mehsud was a personal friend of Sirajudin Haqqani and his network’s military commander Molvi Sangin jointly carried out some of the initial attacks against US and NATO forces’ check posts along with Pak Afghan border area of Khost, Paktya and Paktika.

    Before Baitullah’s death in US drone attack in August last year, a central alliance “Ithihad-e-Shur-e-Mujahideen”of all three major factions of Pakistani Taliban was formed. Both Haqqani and al-Qeada played pivotal role in finalising this alliance. The same effort was once made by late Mullah Dadullah.

    Under this new alliance, all three are bound to assist each other in case of operation by Pakistan Army in the area. After Swat experience, TTP with consent and advice from Molvi Gul Bahadur (North Waziristan Agency) and Molvi Nazeer (South Waziristan Agency, AhmadZai Wazir Tribe) decided to opt for a guerrilla war.

    Those in close coordination with Ithihad-e-Shur-e-Mujahideen say the alliance was the main driving force behind a peace deal by Molvi Nazeer and Gul Bahadur with Army in their respective areas in order to provide safe sanctuaries to fleeing members of TTP, al-Qaeda and Uzbeks militants.

    Despite the peace deal, TTP and al-Qaeda members have been sheltered and assisted by Nazeer and Gul Bahadur through all possible resources against Pakistan Army.

    It must be noted that Qari Hussain, known as “Ustad-e-Fidayyeen”, TTP suicide bomber Squad’s head, has a huge number of suicide bombers and used to keep them with himself. Now, according to sources, the suicide bombers are kept in North Waziristan, Orakzai and some with Haqqani group.

    To understand the basic reason behind coordination between all these factions, we need to trace the affiliations of these groups with different Islamic schools of thought.

    There are two major schools of thought in both TTP and Afghan Taliban; Deobandi and Salafi.

    Deobandi constitute nearly 80% of Taliban on both sides of Durand Line while the remaining are Salafi, more inclined towards Saudi Wahabi School of thought. al-Qaeda too represents Salafi school of thought across the globe.

    Salafis are very rigid in religious interpretations and consider both West and its supported regimes in the Muslim world as Kafirs so Jihad is obligatory against both of them. Al-Qaeda struggle is not confined to a specific region, state or territory but striving to establish an Islamic Caliphate according to their own interpretation.

    In Pakistan due to close coordination with al-Qaeda, TTP has also a fair number of Salafi militants, specially, Bajaur, Mohmand, Darra Adam Khel etc are areas where Salafi militants have a clear majority. While militants in South, North Waziristans, Khyber, Malakand, are Deobandi. Former TTP head, Baitullah Mehsud was Deobandi similarly Maulana Wali-U-Rahman, TTP’s S. Waziristan chapter head is also Deobandi. Pakistani religious political party JUI(F) main Deobandi headed by Fazlur Rehman also exerts influence in Waziristan.

    Qari Hussain and his nephew TTP chief Hakimullah Mehsud both are basically Deobandi but lately influenced by Salafis due to their close relation with al-Qaeda and sectarian militant outfit, “Lashkar-e-Jhangvi” “Lashkr-e-Jahanqi”, an offshoot of banned Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) is a mixture of both Deobandi and Salafi militants. But the Outfit is reported to have close links with Salafi al-Qaeda.

    Molvi Faqir Muhammad of Bajur, Umar Khalid from Mohmand and Tariq Afridi of Dara Adamkhel are close to Salafi school of thought.

    On the other side of Durand Line, Taliban active in Afghan provinces of Nuristan and Kunar, sharing borders with Bajaur, Mohmand and Malakand division are predominantly Salafi.

    Qari Zia-ur-Rahman, a renowned Afghan Taliban Commander has close relations with TTP deputy chief, Mualana Faqir Muhammad and used to send his fighters across the border to assist Pakistani Taliban against security forces. The fact admitted by ISPR DG as well.

    Keeping in view the growing influence of Salafis on Taliban it remains to be seen how the latter could be neutralised and included in any future set up in case US/NATO decide to withdraw.

    – Asian Tribune –

    Asia Report N°164 – 13 March 2009

    Before it was dismissed through a military coup in October 1999, Nawaz Sharif’s Muslim League (PMLN) government took some significant steps against Deobandi militant groups, particularly the SSP and the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LJ). With scores of militants arrested and convicted in 1998-1999, the SSP and LJ shifted bases from their home province, Punjab, to Afghanistan, where they were provided sanctuaries by Mullah Omar’s regime. In 1999, Sharif’s government sent a high-level delegation to Kabul demanding that SSP and LJ militants, including LJ leader Riaz Basra, be handed over to face trial in Pakistan. Those efforts to bring jihadi militants to justice ended with Musharaf’s coup.(1)

    Deobandi madrassas and mosques, which provide a growing pool of recruits, have been as integral to the Pakistani Taliban’s rise, now loosely aligned under the Tehrik-i-Taliban (Movement of the Taliban, TTP), as they were to that of the Afghan Taliban in the 1990s. Militant fundraising, which includes criminal activities such as kidnappings for ransom and bank robberies, has gained momentum with the tribal extremists expanding their control over territory and reviving ties with drug and smuggling cartels in Afghanistan, severed after the Taliban’s ouster. The militants now have greater manpower, money and access to equipment than ever before. Their increasing capabilities have indeed produced an upsurge of jihadi violence countrywide. “Deobandi groups are becoming bolder and more violent than we have ever seen. “Their trademark has become the spectacular suicide attack”.(2)

    Facing significant international pressure after 11 September 2001, Musharraf reversed the government’s support to the Taliban regime in Kabul, and promised to crack down on extremist groups at home. Efforts were, however, selective at best. After the Taliban’s ouster, many militants from radical Sunni groups including the LJ, having lost their Afghan sanctuaries, were allowed to return to Pakistan.

    Government inaction also permitted Taliban militants fleeing Afghanistan to establish havens in the tribal areas, from where they deepened contacts with Pakistani jihadi groups. Moreover, Musharaf’s failure to implement his stated commitment to reform the madrasa sector enabled a second generation of militants, trained in Pakistan’s madrasas and terrorist camps, to establish links with other cells and/or merge into new entities.(3)

    The military high command’s regional priorities played a major role in this policy of turning a blind eye to the presence of radical Sunni groups. According to an informed observer, the military government “left the sectarian infrastructure intact because in the future it would prove useful in order to implement the state’s foreign policies in Afghanistan and Kashmir….As long as these are the policy preferences, these groups will remain intact”.(4) Indeed, new jihadi groups emerged under Musharaf’s watch.

    The military government’s failure to move against religious extremists can also be attributed to its dependence on the six-party religious alliance, Mutahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), led by the pro-Taliban Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F) and the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), to offset opposition from moderate secular parties.

    Although Pakistan now has an elected civilian government, the military high command has yet to cede authority in key policy areas, including counter-terrorism and relations with Afghanistan. This has significant ramifications for the new administration’s efforts to curtail religious extremism at home and pursue peace with its neighbor.

