A new dawn – by Agha Haider Raza
Over the past few days – out-of-public viewing – Pakistan has witnessed a welcoming shift in policy. With the capture of Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar and Mullah Abdul Salam, the trust deficit between the United States and Pakistan or rather the ISI and CIA is slowly diminishing. With a joint effort by these two premier intelligence agencies, a significant blow has been dealt to the top brass of the Taliban. The capture of these Mullahs seems to have brought upon a new dawn upon the horizon.
The arrest of Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar in Karachi was critical in reducing the influence of the Taliban in Pakistan. The capture of Baradar, notoriously known as the “defense minister of the Taliban cabinet”, has also exposed the vulnerability of Karachi. A dynamic city, Karachi has recently been plagued with target killings and suicide bombings along with sectarian violence running wild. There have been numerous reports of the Taliban finding sanctuary in this vibrant city, but Baradar’s capture will surely have the Taliban re-evaluating their presence in Karachi.
The love affair between the Pakistan Army and the Taliban is no secret. Zia-ul-Haq’s military regime proudly Islamicized Pakistan, which allowed ajihadist ideology to breed amongst the masses. In order for the greater ‘strategic depth policy’ the establishment blindly supported the mujahedeen, where upon the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan created a vacuum and allowed the Taliban to grab power. Due to the events of 9/11, the Army ended up in a messy divorce from the Taliban; as Pakistan was threatened by the US to denounce all association with the Taliban regime in Afghanistan.
However, it was not until many years after the United States had entered Afghanistan, did the Pakistan Army understand the true nature and brutality of those who supported and harbored al-Qaeda. Fearing the United States would quit Afghanistan the second her goals were accomplished, and the much needed militia for fighting in Indian Kashmir, Pakistan was wary. Along with feeling a lack in pride and a breach of ego due to the usage of US drone strikes, ties between Pakistan and the US were skeptical.
Events over the past week have painted a different scenario, in terms of governance and policy. The federal government has consistently decried the drone attacks. While publicly lambasting the strikes, it is widely believed the Army and Cabinet have approved the usage of drones in the militant-infested regions. The government (the Army has wisely kept away from discussing drone strikes) is not able to acknowledge their consent to the drone attacks due to the anti-American sentiment in Pakistan, but also because this would be a public admission of the ineffectiveness of the writ of the state.
The most recent installment of the judicial crisis has been smartly resolved by the Prime Minister’s intervention. His decisiveness in gate-crashing the Chief Justice’s farewell dinner for Justice Ramday averted the looming clash between the President and the Chief Justice from which there would have been no winners. The President’s legal advisors clearly led him towards a cliff from which he has had to retreat, but such personal and high-profile clashes between with the President also damage the standing of the judiciary. The Prime Minister’s continued ability to peacefully mediate such disputes will be crucial to this government’s chances of serving its full term.
The change in attitude of the Pakistan Army is definitely a pleasant surprise. Globally respected, General Kayani seems to have been playing a central role in this respect. Whether he is flying to Brussels meeting the top command of NATO or accommodating American Generals in his office at General Headquarters (GHQ), Kayani seems to now understand the threat and deadly influence of the Taliban. The capture of Mullah Baradar will build no doubt favor with the US, but more importantly it shows how our domestic insecurity is linked to the global dangers posed by Al Qaeda.
With the death of Hakimullah Masud by a drone strike and now Mullah Baradar’s capture, the Pakistan Army may as well be on a path of redemption. It may have taken the establishment decades to realize the toxic effect of sleeping with the Taliban, but the capturing of Baradar in a joint operation with the United States, is proving to be a blessing in disguise for the Pakistan Army. Although the establishment has a long ways to go in eradicating militants from within Pakistan’s border, we may be seeing a new dawn.
