Media discourse on Deobandi terrorism – 10th Aug to 18th Aug 2014
With Operation Zarb-e-Azb in full swing, can a politicised silent Shia-Sunni majority challenge the prevalent status-quo sponsored narrative of religion? Tahir ul Qadri has pitted himself against more extremist Deobandi groups and sectarian issues boil just below the surface. The Shuhada Foundation of the Lal Masjid clique openly call him a terrorist while Qadri rejects any comparison of the Model Town massacre to the Lal Masjid incident.
He says the Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) workers are not demanding Sharia by force, ordering people to close down markets, banning female education, or restricting their free movement as is being enforced by their ideological brethren in the Middle East. With the rise of Dr Qadri, Deobandi hardliners and TTP sympathizers appear to be wary of the alliance of Shia and Sunni Barelvis,a rare occurrence.
The Ahl-e-Sunnah-Wal-Jamaat (ASWJ), formerly Sipah-e Sahaba Pakistan, a Takfiri faction of Deobandis, has said this is an internationally sponsored conspiracy to start a civil war in the country.Apart from using Qadri to balance PML-N in the Punjab by state created parties like PML-Q, Qadri has also been important for the MQM. His Barelvi support base can be instrumental in countering the Taliban influence and the militant Sunni Tehreek.
PAT’s struggle is as political, constitutional and democratic as PTI’s and if compared with other religious entities, they have not attacked anyone nor made any threatening statements against the army. Rather, they are constantly expressing full support of the Zarb-e-Azb operation, and have portrayed their inclusive stance reaching out to the Majlis-e-Wahadatul Muslimeen and even Non-Muslim groups.
One of the biggest gripes that Barelvi mullahs had was that their madrassas and mosques were being forcibly occupied by Deobandis as they had greater money to spend and modern weapons to intimidate. Now the Sunni Ittehad Council, a large alliance of Sunni Barelvis that opposes the Taliban ideologically, supports him. His long march has been well organized and peaceful. His 10-point normative agenda is also clear.
He wants social welfare and condemns terrorism (in his famous 600 word fatwa). What is questionable is the funding behind him, the actual extent of political power he has acquired and the sustainability of such a movement already laden with enormous opposition and structural thorns. As for huge public support, let us not forget that agencies can easily put processions together. Qadri is not in charge of a monolithic Barelvi movement as much as he would like to believe. The Barelvi vote does not follow closed-group dynamics so it is unclear how deep Qadri’s tendrils are into the Sunni population.
Source:
http://www.nation.com.pk/editorials/18-Aug-2014/revolutionary-religion
The sectarian angle of Inqilab March
The News
August 17, 2014
Before the ‘Operation Silence’ against Lal Masjid, Jamia Hafsa students, reportedly, occupied the Children’s Library in Islamabad, terrorised locals, attacked shops and kidnapped people, including police officers, burnt down the ministry of environment building and damaged public property among other activities. Pakistani forces faced a serious backlash – to take revenge, suicide bombers attacked public spaces and security forces. Now, “with the rise of Dr Qadri,” says Shahibzada, “it seems Deobandi hardliners – the TTP sympathisers — seem troubled by the alliance of Shia and Sunni Barelvis against terrorism”.
Alongside, Ahl-e-Sunnah-Wal-Jamaat (ASWJ), formerly Sipaha Sahaba-Pakistan (SSP), an anti-Shia faction of Deobandis, pronounced in a statement that an internationally sponsored conspiracy to start a civil war in the country is evident. “We don’t want an inqilab march or any revolutionary parade but peace… Iran and other powers are supporting these groups to wage a war in Pakistan and these violent groups have plans to attacks various places in the Punjab. These are terrorists and they must be arrested,”reads the ASWJ statement.
“Sectarian divide is quite visible in these movements and alliances,” observes Muhammad Amir Rana, executive director Pak Institute of Peace Studies (PIPS), an Islamabad-based think tank and research group working on security and peace, while talking to TNS.
He says though Sunni Deobandi religio-political groups are very organised for the past many decades as compared to Sunni Barelvi factions but religious politics in a country like Pakistan cannot make its claim support of the general public or get majority votes. “The PAT movement is not merely political; it hugely impacts the society too,” he adds.