    The military and its intelligence agencies, particularly the Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate (ISI), have often hampered investigations by civilian law enforcement agencies like the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) and Intelligence Bureau (IB), which have a better track record against extremists but lack the resources and authority to fulfill their mandate. Their ability to build cases that have traction in the courts, against those responsible for attacks or inciting others to violence within Pakistan, will be vital to combating religious extremism and terrorism within and from Pakistan.

    1.Crisis Group interview, Rana Jawad, Islamabad, 7 October 2008
    2.Crisis Group Interview, Karachi, 16 October 2008
    3.Crisis Group Asia Report No130, Pakistan: Karachi’s Madrasas and Violent Extremism, 29 March 2007; and Crisis Group Reports, The State of Sectarianism in Pakistan; Unfulfilled Promises: Pakistan’s Failure to Tackle Extremism; Pakistan: The Mullahs and the Military; and Pakistan: Madrasas, Extremism and the Military..
    4.Crisis Group interview, Wajahat Masood, Lahore, 24 June 2008.

  43. ھ 30 مارچ 2011 ,‭ 08:38 GMT 13:38 PST

    صوابی میں خودکش حملہ، سات ہلاک

    صوہ خیبر پختونخوا میں پولیس اہلکاروں کو دشہت گرد حملوں کا نشانہ بنایا جاتا رہا ہے (فائل فوٹو)

    پاکستان میں صوبہ خیبر پختونخوا کے شہر صوابی میں موٹر وے انٹرچینج کے قریب پولیس چیک پوسٹ کے سامنے دھماکہ ہوا ہے جس میں کم سے کم سات افراد ہلاک ہوئے ہیں۔

    دھماکہ جمعیت علماء اسلام کے سربراہ مولانا فضل الرحمان کے استقبالیہ جلوس میں ہوا ہے جس میں پولیس اہلکار اور جلوس میں شامل افراد ہلاک اور زخمی ہوئے ہیں۔

    پولیس کے مطابق مولانا فضل الرحمان دھماکے سے کچھ ہی دیر پہلے اس چیک پوسٹ سے گزر کر گئے تھےؤ وہ چارسدہ میں جلسے سے خطاب کرنے جار ہے تھے۔

    صوابی پولیس کے انسپکٹر شیر افسر خاننے بتایا ہے کہ یہ ایک خود کش دھماکہ تھا اور حملہ آور موٹر سائکل پر سوار تھا۔ اس نے دھماکہ اس وقت کر دیا جب اس کو پولیس نے چیک پوسٹ پر رکنے کا اشرہ کیا تھا۔

    پولیس کا کہنا تھا کہ ہلاک ہونے والوں میں ایک پولیس اہلکار بھی شامل تھا۔

    صوابی پولیس کے ایک اور اہلکار خیر محمد نے بتایا ہے کہ دھماکے کے بعد موقع پر آگ بھڑک اٹھی ہے جس کو بجھانے کے لیے فائر بریگیڈ کی گاڑیاں طلب کی گئی ہیں۔

    پولیس کا کہنا ہے کہ ھماکہ جمعیت علماء اسلام کے جلوس اور پولیس چوکی کے قریب ہوا ہے۔

    صوابی ہسپتال میں موجود حکام نے بتایا ہے کہ دھماکے کے بعد تین لاشیں اور پانچ زخمی سول ہسپتال لائے گئے ہیں جن میں سے دو زخمیوں کو پشاور روانہ کر دیا گیا ہے۔ تیرہ زخمی ایک نجی ہسپتال کو لے جائے گئے ہیں جن میں سے پانچ شدید زخمیوں کو پشاور ہشپتال منتقل کردیا گیا ہے۔

    سوابی دار الحکومت اسلام آباد سے تقریباً 70 کلومیٹر کے فاصے پر واقع ہے۔ یہاں پچھلے سال نومبر میں بھی ایک خود کش حملہ ہوا تھا جس میں ایک پولیس تھانے کو نشانہ بنایا گیا تھا۔

  44. جمعرات 31 مارچ 2011 ,‭

    فضل الرحمان پر دو دن میں دوسرا حملہ، بارہ افراد ہلاک

    رفعت اللہ اورکزئی
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، پشاور

    حملہ میں استعمال ہونے والی موٹر سائیکل کا ڈھانچہ

    پاکستان کے صوبہ خیبر پختونخوا کے ضلع چارسدہ میں حکام کا کہنا ہے کہ جمعیت علماء اسلام (ف) کے سربراہ مولانا فضل الرحمان کے قافلے میں ہونے والے دھماکے میں کم سے کم دس افراد ہلاک اور تیس کے قریب زخمی ہوگئے ہیں۔

    چارسدہ کے ضلعی رابط افسر اجمل خان کے مطابق یہ واقعہ جمعرات کی صبح چارسدہ شہر میں ڈی سی او آفس کے سامنے پیش آیا ہے۔

    انہوں نے کہا کہ جمعیت علماء اسلام کے سربراہ مولانا فضل الرحمان ایک جلسے میں شرکت کرنے کے لیے سڑک پر جارہے تھے کہ اس دوران ان کے قافلے میں شامل پولیس موبائل کو بم دھماکے میں نشانہ بنایا گیا۔ ان کے مطابق دھماکے کا نشانہ مولانا فضل الرحمان اور ان کے ساتھی تھے۔

    مولانا کے قافلے پر اس سے پہلے بھی حملہ ہو چکا ہے

    چارسدہ پولیس کے سربراہ نثار مروت نے بی بی سی کو بتایا ہے کے حملے میں کم سے کم پانچ اہلکار ہلاک اور متعدد زخمی ہوگئے ہیں۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ ہلاک اور زخمی ہونے والوں میں اکثریت عام شہریوں کی تھی۔ تاہم مقامی ذرائع نے ہلاک ہونے والے افراد کی تعداد سات کے قریب بتائی ہے۔

    برطانوی خبر رساں ادارے رائٹرز نے مقامی حکام کے حوالے سے کہا کہ یہ ایک خِود کش دھماکہ تھا اور حملہ آور نے بارود اپنے جسم سے باندھ رکھا تھا۔

    جے یو آئی کے سربراہ مولانا فضل الرحمان نے میڈیا سے بات کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ دھماکہ ایسے وقت ہوا جب ان کی گاڑی چند قدم کے فاصلے پر تھی۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ ان کی گاڑی میں سوار وہ اور ان کے ساتھی تو محفوظ رہے تاہم ان کی گاڑی کے شیشے ٹوٹ گئے ہیں۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ ان کے قافلے میں شامل دیگر گاڑیوں میں سوار ان کے کچھ ساتھی زخمی بھی ہوئے ہیں۔

    تاحال کسی نے اس دھماکے کی ذمہ داری قبول نہیں کی ہے لیکن اس تاز دھماکے سے قبل مولانا فضل الرحمان نے طالبان پاکستان کو تنقید کا نشانہ بناتا تھا۔

    حالیہ دھماکے کے بعد اپنی پارٹی جمیعت علماء اسلام کے کارکنوں کو تسلی دینے کے لیے مولانا فضل الرحمان خود ایک ٹی چینل پر نمودار ہوئے۔