The political and military forces are forging a new alliance which is healthy for the development and revitalization of Pakistan. It is time for the PML-N league to stop waiting for the removal of a third-term Prime Minister ban and play the role of a vibrant and healthy opposition. As the leading party of the opposition, it is crucial that the N-league provides positive criticism in order to hold the government accountable. Gone are the days when we play personal politics and make decisions based on ego. The retraction of the executive order should be a wakeup call for Nawaz Sharif and Altaf Hussain that ego has no role in politics anymore for if no one else, the Pakistani public is ready to hold all players accountable.
A movement for peace with India has been initiated as the foreign ministers are set to meet on February the 25th. The judicial crisis seems to have been subdued, with a smart decision made by the Prime Minister in reaching out to the Chief Justice, while the Army looks to have finally woken up and is realizing the urgency in eradicating militants from Pakistan who are hell-bent on killing innocents and creating mayhem; all in the name of Islam. We are finally looking at a new dawn.
Source: Agha Haider Raza
I still suspect. It has a hidden agenda here. Why will the ISI waste its asset, the Taliban?
امریکی، پاکستانی ملا برادر کی گرفتاری سے حیرت میں
پاکستانی اور امریکی حکام کے مطابق ملا برادر سے تفتیش جاری ہے لیکن تفتیش مکمل ہونے میں وقت لگے گا
امریکی اخبار نیو یارک ٹائمز کے مطابق پاکستانی حکام نے جنوری میں جب کراچی کے ایک گھر پر چھاپہ مارا تو اس وقت ان کو اس بات کا اندازہ نہیں تھا کہ کئی سالوں کے بعد وہ ایک اہم شخصیت کو گرفتار کر رہے ہیں۔
امریکی خفیہ ایجنسیوں نے پہلے اس بات چیت کو ٹریس کیا جس میں کہا گیا تھا کہ ملا عبدالغنی برادر کے حامی جنگجو کی ملاقات ہونے والی ہے۔ امریکیوں نے یہ اطلاع پاکستان کی خفیہ ایجنسیوں کو دی جنہوں نے چھاپہ مارا اور بغیر کسی مزاحمت کے کئی افراد کو حراست میں لیا۔
اخبار کے مطابق پاکستانی اور امریکی حکام کو ابتدائی شناخت کے مرحلے کے بعد معلوم ہوا کہ ان کی حراست میں ملا برادر از خود ہیں۔
اس چھاپے کے بارے میں نئی معلومات سے اندازہ ہوتا ہے کہ ملا عمر کے نائب کی گرفتاری کا تعلق پاکستان کے طالبان مخالف پالیسی یا پاکستان کی خطے میں سٹریٹیجک پوزیشن بنانے سے نہیں ہے۔ ایک امریکی حکام کا کہنا ہے ’ملا برادر کی گرفتاری ایک حادثہ تھا۔ کسی کو یہ معلوم نہیں تھا کہ چھاپے میں کتنے اہم لوگ حراست میں لیے گئے ہیں۔‘
نیو یارک ٹائمز میں لکھا ہے کہ ملا برادر کی گرفتاری کے فوری بعد پاکستانی انٹر سروسز انٹیلیجنس (آئی ایس آئی) کے اہلکاروں نے امریکی حکام کے ملا برادر سے ملنے میں رکاوٹیں ڈالیں۔ انہوں نے امریکی سی آئی اے کو براہِ راست تفتیش کرنے کی اجازت گرفتاری کے دو ہفتے بعد دی۔
ایک امریکی اہکار نے کہا ’پاکستان ایک خود مختار ساتھی ہے اور کئی بار وہ اس بات کو واضح بھی کرتا ہے۔ ہم ہمیشہ ان کے کام سے خوش نہیں ہوتے لیکن ان کے بغیر ملا برادر کی گرفتاری نہ ہوتی اور اس کے علاوہ بہت سے دہشت گرد اس وقت آزاد ہوتے۔‘
امریکی اخبار سے بروکنگ انسٹیٹیوٹ کے بروس ریڈل نے بات کرتے ہوئے کہا ’پاکستان ملا برادر کے حوالے سے بہت پیچیدہ پوزیشن میں ہیں۔ اگر میں ان کی جگہ ہوتا تو میں پریشان ہوتا کہ برادر ملا کہیں افغان طالبان اور پاکستانی حکومت یا آئی ایس آئی کے تعلقات کے بارے میں انکشافات نہ کردے۔‘
پاکستانی اور امریکی حکام کے مطابق ملا برادر سے تفتیش جاری ہے لیکن تفتیش مکمل ہونے میں وقت لگے گا کیونکہ وہ اتنی آسانی سے نہیں بولیں گے۔
بروس ریڈل کا کہنا ہے ’میرے خیال میں پاکستان اس نتیجے پر پہنچا ہے کہ افغان اور
http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/world/2010/02/100219_mulla_baradar_arrest.shtml
Mullah Baradar… a journey from Kandahar to Karachi
* Captured Taliban commander masterminded burqa-clad Mullah Omar’s escape on motorbike