He thinks many Islamic states are facing similar challenges but it is hard to overcome this issue without the state’s resolve to tackle it.
Dr Qadri surfaced on the political scene with his party Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) during General Pervez Musharraf’s dictatorship as part of his “voice of change” and to present a moderate and peaceful side of Islam. This was when Islamic extremists (Deobandis) were gaining increasing strength in the country.
Source:
http://tns.thenews.com.pk/the-sectarian-angle-of-tahirul-qadri-quest/#.U_HP3PldWSo
Pakistan: Revolution March isolates takfiri terrorist outfits and ringleaders
Shiite News
2014, 16 August
Talking to the Shiite News, they said, leading Shia party Majlis-e-Wahdat-e-Muslimeen has successfully isolated the takfiri terrorists and their allies in Pakistani politics. They noted it that Allama Sajid Naqvi’s Shia Ulema Council had successfully continued as Deobandi parties ally but Sunni Bralevis’ dominant parties are allies of the MWM.
“Majority of Deobandi leaders always have a soft corner for takfiri Taliban, Sipah-e-Sahaba (now called ASWJ), and such intolerant terrorist outfits despite their alliance with Allama Sajid Naqvi,” one of Karachi-based political observer said.
Source:
http://www.abna.ir/english/service/centeral-asia-subcontinent/archive/2014/08/16/631514/story.html
While at the people’s level, I can say with confidence that there is little discord. In all kinds of neighborhoods, Shias, Sunnis and Deobandis live peacefully. The peace however, is a whisper away from carnage. The state has undoubtedly been patronizing Deobandi extremist organizations, with undeniable linkages of the ruling party with these organizations. That probably explains why portions of our persecuted Shia community are standing with the bearded Inquilab of Mr. Qadri, a Barelvi cleric soft on Shiites. Who could blame them for that? The state and the ruling party have left little reason for them to see the PMLN stay in power.
Source:
http://www.nation.com.pk/columns/12-Aug-2014/two-inquilabs-and-no-minorities
Wrongs in the first year of Pakistan
The News
August 10, 2014
In addition to opting for the governor generalship, Jinnah made another important decision on the Independence Day; for the flag hoisting ceremonies in Karachi and Dacca (now Dhaka) two Deobandi religious leaders — Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Usmani and Maulana Zafar Ahmed Usmani — were given the honour of unfurling the national flag. Despite their common surname i.e Usmani, they were not related but both belonged to the Deobandi school of thought. It is pertinent to mention here that most Deobandi scholars were either with Congress (such as Maulana Abul Kalam Azad) or with Jamiat Ulemae Hind (such as Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madni). Contrary to the mainstream Deobandi politics of Indian nationalism, the two Usmanis had supported the Pakistan Movement and by giving them the distinction Jinnah had rewarded them in kind.
Interestingly, when the first cabinet of Pakistan took oath on August 15, 1947, there was an unlikely person to be inducted as the first minister for law. By choosing Jogendara Nath Mandal, a Hindu, Jinnah was probably trying to send a signal that despite the two Deobandis hoisting the national flag, Pakistan was not going to have a Muslim-only government. Though, ultimately the first signal proved to be long-lasting than the second and neither could Mandal survive for long nor his Hindu community had a bright future in Pakistan. In the final analysis, Deobandis seemed to have an upper hand.
To sum it up, at least six important seeds were sown in the very first year of the nascent country that grew into thorny bushes. First, the early signs of the power play between the head of state and the head of government became visible. Second, an unnecessary limelight was provided to the Deobandis who later on craved for even greater chunk of the pie and kept encroaching upon the social space. Third, the dismissals of the provincial governments in the NWFP and Sindh — without any vote of no-confidence in the assemblies — set the country on the path of similar dismissals. Fourth, the detention of political opponents and imposing bans on their activities could hardly cultivate democratic traditions. Fifth, the use of corruption charges became a hallmark of the establishment against political rivals. And last, the disregard shown to legitimate demands of provinces in terms of not recognising other languages has continued to this day.