    اس سے پہلے صوابی میں مولانا فضل الرحمن کے قافلے پر حملہ ہوا تھا

    عینی شاہدین کا کہنا ہے کہ دھماکہ کے اردگرد واقع دکانوں اور مکانات کو بھی نقصان پہنچا ہے۔ حملے میں پولیس موبائل گاڑی مکمل طورپر تباہ ہوگئی ہے۔ زخمیوں کو چارسدہ اور پشاور کے ہسپتالوں میں منتقل کردیاگیا ہے۔

    خیال رہے کہ مولانا فضل الرحمان کے قافلے پر گزشتہ دو دنوں کے دوران یہ دوسرا حملہ ہے۔ بدھ کو بھی ضلع صوابی میں مولانا فضل الرحمان کے اسقتبالیہ جلوس پر ہونے والے حملے میں سات افراد ہلاک ہوگئے تھے۔ ابھی تک کسی تنظیم نے ان دھماکوں کی ذمہ داری قبول نہیں کی ہے۔

  45. The situation is also worsening in the Dera Ismail Khan and Taank, cities adjacent to South Waziristan. The people migrating from South Waziristan are settling in these areas. However, the Pakistani Army has started search operations in these cities and the surrounding areas, harassing the common man and woman.

    The candidate of the Pakistan Peoples Party in NA-25 Taank is Dawar Khan Kundi who is contesting against Atta-ur-Rehman, the brother of Fazl-ur Rehman. The slogans painted by the campaign team of Dawar Khan on the walls of Taank city are “Socialism is our economy” and “We want the end of Feudalism and Capitalism”. Dawar Kundi along with Faisal Kundi, who is contesting in NA-24 DI Khan city against Fazl-ur Rehman, are tipped to win their seats with big margins.

    Due to fear of the victory of these candidates, the ISI is attempting to sabotage the whole election process. Comrades are playing a key role in the campaign of Dawar Kundi in NA-25. Dawar Kundi’s belief in socialist ideas is growing as every day passes and he is showing a keen interest in joining the IMT. If the elections are held this time and Trotskyists win in Wana, Karachi and Kasur then these elections could become the parliamentary elections of Pakistan that mark the beginning of a process that will eventually lead to a socialist victory of the working class.

    Pakistan: Elections in South Waziristan offering a socialist alternative to imperialist hegemony and fundamentalist barbarism
    Written by Paras Jan
    Thursday, 24 January 2008

  46. What Maulana Fazlur Rehman has on the cards – by Ali Arqam

    The Maulana has in the past opposed the PPP government’s decision of military operations against the militant outfits as they have considerably strong influence in various militant outfits of the Deobandi sect. Maulana Fazlur Rehman also offered mediation between the Government and the Taliban, although it seems far-fetched as both parties, Taliban in particular, are skeptical of Maulana Fazlur Rehman.

    The Pakistani Taliban (TTP) is a loosely bonded group of various splinter cells of militants. They pose as united for their fierce image, impact and also to attract new recruits. Maulana is not popular among all of them, as leaders of the TTP Swat chapter, Fazlullah and Shah Doran, had shown their disgust for him in their propaganda speeches on the infamous FM radio.

    In early 2008, a rocket was fired on Maulana’s residence in DI Khan, and intelligence agencies have reported threats to his life.

    Another leader of the JUI, Maulana Muhammad Khan Sherani (recently appointed chairman CII), has narrowly escaped at least two attacks by the Taliban.

    JUI knows it better. Therefore while they always issued statements against the military operations to appease the conservative voters they never put significant steps in opposing the military operations.

  47. 31 March 2011

    9 die in second attack on Fazlur Rehman after WikiLeaks expose

    Islamabad, March 31 (IANS) Nine people were killed Thursday in a bombing that targetted Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman, exposed last week by WikiLeaks for his offer to the US to mediate with the Taliban. It was the second attack on him in two days.
    At least nine people were killed and 16 others were injured Thursday in the powerful bombing that took place in Charsadda district of Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province when Rehman was passing through a busy street in a motor convoy.
    Rehman was unhurt but some of his bodyguards were injured, said Nisar Marwat, the district police chief.
    ‘Until now nine people are confirmed dead while 16 more are injured,’ DPA quoted Marwat as saying.
    Xinhua reported that those who died in the blast include three policemen and one woman, and many of the injured were in critical condition. The toll could rise.
    Eyewitnesses said that a man blew himself up while the convoy carrying Rehman passed by. Rehman’s car was damaged, but he himself remained unhurt in the attack.
    It was the second attempt on Rehman’s life.
    On Wednesday, a suicide bomber detonated his explosives when Rehman was about to reach a political rally in Swabi district. Ten people were killed and 19 were injured in that attack.
    The two attacks in quick succession came after a leading Indian newspaper March 26 accessed cables leaked by WikiLeaks that reveal Rehman had sent a message to the US embassy in New Delhi offering to mediate with the Taliban.
    The Hindu newspaper reported that Muslim leaders in New Delhi stayed away from Fazlur Rehman when he visited the city in May 2006. He again visited the following year.
    He then offered his services as a mediator between the US and the Taliban.
    Rehman also sought the assistance of the Americans to help him play his ‘rightful’ role in the Pakistan government.
    On May 3, 2007, assistant political counselor Atul Keshap reported (cable 106645: secret) his meeting with JuH leader Mahmood Madani.
    Madani told the US official that Rehman had a ‘pressing issue he wanted to discuss with US officials, but he was only interested in holding these talks outside of Pakistan’, The Hindu reported.
    He went on to say that Rehman ‘could not speak freely in Pakistan, that he would say one thing in Pakistan and something else in India if asked’.
    ‘Madani explained that Rehman was interested in acting as a go-between for the United States, to negotiate with the Taliban in order to bring them into the mainstream and peacefully into politics in Afghanistan. Madani said many of the Taliban were just caught up in the conflict and did not have a way out of it. Which Taliban members were willing to be involved and under what circumstances would have to be worked out in the negotiations.