* Elusive Taliban leader married burqa owner ‘out of respect, honour’
By Owais Tohid
I waited in the courtyard for news from inside, sipping endless cups of qahwa and watching young soldiers – sporting turbans, beards and uniform long hair – parade with submachine guns and rocket launchers. There was nothing else to peer at: Mullah Omar’s enormous house in Kandahar had no windows.
The top Taliban leadership was engaged in a closed-door session with a UN delegation, headed by Lakhdar Ibrahimi, as the group desperately vied for membership of the international body.
Next to me, then information minister Maulvi Mutameen strained at some invisible signal, and suddenly shouts of “Allah-o-Akbar” echoed through the surroundings, marking the arrival of the person all had been waiting for – Mullah Baradar. The armed warriors jubilantly announced the arrival. Mullah Baradar had recently conquered Bamiyan, and Mullah Omar had summoned him to Kandahar for consultations ahead of the talks with the UN delegation.
Surrounded by armed guards, Baradar strode confidently, sporting a black turban and a waistcoat of the same colour. The athletic built, prominent cheekbones and deep-set eyes commanded attention. As we embraced and shook hands in the traditional Pushto way, he was told I was a Pakistani Muslim working for a “farangi” organisation.
“No harm in working for goras as long as Muslims serve the cause of the Ummah,” he said to me in Urdu. I made an attempt drawing him into conversation for the story I had to write for AFP. “The West doesn’t recognise us because they want us to live like them,” he said.
Almost a fortnight ago, Baradar’s cage got smaller. His arrest by Pakistan’s intelligence agents collaborating with the US CIA – apparently from a house in the labyrinthine neighbourhood of Baldia on the outskirts of Karachi – shattered the ranks of the Taliban.
Sources say he had been on the intelligence radar for several weeks. Constant monitoring of his movements, coupled with human intelligence, interception of numerous mobile and satellite phone conversations of jihadis and images, finally trapped him while holding what he believed to be a secret meeting, ending a two-decade journey – from Kandahar to Karachi. Baradar hails from Uruzgan – Mullah Omar’s native province in southern Afghanistan – and belongs to the respected Pashtun Popalzai tribe occupying both sides of the Pak-Afghan border. Afghan President Hamid Karazai is also a son of the same tribe.
Baradar was amongst the first ones to take bait – or oath of allegiance – to Mullah Omar when the Taliban movement was out into motion from Kandahar in 1994. When the Taliban took over Kabul, he was appointed governor of Herat following the defeat of Governor Ismail.
His rank within the Taliban hierarchy rose after he gave Mullah Omar a new lease of life when the elusive Taliban leader was on the run post-9/11. “The Americans were bombing the surroundings of Kandahar after the 9/11 attacks. Mullah Omar and his mujahids were almost trapped … it was commander Baradar who came up with the idea to make an escape on motorbikes,” a Pakistani jihadi, who has fought in Afghanistan, quoted an Afghan Talib as saying. “Mullah Baradar gave the burqa to Mullah Omar, who – after initially refusing but later putting it on – mounted a motorbike like an Afghan woman. Baradar himself rode the bike and dodged the Americans.” The burqa was borrowed from the family which sheltered the Taliban leaders, and in return, Mullah Omar married the owner of the burqa “out of respect and honour”.