Source:
http://tns.thenews.com.pk/wrongs-in-the-first-year-pakistan/#.U_HP4PldWSo
‘Proscribed’ allies make outlandish claims
By Kalbe Ali
Updated Aug 23, 2014 09:57am
Activists of Ahl-e-Sunnat-wal-Jamaat (ASWJ) hold a protest Defence and Stability of Pakistan rally from Lal Masjid to National Press Club. — Photo by INP
ISLAMABAD: The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) received a vote of confidence from some unlikely allies, as the proscribed Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ) – formerly known as the Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) – rallied in support of the ruling party after Friday prayers.
The demonstrators, led by ASWJ chief Ahmed Ludhianvi, marched from the Lal Masjid to the National Press Club, in opposition to what they called “attempts to replicate an Iran-style revolution in Pakistan”.
However, the rally was punctuated by sectarian slogans. ASWJ and the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Sami (JUI-S) members who spoke at the rally also used derogatory language towards Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf chief Imran Khan, Pakistan Awami Tehreek leader Tahirul Qadri and Raja Nasir Abbas of the Majlis-i-Wahdatul Muslimeen (MWM).
Participants of the rally, titled the ‘Defence of Islam and Stability of Pakistan’ also denounced J. Salik, Sheikh Rashid Ahmed and the Chaudhrys of Gujrat for siding with Mr Khan and Dr Qadri.
ASWJ rallies in support of democracy, alleges Qadri wants to impose Iran-style revolution on Pakistan
Consisting mostly of students and teachers from local Deobandi ASWJ-affiliated madressahs and Lal Masjid, rally participants even carried placards bearing incendiary slogans, including one that said: “Those opposing the PML-N government would do so over our dead bodies”.
The primary thrust of all the speakers was the claim that Allama Tahirul Qadri was trying to force a revolution on the country, along the lines of the Ayatollah Khomeni-led Iranian revolution of 1979.
Ludhianvi said that Dr Qadri was “conspiring against Sunnis in Pakistan by importing the Iranian Revolution”.
“Ahle Sunnat is the majority (sect) in Pakistan and we want our brand of Sharia in the country,” he said, stopping short of hurling direct threats against both the PAT and PTI.
Challenging both party leaders, he said his party could call so many people to the capital that there will be “no space left”, adding that the protesters on Constitution Avenue would “all run away after seeing the numbers of our supporters”.Mr Ludhianvi also had a word of advice for both PAT and PTI.
“I regret the 14 deaths in Model Town, but more than 7,000 of our workers have been assassinated, yet we have never taken to the streets in protest. Imran Khan is upset about electoral rigging; I too am a victim of rigging but I’ve taken a legal recourse,” the ASWJ chief said, adding, “My advice to both of you: learn from our example and don’t act like extremists”.
JUI-S Islamabad chapter head Sheikhul Hadis Abdul Rauf called the PTI and PAT marches “a conspiracy against Islam and Pakistan” and called upon all Sunnis to rise up in defence of their religion and country.
PML-N youth wing leaders and members of the party’s Islamabad chapter, who were also present on stage at the time, lauded the ASWJ for coming out in support of Islam, Pakistan and democracy.
As the participants raised sectarian slogans, PML-N Youth Wing’s Yasir Abbasi said that neither Imran Khan nor Dr Qadri had ever stood up against threats to Islam or the country.
“Maulana Ludhianvi is the real defender of Islam. He is our leader – we look to you whenever Islam faces hard times,” Mr Abbasi said.
Senior ASWJ leader Masoodur Rehman Usmani even went as far as to suggest that the term ‘Mustafavi Revolution’ – being used by Tahirul Qadri and his supporters – had nothing to do with the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him).“This refers to the name of one of Ayatullah Khomeni’s daughter, who was called Mustafavi. She would indoctrinate Tahirul Qadri with ideas from the Iranian revolution,” Usmani told the crowd, branding Dr Qadri “an infidel” and denouncing Imran Khan for “spreading obscenity and shamelessness among the women of Islamabad”.
However, political analysts have a grave view of the ASWJ’s decision to join the fray in defence of ‘democracy’.
“It seems the PML-N has unleashed its ally among extremist groups, but it is dangerous to give them space,” senior journalist and commentator Zahid Hussain told Dawn, adding, “The government needs to resolve the issue through political means, not by bringing proscribed groups to its aid”.
Published in Dawn, August 23rd , 2014
http://www.dawn.com/news/1127195