  48. Musharraf tried to use us to negotiate with Mullah Omar: Fazlur Rehman
    By Munizae Jahangir
    Published: November 13, 2010

    Musharraf asked MMA to America’s bidding with the Taliban leader
    ISLAMABAD: General (R) Pervez Musharraf asked the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) to meet Mullah Omar in Kandahar after the 2001 terror attacks in the United States, according to JUI-F leader Maulana Fazlur Rehman.
    He said that the former president had urged the MMA leaders to persuade Mullah Omar to agree to Musharraf’s demands, which were identical to the ones made by former President Bush. Rehman claimed that the six-party alliance had decided against going to Kandahar because they suspected that Musharraf was using them to do America’s bidding.
    According to media reports, the US had demanded that Taliban hand over Osama bin Laden. But this was not the first time the US had tried to approach Taliban leadership via Pakistan. After the terror attack outside US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in August 1988, the Clinton administration had pressurised Nawaz Sharif and then DG ISI Lieutenant-General Ziauddin to help in a US organised commando raid to capture Bin Laden and bring him to the US for a trial.
    Nawaz Sharif was reluctant to do so because he feared that Musharraf, the then chief of army staff, would not support him. However, after the Kargil war the US persuaded Sharif to send Ziauddin to meet Mullah Omar in Kandahar.
    Reportedly, Mullah Omar refused to hand over Bin Laden to the US but agreed to expel him to another Muslim country. When Musharraf learned of this, he was livid with Sharif for not keeping him in the loop.
    It is reported that Musharraf then sent his Chief of General Staff, Mohammad Aziz, and Maulana Fazlur Rehman to Kandahar to tell Mullah Omar that he should not carry out any instructions received from Ziauddin. Musharraf only sent his fellow coup maker General Mehmood to convince Mullah Omar to hand over Bin Laden when he succumbed to all of Richard Armitage’s demands after 9/11.
    However, it is widely reported that General Mehmood asked Mullah Omar not to hand over bin Laden and advised the Americans to negotiate with Taliban leadership. General Mehmood was sacked by Musharraf on October 7, 2001.
    Maulana Fazlur Rehman remained tight lipped about the negotiations, but confirmed that Musharraf did attempt to use the MMA to negotiate with Taliban at the behest of the United States.
    The full interview was aired on Friday and will be repeated today on FACE OFF, Express 24×7.
    Published in The Express Tribune, November 13th, 2010.

  49. Although Maulana Rehman’s Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam party is close to militant organisations, BBC correspondents say insurgent leaders were angered by a Wikileaks cable showing Mr Rahman apparently offering help to US officials in return for greater political power.

    Maulana Rehman himself said he did not know who might want to attack him.

    “My car was substantially damaged in the attack. There is blood everywhere… my clothes are covered in blood,” he told reporters minutes after Thursday’s attack.

    “The bodies were blown out of the car… We are trying to get the dead and injured out of here and to hospitals.

    “I can’t say who is behind these attacks but its definitely due to our political ideology.”

    Continue reading the main story

    Ties with Taliban
    Some reports say that a suicide bomber tried to reach Maulana Rehman’s car but was stopped by a police vehicle escorting the politician.

    Officials say the blast ripped through the police vehicle.

    Charsadda police chief Nisar Khan Marwat told the BBC that at least two policemen inside were among the dead – the rest were locals, he said.

    Maulana Rehman escaped unscathed, although two of his aides were injured.

    The BBC’s Syed Shoaib Hasan in Karachi says the JUI-F enjoys political importance because of its close ties to Taliban militants – its members run dozens of madarassas in Balochistan believed to provide many of the “foot soldiers” for the current Afghan conflict.

    Maulana Rehman himself comes from Dera Ismail Khan district – located next to the Waziristan region which has been a centre of Taliban militancy.

    He has overwhelming political support in these areas, having won several elections there, our correspondents say.

    Until recently, the JUI-F was part of Pakistan’s ruling coalition.

    However, it walked out of government following the Hajj scandal – in which massive sums of money were alleged to have been misappropriated at the religious affairs ministry.



    Syed Shoaib Hasan
    BBC News, Karachi
    Maulana Rehman, as the leader of JUI-F, has earned influence far beyond his party’s limited representation in the national parliament by backing the winning candidate in almost every government. That has earned him a reputation as a kingmaker.

    Unlike other radical Islamist parties – such as the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf parties – the JUI-F is more mainstream. It has seven seats in the national assembly and is a coalition partner in Balochistan province.

    But Maulana Rehman’s support among militants waned after US diplomatic cables, released on Wikileaks, described him as “cosying up” to the Americans.

    Maulana Rehman was quoted promising US officials help against the militants in return for greater political power.

    The revelations drew angry responses from the Taliban – some of whom openly threatened to carry out attacks against him.

  50. Local TV footage showed a police truck damaged by the blast, its front partially ripped off and its side covered in shrapnel holes. Several nearby shops were also damaged and their goods spilled out into the street.

    The attack came a day after a suicide bomber blew himself up amid a crowd of Rehman’s supporters minutes after he passed by in a vehicle.

    The blast left Rehman unharmed but killed 13 others.

    Rehman has been an outspoken supporter of the Afghan Taliban, but some fighters in Pakistan have shown a willingness to target anyone connected to the US-backed government.

    US diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks last year also revealed that Rehman allegedly sought support from US officials in Pakistan despite his fierce criticism of Washington in public.

  51. Fazlur Rehman prevented from entering US

    Updated at: 0532 PST, Tuesday, September 21, 2010
    DOHA: Chief JUI and chairman Kashmir Committee, Maulana Fazlur Rehman has been barred from entering USA on Tuesday, Geo News reported.

    Meanwhile, Federal Minister Science and Technology Azam Khan Swati has been okayed to go America unconditionally.

    An official in US State Department confirmed to media on condition of anonymity that Maulana Fazlur Rehman was stopped from going to US at Doha international airport when he was ready to fly for America to attend an OIC moot being held in New York.

    US state department said his case is being reviewed at the moment, after which he will be issued boarding pass, he said further.

  52. Pakistani politician blames assassination attempt on CIA, Pakistan government

    A prominent Islamist politician and fierce critic of US presence in his country survived the attack unscathed. He blamed it on the CIA and local government, despite contradictory evidence.

    Pakistani Islamist politician Maulana Fazlur Rehman addresses a press conference in Islamabad in this 2007 file photo.

    Farooq Naeem/AFP/Getty Images/Newscom

    By Taylor Barnes, Correspondent / March 31, 2011

    Pakistani politician blames assassination attempt on CIA, Pakistan government

    A suicide bomb in Pakistan’s turbulent northwest apparently targeting a prominent Islamist politician killed at least 10 people Thursday when it hit the politician’s convoy, but failed to hit the politician himself. While police identified the bomber as a local student, the killed politician’s party leadership pointed the finger at the US and at the Pakistani government.

    The attack, which killed police and companions of the party leader and cleric Maulana Fazlur Rehman, but did no harm to him, was the second time that the hard-line Islamist Jamiat-e-ulema-e-Islam – Fazl (JUI-F) party came under attack in two days, Reuters notes. The first attack killed 12 people at a JUI gathering in the northwest town of Peshawar before Mr. Rehman arrived. While the BBC describes his party as close to militant organizations, Reuters says that Rehman is a “firebrand” critic of the US-Pakistani government alliance to fight terrorism, but is still wary of militant violence.

    RELATED: In Pakistan, Asher Hasan brings innovation to health-care cost, at $1.80 per month

    Today’s bomb exploded near Rehman’s car in the town of Charsadda when the leader was on his way to attend a public gathering. Pakistan’s The News reported that police had found remains of the suicide bomber and his student card identified him as a local resident.

    At a rally after the attack, the JUI Secretary General Maulana Abdul Ghafoor Haidri blamed the CIA and Blackwater for the attack, as well as Pakistan’s government for giving them “free reign” in the northwest. He accused the Pakistani government of giving free reign to US agents to target local leaders who speak out against the CIA’s drone program and said the JUI-F would hold protests on Friday to condemn the two recent attacks, according to the Pakistani newspaper The Dawn.