“He is very brave. He has the brains of a tactician and the soul of a mujahid,” says a source familiar with the Taliban working, referring to Baradar. “It was he who introduced the maximum use of explosives in the battlefield against the Americans.”
It is said that shadow governments of the Taliban in various parts of southern Afghanistan were also his brainchild. He also introduced a code of conduct outlining ethics and morals for “holy warriors”.
He apparently took the reigns as the military commander of the Taliban after the killing of Mullah Dadullah, the one-legged Taliban commander, in 2007 and the subsequent arrest of important Taliban shura member Mullah Obaidullah Akhund. But the new assignment, some believe, did not allow him to shadow Mullah Omar like he did earlier. Baradar himself has had narrow escapes. In July 2002, he barely escaped when the US bombed a wedding in Uruzgan province, instead killing Afghan civilians. Sources say it was the wedding of Baradar’s niece. The brother-in-law was apparently paid off by the Americans, and he told them that Baradar had been invited. However, his nephew overheard the conversation over the phone and tipped off Baradar, allowing him to set up a trap for the Americans instead, say the sources, adding that his comrades opened fire at the soldiers who were later rescued by the bombing of a US plane.
But for Baradar, luck seems to have run out. He is now being interrogated by Pakistani and US intelligence officials. His capture has earned high praises for Pakistan’s intelligence agencies. His arrest signals what many believe is an increase in cooperation between Islamabad and Washington.
Baradar’s arrest has also set off several theories. Some say that as of recently, he had distanced himself from his spiritual leader and shown flexibility to the idea of talks with the Americans. The Western media reported that Baradar facilitated a meeting last month in Dubai between mid-level Taliban commanders and Kai Eide, a top UN official in Kabul. For others, these seem to be rumours spread to keep the Taliban ranks intact by suggesting Baradar was “softening”.
Meanwhile, the Taliban are looking for a replacement for Baradar. Taliban sources say Mullah Omar has sent a message to the shura members and commanders to be “united against enemies and their conspiracies”.
But while some are encouraged and believe Baradar’s arrest has dealt a serious blow to the Taliban, others are more wary. The removal of a centralised leadership usually results in parallel, decentralised forms of decision-making by the followers. This would translate into an escalation of violence and attacks against international NGOs, aid workers and “softer” targets as “revenge” in Pakistan and Afghanistan.
http://dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\02\20\story_20-2-2010_pg1_8
Afghan Taliban leader’s brother killed by US missile in Pakistan
Pakistan officials say Muhammad, brother of Sirajuddin Haqqani, died when missile struck house in North Waziristan
James Sturcke and agencies
guardian.co.uk, Friday 19 February
The brother of a senior Afghan Taliban commander, Sirajuddin Haqqani, has been killed in a US missile strike in north Waziristan, Pakistani officials said today .
The two officials said Muhammad Haqqani and three other close associates of the Taliban leader were killed when missiles struck a house in the Dande Darpa Khel area, near the border with Afghanistan.
They said the attack was apparently aimed at Sirajuddin, a senior Taliban commander who is accused of involvement in the ambush of US troops in Afghanistan, including the killing of seven CIA operatives in December.
The US state department has a $5m (£3.25m) bounty on Sirajuddin, also known as Siraj. It claims he is a senior leader of the Haqqani terrorist network founded by his father Jalaluddin, and that he maintains close ties to al-Qaida.
Sirajuddin has admitted planning a 2008 attack against the Serena hotel in Kabul that killed six people, including US citizen Thor David Hesla.
Sirajuddin also admitted to planning the 2008 assassination attempt on the Afghan president Hamid Karzai. He has co-ordinated and participated in cross-border attacks against US and coalition forces in Afghanistan, according to the state department.
The officials said it was not known if Sirajuddin was hurt in the strike.