    Awareness of covert US work in the country has been heightened lately because of the recent furor over CIA contractor Raymond Davis, who was working under the guise of being a low-level US embassy employee when he killed two Pakistani men in Lahore in what he says was self-defense. Mr. Davis was was put in Pakistani custody but was released in mid-March, possibly after the US government paid “blood money” to have him freed.

    After the second attack, Rehman went forward with a planned public meeting at the playground of a public high school and criticized the local government for not protecting them, The Dawn reported:

    “We ask the government why it failed to make adequate security arrangements and why security was not provided to our workers,” he questioned.

    He said that they would continue their struggle despite such incidents. No one could stop them from marching towards their destination, he said. He alleged that America was a terrorist state and its policies were based on terrorism. He said that supporters of American policies were also terrorists.

    He came down heavily on [local coalition government leading party] Awami National Party Chief Asfandyar Wali Khan, saying he had buried the non-violence philosophy of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan.

    “When the former Soviet Union occupied Afghanistan, the ANP leadership embraced them. Now the American and NATO forces are butchering Pakhtuns but ANP leaders are supporting them,” he said.

    He said that war on terror was not their war. “It is American war, which is fought on the soil of Pakhtuns. We oppose this war as killing of Pakhtuns is not acceptable to us,” he said. He said that government should change its policies.

  53. فضل الرحمان سے بات

    میڈیا پلئیر

    اکتیس مارچ سنہ دو ہزار گیارہ کو پاکستان صوبہ خیبر پختونخواہ کے ضلع چارسدہ میں مولانا فضل الرحمان کے قافلے پر خودکش حملے میں کم سے کم دس افراد ہلاک اور تیس کے قریب زخمی ہوگئے ہیں۔ حملے کے کچھ گھنٹے بعد مولانا فضل الرحمان نے بی بی سی کے جاوید سومرو سے بات کی۔

  54. Militant leader to investigate attacks on Fazl By Pazir Gul | From the Newspaper (15 hours ago) Today
    We appreciate the role Maulana Fazlur Rehman is playing in politics and can render sacrifices for the protection of the pious ulema,” said the spokesman of Gul Bahadur.—AFP photo

    MIRAMSHAH: Hafiz Gul Bahadur, an influential militant commander in North Waziristan, has announced that investigation will be conducted into suicide attacks on Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman.

    He condemned the assassination attempts and said that motives behind the attacks were to create hatred against Muslims and jihad.

    Gul Bahadur’s spokesman Ahmadullah Ahmadi in a written statement on Monday termed the attacks a conspiracy and said the culprits would be punished publicly.

    “Shoora Mujahideen North Waziristan condemns the attacks and has started investigations to expose the conspiracies,” the statement released in Miramshah said.

    “We appreciate the role Maulana Fazlur Rehman is playing in politics and can render sacrifices for the protection of the pious ulema,” the spokesman said.

    On March 30, a suicide bomber on a motorcycle blew himself up near the JUI-F workers waiting to receive Maulana Fazl at the Swabi Interchange, killing 12 people and injuring more than 20.

    A day after, another bomber rammed his motorbike into a police van deployed for providing security to the Maulana who was going to Charsadda. Twelve people, including three policemen, were killed in the attack.

    No group claimed responsibility for the attacks.

  55. Did more committed proxies of the ISI kill this mullah?

    کشمیری رہنماؤں کے’نامعلوم‘ قاتل کون؟

    مولانا شوکت ’نامعلوم‘ قاتلوں کے ہاتھوں ہلاک ہونے والے کشمیری رہنماؤں کی فہرست میں شامل

    بھارت کے زیرِانتظام کشمیر کی علیحدگی پسند تحریک کے حامی اور معروف عالم دین مولانا شوکت شاہ گزشتہ جمعہ کو سرینگر میں ایک بم دھماکے میں ہوگئے۔

    جمعیت اہلحدیث کے سربراہ مولانا شوکت ہندوستان کے زیرِ انتظام کشمیر کے تیسرے اہم مذہبی رہنما ہیں جو پچھلے دو دہائیوں سے جاری مسلح تحریک کے دوران ’نامعلوم‘ قاتلوں کا نشانہ بنے ہیں۔

    مولانا شوکت احمد شاہ یاسین ملک دھڑے کی خود مختار کشمیر کی حامی تنظیم جموں کشمیر لبریشن فرنٹ یعنی جے کے ایل ایف کے قریب سمجھے جاتے تھے۔

    مولانا نے اپریل دو ہزار نو میں بھارتی سیکورٹی فوسز کے خلاف کشمیری نوجوانوں کی پتھراؤ کی مہم کو غیر اسلامی قرار دیا تھا۔ کشمیر میں برسرپیکار شدت پسند تنظیموں نے ان کے فتوے کو مسترد کردیا تھا۔

    مولانا شوکت کشمیری کی ہلاکت کے چند ہی گھنٹوں بعد وادی کشمیر میں سرگرم کوئی ایک درجن عسکری تنظیموں کے اتحاد متحدہ جہاد کونسل کے سربراہ سید صلاح الدین نے اپنے بیان میں مولانا کی ہلاکت پر افسوس کا اظہار کیا اور حسب روایت ہندوستان کی خفیہ ایجنسیوں کو مورد الزام ٹہرایا۔

    لیکن بیان میں یہ وضاحت نہیں کی گئی کہ انھیں کن ذرائع سے معلوم ہوا کہ مولانا کے قتل میں بھارت کی خفیہ ایجنسیوں کا ہاتھ ہے۔

    مولوی میر واعظ محمد فاروق پہلے اہم کشمیری رہنماء تھے جنھیں مسلح تحریک کے آغاز بعد قتل کیا گیا تھا۔

    اکتیس جولائی سن انیس سو اٹھاسی کو ہندوستان کے زیر انتظام کشمیر میں شروع ہونے والی مسلح تحریک کو ابھی دو سال بھی نہیں ہوئے تھے کہ 21 مئی 1990 کو میر واعظ مولانامحمد فاروق کو سرینگر میں اپنے گھر میں ’نامعلوم‘ مسلح افراد نے ہلاک کیا۔

    اان کے قتل کے اگلے دن بھارتی سکیورٹی فورسز نے ان کی جنازے میں شریک افراد پر فائرنگ کی جس کے نتیجے میں پچاس افراد ہلاک اور بہت سارے زخمی ہوگئے تھے۔

    مولانا فاروق کے قتل کے چار سال بعد 20 جون 1994 کو کشمیر کے ایک اور مذہبی رہنما قاضی نثار احمد ’نامعلوم‘ افراد کی گولیوں کا شکار ہوگے۔

    خود مختار کشمیر کے حامی اہم کشمیری رہنما عبدالغنی لون کو 21 مئی 2002 کو سرینگر میں ایک جلسے کے دوران نامعلوم افراد نے گولیاں مار کر ہلاک کیا گیا تھا۔