“Mohammad Haqqani is a younger brother of Sirajuddin. He (Mohammad) was killed in the attack,” a security official told Reuters.
A local commander of Pakistani Taliban, confirmed the account, saying that Mohammed Haqqani died in the attack with three of his associates. A relative from Haqqani’s family told the Associated Press his funeral was held today,attended by hundreds of residents and relatives.
The US has stepped up drone attacks against North Waziristan militants following the death of the seven CIA operatives, including a woman described as a veteran of the agency’s secret intelligence operations, in December. The team was based at Forward Operating Base Chapman, a camp once used by the Afghan army but now a central planning point for the US drone war.
It also emerged earlier this week that the Afghan Taliban’s most seniorTaliban commander, Mullah Baradar, was arrested in Karachi.
The Pakistani interior minister, Rahman Malik, said today that officials were still questioning Baradar and two other senior militants arrested in separate operations this month.
If they are not charged in Pakistan they will be sent to Afghanistan and not turned over to US custody, Malik told reporters in Islamabad. “First we will see whether they have violated any law … If they have done it, then the law will take its own course against them.
“If they have not done anything, then they will go back to the country of origin, not to USA,” Malik said.
Pakistani authorities arrested Baradar about two weeks ago and security forces picked up Taliban “shadow governors” for two Afghan provinces at about the same time.
A series of raids by Pakistani forces have followed, netting at least nine al-Qaida-linked militants.
The Haqqani network has a history of links to Pakistani intelligence that some suspect continue today. The US considers the network one of the biggest threats to its operations in Afghanistan, and has urged Pakistan to move against the Haqqanisit. Pakistan has held off on any major operation, but may be aiding the US missile campaign.
The network’s leader, Jalaluddin Haqqani,, was a respected commander and key US and Pakistani ally in resisting the Soviet Union after its 1979 invasion of Afghanistan. In the 1980s and 1990s, Haqqani also hosted Saudi fighters including Osama bin Laden. That hospitality is believed to still extend to al-Qaida and other foreign fighters on both sides of the border.
Jalaluddin Haqqani, believed to be in his 60s or older, is said to be too ill to do much now, and his son Sirajuddin is running the network. The group is alleged to make its money through kidnappings, extortion and other crime in at least three eastern Afghan provinces.
The US president, Barack Obama, has stepped up the use of missile strikes from unmanned drones in Pakistan’s lawless tribal area since taking office, partly in response to the Pakistani government’s reluctance to target Taliban militants who are not deemed a direct threat to the state.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/feb/19/taliban-leaders-brother-killed-pakistan
Officialdom’s doublespeak
By Huma Yusuf
Sunday, 21 Feb, 2010
There has been a definite shift in Pakistan’s counterterrorism policy. And once again Pakistanis are the last to know. The disclaimers issuing from Islamabad since the arrest of Afghan Taliban commander Mullah Baradar have reached new highs of dissimulation.
Rather than continue to stoke the suspicions of the polity, the Pakistan government should make its policy towards the Taliban — both Pakistani and Afghan — transparent.
Baradar’s arrest, followed by the capture of other Al Qaeda-linked militants, indicates that Islamabad has decided to crack down on Afghan militants on Pakistani soil. The arrests have been seen as evidence of close cooperation between Pakistani and American intelligence agencies. Soon after Baradar’s arrest, White House spokesman Robert Gibbs hailed the increased cooperation between the ISI and CIA.
That’s when the doublespeak began. Interior Minister Rehman Malik termed the news of Baradar’s arrest — reportedly the result of an ISI-CIA joint operation — as ‘propaganda’. Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi stated that Pakistani authorities had made the arrests “because it is in our interests to do so”. And US special envoy Richard Holbrooke denied that the arrests had anything to do with America’s recently revamped Afghanistan policy.