    خود مختار کشمیر کے ہی حمایتی پروفیسر عبدالاحد وانی کو 21 دسمبر 1993کو مبینہ طور ان کے نظریات کی وجہ سے یونیورسٹی کیمپس میں گولیاں مار کر ہلاک کیا گیا تھا۔

    لیکن رواں سال جنوری میں علحیٰدگی پسند کشمیری رہنماءپروفیسر عبدالغنی بٹ نے سرینگر میں ایک سمینار سے خطاب کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ کشمیری آزادی پسند رہنماؤں مولانا محمد فاروق اور عبدالغنی لون کے علاوہ کشمیر کی یونیورسٹی کے پروفیسر عبدالاحد وانی کے قتل میں بھارتی فوج کا کوئی کردار نہیں تھا بلکہ ان کو ’اپنوں‘ نے ہی ہلاک کیا تھا۔

    جمعیت اہلحدیث کے سربراہ مولانا شوکت احمد شاہ وادی کشمیر کے تیسرے اہم مذہبی رہنما ہیں جنھیں جمعہ کوسرینگر میں بم دھماکے میں ہلاک کیا گیا۔ لیکن اس بار گولیاں نہیں برسائی گئیں بلکہ ماضی کے برعکس بم کا استعمال کیا گیا۔

    وادی کشمیر میں مسلح تحریک کے دوران اب تک کئی اہم سیاسی اور مذہبی رہنماؤں کے علاوہ دانشوروں اور سینکڑوں سیاسی کارکن نامعلوم افراد کی گولیوں کا نشانہ بن چکے ہیں۔

    ان ہلاکتوں کے ذمہ دار آخر ہیں کون کسی کو کچھ معلوم نہیں لیکن لوگ یہ ضرور پوچھتے ہیں یہ ہتھیار کس کے ہیں، کون استعمال کرتا ہے اور آخر کب تک کشمیری ان کا نشانہ بنتے رہیں گے۔

  56. JI leader targeted in failed bomb plot
    By Manzoor Ali
    Published: April 12, 2011

    Three militants, one policeman killed in a separate clash in Awami Market.
    A Jamaat-e-Islami leader survived a potential bomb attack when a six-kilogramme improvised explosive device (IED) was defused from outside his house by a Bomb Disposal Unit here on Monday.
    The police defused a six kilogramme IED planted outside the house of JI Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa General Secretary Shabbir Ahmed Khan.
    A police official from the Faqirabad police station told The Express Tribune that they had received a call from the JI leader at around 7:00 AM about a suspicious package outside his home. Following that, a Bomb Disposal Unit (BDU) was dispatched to the scene.
    He said that the explosives were packed in a plastic bag and placed outside the boundary wall of Khan’s home in the Afghan Colony.
    SSP Operation Ijaz Ahmed told The Express Tribune that it was an IED device weighing around six kilogrammes and fitted with a prima card and a detonator. “Six kilogrammes of explosives is a big amount and would have caused considerable damage had it not been defused in time,” Ijaz said.
    The JI has announced to hold protest rallies across the province against the attempted assassination of its leader.
    Khan, while talking to reporters, alleged that it was the Blackwater and American agencies that were behind such attacks.
    Meanwhile, in a separate incident the same day, three militants and a policeman were killed in a clash.
    An official of the Hayatabad Police Station told The Express Tribune that the clash took place around 2:00 AM, when an unspecified number of militants attacked a police patrol in the Awami Market on Jamrud Road.
    The official said that at least three militants and a policeman were killed in the clash, while another policeman sustained injuries. He said that some other militants managed to escape in the cover of the darkness.
    He added that the police had also recovered arms and ammunition from the militants who were killed. However, there was no word on the identification of the militants.
    The slain policeman was identified as ASI Sajid Iqbal.
    Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Operation Peshawar Ijaz Ahmed told The Express Tribune that there were around 15-20 attackers. He said that the attackers had come from the Khyber Agency side and were affiliated with the Bara based militant outfit Lashkar-e-Islam (LI). “There were people from Jamrud, Shalobar area of Bara tehsil and some Afghans among the attackers,” Ahmed said.
    City Police chief Liaquat Ali Khan told reporters said that militants have entered the cities under the guise of internally displaced persons.
    Published in The Express Tribune, April 12th, 2011.

  57. Pakistani Taliban Widen Jihad with Strikes on Fellow Muslims

    Publication: Terrorism Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 28July 16, 2010 12:15 PM Age: 273 days
    By: Arif Jamal

    Leader of Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat Mohammadi (TNSM), Maulana Sufi Mohammad
    The local chapter of Pakistan’s Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) Islamist political party held a rally on April 19 in the historic Kissa Khwani Bazaar of Peshawar to protest the extremely low gas pressure and rolling blackouts that affect Peshawar residents up to 10 hours per day (for the shortages, see Daily Times [Lahore], January 18; Frontier Post [Peshawar], July 10). As leaders announced the end of the rally and protesters started to leave, a 14-year old suicide bomber ignited his suicide vest, killing 23 persons and injuring 50 others. The suicide bomber successfully targeted local JI leaders and police officers – among the dead were JI Peshawar vice-amir Haji Dost Mohammad and deputy superintendent of police Gulfat Hussain (The News [Islamabad], April 20).

    Due to the fact that Deputy Superintendent Hussain was a Shi’a Muslim, it was initially thought that the suicide bomber had specifically targeted him. However, all other evidence suggested that the real target of the bomber was the JI leaders. Had it been by chance or mistake, they would not have continued to target more JI leaders later on. In order to downplay its differences with the Taliban and other jihadist groups, JI tried to blame the Americans for the bombing, with JI leader Hafiz Hashmat accusing private security firm Blackwater (Xe Services LLE) for the attack (Dawn [Karachi] April 20).

    The suicide bombing of the JI rally was an attempt to widen the war that the Pakistani Taliban are fighting against the state of Pakistan. Although the bombing was not the only attack on JI leaders in recent months, it was the biggest, and such targeted attacks have continued. On June 16 the Taliban in Hangu assassinated JI leader Fida Saadi, a provincial executive council member (News, June 17). Soon afterwards they killed JI leader Haji Mohammad Khan and kidnapped his son in Darra Adamkhel on June 23 (Dawn, June 24).

    The aim of the Pakistani Taliban is to establish an Islamic caliphate, one excluding the participation of all other Islamist groups. When the Afghan mujahideen found Kabul in sight after the fall of Dr. Najibullah’s regime in the early 1990s, they threw themselves at one another’s throats. The ensuing civil war gave birth to the Taliban movement. Recently, the Pakistani Taliban intensified their war on the Barelvi movement and Sufi Islam by bringing the conflict to Punjab. New fronts were opened against the JI with the April 19 suicide bombing in Peshawar and against the Ahmadi community with a suicide bombing in Lahore on May 28 (see Terrorism Monitor, June 12).