Such statements are proliferating because there are many theories about why Pakistan has decided to pursue the Afghan Taliban: the arrests are quid pro quo for US drone strikes that killed Baitullah — and Hakeemullah — Mehsud; the arrests are a small measure to appease the US while Pakistan keeps up its double game; the arrests are meant to decrease the trust deficit between Islamabad and Washington, so that Pakistan is invited to mediate in any future negotiations between the US, the Afghan government and the Taliban.
Some analysts have also suggested that Baradar’s arrest is an attempt to force Pakistan’s place at the negotiating table, for one of two reasons. Firstly, Baradar is reported to have tried to disassociate the Afghan Taliban from Pakistani intelligence — by removing him from the playing field, our authorities are hoping to stay in the game. Alternatively, since Baradar is now in Pakistani custody, any engagement with him has to necessarily include Pakistan, thereby reinstating our government in its historic role as mediator.
The various motives assigned to Pakistan for taking on the Afghan Taliban all point to the same endgame: Islamabad wants to retain influence over the government in Kabul. Not only does the Pakistan Army continue to think Afghanistan is essential for purposes of ‘strategic depth’, there are also concerns about the expanding Indian presence. Moreover, Islamabad needs to maintain close ties with Kabul to manage aspirations for a ‘Greater Afghanistan’, which would envelop Pakistan’s Pushto-speaking population as well.
In a sense, then, Pakistan’s ultimate goals for the region are clearly laid out. But our government has to be more transparent about the means it is employing to achieve that end. Is the plan to cooperate with the US so that Washington urges Kabul to reach out to Islamabad? Or is the idea to become the first point of contact between the Taliban and the rest of the world so that in the event the Taliban rejoin Afghanistan’s political process Islamabad is already established as an ally?
In Pakistan’s case, the answer lies somewhere between these two scenarios. Indeed, our authorities’ preparations for all possible outcomes of the US-led war against terror in Afghanistan are widely acknowledged. But as this balancing act ensues, Pakistanis must be kept in the loop. The fact is, we now risk a situation in which our government is well ingratiated with Washington and Kabul, but has lost all credibility in the eyes of its own public.
For months now, Pakistan has been acting coy about the extent of its cooperation with US intelligence, even though all signs of a growing partnership are evident. Despite the fact that Gen Ashfaq Kayani described the Waziristans as an ‘intelligence black hole’, 2010 has seen a dramatic escalation in US drone attacks. Many of these have been successful in targeting high-value militants.
In recent weeks, Pakistani and US officials have been more open about the fact that Pakistani military and intelligence are feeding targeting information to US intelligence. Certain people in the government have said that operatives from private US security firms are present in Pakistan. These revelations have fuelled anti-Americanism. However, Pakistanis have also been angered because they believe that their government is answerable, first and foremost, to the public at large. In this context, the policy shift towards the Afghan Taliban could spur the public’s mistrust of the government.
Since the crackdown against the Afghan Taliban also involves arrests, detentions and interrogations, it is essential that the authorities come clean about their plans for dealing with suspected foreign terrorists. Currently, Pakistan is leading Baradar’s interrogation, with some American involvement. Malik, meanwhile, has stated that Baradar will not be handed over to the US; rather, he could be deported to Afghanistan. If he is accused of wrongdoing in Pakistan, however, Baradar will be tried locally. The Pakistani state is already burdened with the legacy of Gen Pervez Musharraf’s decision to run secret prisons for terror suspects and enable extraordinary rendition.
Over the years, the missing persons issue has torn the country apart and will remain a stain on Pakistan’s human rights record. The recent outcry against Dr Aafia Siddiqui’s verdict is a reminder that this issue has hit a raw nerve in Pakistan, and Pakistanis do not want their government participating in more machinations involving interrogations, terror suspects and the US.
In other words, the issue of joint operations and intelligence-sharing between Pakistani and American agencies may seem like a foreign policy issue. But the fallout of Pakistan’s counterterrorism strategy will be distinctly local — nothing less than the government’s credibility with its own people is at stake.
huma.yusuf@gmail.com
http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/columnists/16-huma-yusuf-officialdoms-doublespeak-hs-06