    The enmity between the JI and different parts of the Pakistani Taliban is both ideological and political. Although both JI and the Deobandi groups among the Pakistani Taliban follow the Hanafi school of jurisprudence, JI places less stress on ritual and more on political Islam. The Deobandis abhor the JI leaders (some of whom wear Western dress) and accuse them of having a lust for political power.[1]

    However, the real existential threat to the JI comes from the Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat Mohammadi (TNSM), led by Maulana Sufi Mohammad and his son-in-law Maulana Fazlullah. The pair leads the Pakistani Taliban in the Malakand Division and the valley of Swat. Maulana Sufi Mohammad was a local leader of the JI until the early 1980s, when he developed differences with the party. In his desperation to grab political power, Sufi Mohammad started opposing the JI’s policy of attaining power through elections. He argued that an Islamic state cannot be established through elections because the majority never votes in favor of Islamist parties. He started believing that the only way to establish an Islamic state is to follow the jihad philosophy of Maulana Maududi (1903-1979), the late founder of Jamaat-i-Islami. Sufi Muhammad accused the JI leaders of deviating from Maududi’s example. [2]

    The real, personalized enmity between the two started after the U.S.–led invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001. Most Islamist and jihadist groups started holding public rallies across Pakistan in favor of the Afghan Taliban. JI was in the forefront of these demonstrations, threatening that they would cross into Afghanistan to fight Americans if U.S. forces landed there. However, only Sufi Mohammad led thousands of his followers into Afghanistan. Unprepared as they were, most of them died in the U.S. air strikes. Sufi Mohammad retreated with his decimated militia back to Pakistan, where he accused the JI of luring him and his fighters into Afghanistan to weaken or eliminate them. Sufi Mohammad never forgave the JI and started preparing his revenge. In interviews the author conducted in 2004-2005, several TNSM commanders portrayed JI as a bigger threat than the Americans.[3]

    It is difficult to say which group of the Pakistani Taliban has an interest in attacking the JI at this time. It is a safe bet, however, to believe that the followers of Sufi Mohammad want to take their long delayed revenge. In the intense sectarian atmosphere, other groups would happily follow the lead. Pakistan seems to be entering a period similar to that which Afghanistan went through between the fall of Dr. Najibullah and the advent of the Taliban in the 1990s, when different factions of the mujahideen fought to eliminate their rivals. As the Pakistani Taliban spread their jihad to rival Islamist groups, the possibility of other Islamist militias being drawn into a civil war between extremist groups is looking more and more probable. If this happens, it will be bloodier than the mujahideen battles in 1990s Afghanistan, with an unimaginable international impact.

    [1] Author’s interview with Maulana Ajmal Qadri, June 15, 2002.
    [2] Author’s interview with Sufi Mohammad, Maidan, July, 2001.
    [3] Arif Jamal, “Sharia here, in the country, in the world,” The News on Sunday, Karachi, March 6, 2005.

  58. Pakistani Taliban Widen the Civil War — Against Fellow Deobandis

    Publication: Terrorism Monitor Volume: 0 Issue: 15April 14, 2011 05:03 PM Age: 30 min
    By: Arif Jamal

    Two recent suicide attacks in as many days on Maulana Fazlur Rehman, the amir of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Fazlur Rehman (JUI-F), show that the Pakistani Taliban are further widening their sectarian war on competing interpretations of political Islam (Dawn [Karachi] April 1). [1] Although the maulana himself survived unhurt, dozens of JUI-F workers died and many more were injured.

    Pakistan’s Deobandi Taliban came on the scene by waging a war on religious minorities including the Ahmadis. In the 1980s, they started a new sectarian war against the Shi’a Muslims, who make up the second biggest Muslim sect in Pakistan after the Barelvi (i.e. Sufi) Muslims. In the late 2000s, they widened their aim to include the Barelvis. The back-to-back attacks on Fazlur Rehman, the leader of a Deobandi Islamist party which has the largest voting bank among the Islamist parties, show that the Pakistani Taliban cannot tolerate less extremist Deobandi parties. They also show that a bloodier civil war is still looming large over Pakistan.

    Ironically, no Taliban group has so far claimed the responsibility for the attacks (The News [Islamabad], April 4). The apparent reason is that several Taliban groups still have respect for the JUI-F. Public ownership of the suicide attacks is bound to divide the Taliban movement. In fact, the Gul Bahadur faction of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) announced it would investigate the attacks and punish the culprits, implicitly accepting that the attacks had been carried out by an extremist group (Dawn, April 5). Equally important is the fact that the JUI-F has half-heartedly accused the imperialist forces including the U.S. (Dawn, March 31; The News, April 4). The reason behind this is the JUI-F does not want to be seen as anti-Taliban. A large number of JUI-F members are now closer at heart with the Taliban than with their own party. Accusing the Taliban of suicide attacks publicly is likely to create rifts within the party.

    The JUI has a history of waging struggles against British imperialism and military dictatorships in Pakistan. The JUI-F was a component of the Benazir Bhutto-led Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) in the 1980s. The JUI-F also opposed the anti-Soviet Afghan jihad before the rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan. The JUI-F became the most popular Islamist party because of its pro-democracy policies and has been a breeding ground for extremists. The militant founder of Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), Maulana Haq Nawaz Jhangvi, was a local leader of the JUI-F in Jhang before he founded his own extremist group. Many Taliban in North Waziristan and South Waziristan are former members of the JUI-F or its student wing. Baitullah Mahsud, Maulvi Nazir, Hafiz Gul Bahadur, and Mufti Waliur Rehman were all local JUI-F leaders before they became Taliban (Dawn, November 15, 2009). To stem the flow of members to more militant organizations the party began to move closer to extremist groups in the 1990s. While Maulana Fazlur Rehman remains a pragmatist Islamist politician and tries to play a double game, as the Taliban grow in influence on the Pakistani jihadi scene they are becoming less and less tolerant of such politics.

    The Taliban groups which have spun out of the ISI control particularly oppose the JUI-F’s politics. They consider the party’s cooperation with the General Musharraf-led military regime an unforgivable sin. It was in April 2009 when the Punjabi Taliban (a.k.a. the Asian Tigers), publicly issued a veiled threat to Maulana Fazlur Rehman (see Terrorism Monitor, May 20, 2010). The statement was prepared by the Punjabi Taliban and read by their captive, former Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) operative Khalid Khawaja, just before Khawaja was killed in April 2010. The message named Maulana Fazlur Rehman as a collaborator of the Pakistani military regime which had been handing over Taliban captives to the Americans (Asia Times, April 24, 2010). The other crimes included supporting military action against the Red Mosque imams in 2007. [2] After the release of the video, it was a forgone conclusion that Fazlur Rehman was on the hit list of the Punjabi Taliban. It is a safe bet to believe that the Punjabi Taliban are likely to carry out suicide attacks on other Deobandi clerics such as Hanif Jallundari and Taqi Usmani, whom they accuse of collaborating with the Pakistani army.

    With the suicide attacks on Maulana Fazlur Rehman, the stage is set for a bloodier civil war to begin in Pakistan. Taliban groups are already at war with other sects and state institutions, particularly the Barelvis, the Shi’a and the Pakistani army. The only sect the Taliban have not pulled into the fray is Lashkar-e-Taiba/Jama’at-ud-Da’wah (LeT/JuD), which, interestingly, is the only sect or jihadist group with more firepower and manpower than the Pakistani Taliban.

    The pattern in which the civil war in Pakistan has been spreading so far shows that it is only a matter of time before the Deobandi extremists of the TTP and the LeT/JuD are at each other’s throats, which would be the bloodiest phase of Pakistan’s civil war yet.


    1. At present there are two rival wings of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, that of Maulana Fazlur Rehman (JUI-F) and that of Maulana Sami-ul Haq (JUI-S). Both are part of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) coalition. A third faction led by Maulana Ajmal Qadri has an armed wing in Kashmir known as Jamiat-ul-Mujahideen al-Aalmi but is not part of the MMA coalition.
    2. The video in Urdu is available on and


  59. عالم دین کے قتل پر احتجاج

    علحیدگی پسندوں نے مشترکہ تفتیش کا اعلان کیا ہے

    بیس سال میں یہ پہلا موقع ہے کہ بھارتی زیرِانتظام کشمیر میں ایک معروف علیٰحدگی پسند عالم دین کے قتل پر سبھی گروپوں نے مشترکہ طور ’تحقیقات‘ کا اعلان کیا ہو۔

    پچھلے ہفتے معروف مذہبی رہنما مولانا شوکت کی بم دھماکہ میں ہلاکت کے خلاف جمعہ کے روز علیٰحدگی پسند جماعتوں اور مذہبی انجمنوں کے رہنماؤں نے لال چوک میں علامتی دھرنا دیا ہے۔

    یہ دھرنا اُسی مسجد کے باہر دیا گیا جہاں آٹھ اپریل کو جمعیت اہلحدیث کے صدر مولانا شوکت شاہ ایک بم دھماکہ میں ہلاک ہوگئے تھے۔

    افسوس کا مقام ہے کہ اب یہاں نماز کے لیے مسجد میں جانے والے علماء کو بھی قتل کیا جاتا ہے۔ قاتل نے اگر مجاہدوں کا لباس بھی پہنا ہے تو اسے بخشا نہیں جائےگا۔
    یسین ملک
    شرکاء نے اپنی الگ الگ تقریروں میں یہ عزم دوہرایا کہ ’جب تک مولانا کے قاتلوں کو بے نقاب نہیں کیا جائےگا چین سے نہیں بیٹھیں گے۔‘

    میرواعظ عمرفاروق نے مولانا شوکت کے قتل کو ’اسلام پر حملہ‘ قرار دیا اور اسے ان قوتوں کی سازش بتایا جو کشمیری مسلمانوں کو تقسیم کرنا چاہتے ہیں اور ان کی تحریک کو کمزور کرنا چاہتے ہیں۔

    محمد یٰسین ملک نے کہا: ’افسوس کا مقام ہے کہ اب یہاں نماز کے لیے مسجد میں جانے والے علماء کو بھی قتل کیا جاتا ہے۔ قاتل نے اگر مجاہدوں کا لباس بھی پہنا ہے تو اسے بخشا نہیں جائے گا۔‘

    مولانا شوکت کے قتل سے وادی میں غم و غصہ کی لہر ہے

    انہوں نے کہا کہ قاتل کو کشمیری لوگوں نے اُس وقت شکست دی جب انہوں نے لال چوک میں مولانا کی نماز جنازہ اجتماعی طور پر پڑھی۔

    مسٹر ملک کی طرف سے عسکریت پسندوں کا حوالہ دینے پر اجتماع میں سے ایک نوجوان نے ان سے کہا کہ ان کے پاس کیا ثبوت ہے کہ اس قتل میں عسکریت پسندوں کا ہاتھ ہے۔ مسٹر ملک نے جواب میں وضاحت کرتے ہوئے کہا: ” کشمیر میں دو بندوقیں سرگرم ہیں۔ ایک فورسز کے پاس ہے اور دوسرا عسکریت پسندوں کے پاس۔ میں نے اس تناظر میں بات کی ہے۔‘

    واضح رہے کہ اس ہلاکت کے خلاف کشمیر میں پچھلے ہفتے دو روز تک ہڑتال بھی کی گئی تھی۔ بدھ کو جمعیت اہلحدیث کے صدر دفتر پر ایک کل جماعتی اجلاس منعقد ہوا جس میں اس قتل کی مشترکہ تحقیقات کا عہد کیا گیا اور پاکستانی زیرانتظام کشمیر میں قریب درجن بھر مسلح تنظیموں کے اتحاد متحدہ جہاد کونسل سے اپیل کی گئی کہ وہ اس میں تعاون کرے۔ بعدازاں سید صلاح الدین نے ایک بیان میں جمعیت کو یقین دلایا کہ وہ اس کوشش میں ان کا ساتھ دینگے۔

    مولانا شوکت کشمیر کے ایک بااثر مذہبی گروپ جمعیت اہلحدیث کے پچھلے سات سال سے سربراہ تھے۔ انہوں نے سعودی عرب کے حالیہ دورے کے دوران امام کعبہ کو کشمیر آنے کی دعوت دی تھی، جسے انہوں نے قبول کیا تھا۔ دو ہزار چار میں انہوں نے معروف بھارتی مبلغ ڈاکٹر ذاکر نائیک کو بھی کشمیر مدعو کیا اور یہاں کئی مذہبی مجالس کا اہتمام کیا تھا۔

    چھپن سالہ مولانا شوکت شاہ کی قیادت میں جمعیت اہلحدیث کے کارکنوں کی تعداد دس لاکھ سے زائد تک پہنچ گئی اور اس دوران تنظیم کے زیرنگرانی قائم مساجد کی تعداد آٹھ سو سے تجاوز کرگئی۔

    مولانا علیحدگی پسند اتحاد حُریت کانفرنس کے کسی بھی دھڑے کے ساتھ وابستہ نہیں تھے، تاہم وہ جموں کشمیر لبریشن فرنٹ کے رہنما محمد یٰسین ملک کے بہت قریب تھے۔ چند سال پہلے مسٹر ملک کے ہمراہ ایک علیٰحدگی پسند جلسے سے خطاب کے دوران انہیں گرفتار کرکے جیل بھیج دیا گیا تھا۔

    انہوں نے چند سال قبل علیحدگی پسند احتجاج کے دوران تشدد یا پتھراؤ کی مخالفت کی تھی اور اعلان کیا تھا کہ اسلام سنگ بازی کی اجازت نہیں دیتا۔

    بیس سال میں یہ پہلا موقعہ ہے کہ کسی اہم سیاسی یا مذہبی شخصیت کے قتل کو علیٰحدگی پسندوں نے ایک تفتیش طلب معاملہ قرار دیا۔ اس سے قبل جو ہائی پروفائل قتل ہوئے ان پر علیٰحدگی پسندوں کا مؤقف یہی رہا ہے کہ انہیں حکومتی ایجنسیوں نے قتل کروایا۔