IJI style game plan

Related articles: IJI style game plan: phase two

The Project IJI – Second Edition

The Islami Jamhoori Ittehad [IJI] alliance was a conglomerate formed of nine mainly rightist parties by the ISI under Lt General Hameed Gul to ensure the defeat of Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in the polls.  DG ISI General Hameed Gul accepts that he made IJI.  Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto had written in her book, “Daughter of the East”; how Osama Bin Laden paid a $1 Million to IJI during the election campaign to help Nawaz Sharif win the election during the late 80’s election campaign.

Nawaz Sharif had emerged as a political leader after formation of IJI- and subsequent gang up of all the right –wing parties under the banner of major opposition party in the national assembly, Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) against Pakistan People’s Party (PPP)’s federal government reminisces the repeat scene of those black days, when ISI had clandestinely doled out Mehran Bank’s fund to a set of journalists besides the rightist political outfits including molvies and maulanas for holding back PPP from the corridors of power.
Former Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief Hamid Gul has clearly admits that he played a role in forming the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI) and any accountability of the issue should be started from him, a private TV channel quoted him as saying. Talking to the channel, Gul said former prime minister Nawaz Sharif was against any accountability, adding that the Saifur Rehman Accountability Cell was one sided. He said people had hoped that the then president Farooq Laghari would do justice through accountability, but he gave protection to journalists, generals and judges. Gul said when he would be probed about the IJI formation, he would reveal the names of those politicians who requested the military leadership not to hold elections
Mian Nawaz Sharif became Prime Minister for the first time after a nasty anti-Bhutto and anti-western campaign. Here is what the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), which sent observers for that election, had to say about that campaign:
“Few substantive political, economic or social issues were debated during the campaign. Even the issuance of manifestos by the competing parties was a proforma affair. The campaign was quickly reduced to a single issue: whether the people supported or opposed the Bhutto family.
“The IJI attacked Benazir Bhutto’s record in office and emphasized the corruption of her ministers and of her husband, Asif Zardari. Members of the IJI criticized not only Bhutto’s abilities, but also her right, as a woman, to rule a Muslim state. The PDA appeared disorganized and portrayed itself as a victim of the ‘establishment.’ It felt harassed by the changes lodged against PDA leaders in the accountability tribunals.
“The most contentious element of the election campaign, and perhaps the most successful from an IJI perspective, was the IJI’s strategy of tying Benazir and Nasrat Bhutto to the United States and to the so-called “Indo-Zionist lobby” in the U.S. The lobby was portrayed as having close ties to India and Israel, and opposing Pakistan’s development of a nuclear capability. In particular, the Bhuttos were accused of “selling-out” Pakistan’s nuclear program. (See Appendix XII)
From the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs report titled “The October 1990 Elections in Pakistan: Report of the International Delegation”, on page 38.
MQM chief Altaf Hussain was the first to test these waters by articulating the suspicion of Pakistanis when he accused feudal landlords and said “A revolution is coming soon and it will be unstoppable,” . According to MQM chief Altaf Hussain martial law-like steps need to be taken to ‘save’ Pakistan. He has also called for accountability against corruption and feudalism-and than Chief Minister Punjab Shah-baz Sharif  second his views by saying that that a bloody revolution was approaching just around the corner. Amid talk of mid-term polls in the context of change, and in view of widening gulf between the PPP and the PML-N, a new political alliance is in the making. In a significant development, PML-Q, PML-F[pro establishment parties]merged under nomenclature of All Pakistan Muttahida Muslim League. This newly born alliance would soon turn out to be a “greater alliance” as more PML factions including some smaller political parties join it. A core committee has been constituted to contact leaguers in other factions of the league and some[Martial Law lover]politicians of national stature to shape up a greater alliance.
In the past, meeting between mian Nawaz Sharif and Chaudry Pervez Elahi was fixed by a common friend who had business interests with both Sharif(s) & Chaudry(s) in this regard. Chaudry Pervez Elahi & Nawaz Sharif discussed unification of PML-Q & PML-N but the negotiations came to a halt when Chaudry Pervez Elahi “demanded” a bigger chunk in the provincial government which was unacceptable to Nawaz Sharif; the meeting concluded with a follow up meeting; a promise to “tolerate each other” and presumably “to conduct joint Iftar parties in Liberty & Raiwind on alternate days” during the next Ramazan. There are still 80 cases pending again PML-N chief.
The ruling establishment has finalised a ‘comprehensive strategy’ viz-a-viz general election-and an ‘IJI-type’ alliance would be formed before the polls. The next local or general elections could see another religio-political alliance in the field as efforts are underway to bring PML and right wing  parties onto one political platform before the elections. The newly design All Pakistan Muslim League, other rightwing parties and Muttahida can form an alliance in the future.
Mian Nawaz Sharif and his party could also be part of this political alliance at a later stage, while it seems MNS is already preparing for the next elections sooner then later. PML-N’s central leader Siddiqul Farooq said one of the pre-requisite for PML-N’s joining the alliance of factions was that all factions should, after consensus with their central executive committees, unconditionally approve and accept the status of Nawaz Sharif as the supreme head of the newly-formed unity of factions. The PML boss[still living in 90’s] has conditioned revival of the alliance to mid term poll, he is not favouring in house change. But he kept assuring alliance members that he would join them.

The Ziaist style of PML-N politics plus undemocratic approach and conservative mindset of it’s chief boss continuously threatening democratic process. Nawaz Sharif once again exposed his desire to derail the democratic reform in Pakistan; previously he used to use Army to get to the power now totally relaying on judiciary, he is really trying hard to get “premiership” through undemocratic means.

The ever unpredictable nature of Pakistani Politics and recent Political of Change in National Assembly[campaign]-and possible Nawaz plus all Muslim League, MQM Alliance Against PPP? will inject an element of chaos & uncertainty into the already-fragile political system of the world’s most isolated country.

18 responses to “IJI style game plan”

  1. How this “Game” was played in 1990, read


    NOTE: On August 9, 1990, another one of the country’s short-lived experiments with democracy came to an end. While “The Empire Strikes Back” published in the August 1990 issue of the Herald describes the events that took place on the day of Benazir Bhutto’s ouster, “The Invisible War (See Herald Monthly Issue of January 2008, page 87), printed in the same issue, provides an analysis of the factors that led to the sacking of her government. [Courtesy Monthly Herald Pakistan January 2008, page 84-85-86]

    The Invisible War by Abbas Nasir [Monthly Herald January 2008]

    Was there a covert war raging between a sophisticated intelligence agency and the PPP government? And did the crisis in the Gulf have anything to do with Ms Bhutto’s ouster from office? After the dust begins to settle over the dissolution of the assemblies, it becomes clear that Benazir Bhutto’s ouster was directly linked to the fact that the army’s patience with her government had run out. Differences between the two had fuelled much media speculations for the entire duration of the PPP’s 20 month tenure. Issues as diverse as Sindh, Kashmir, postings, corruption, and Afghanistan had caused much tension between the ruling party and the military establishment. But the differences were more deep-rooted than a mere disagreement on some issues. It was clear, from the very outset, that the army had very reluctantly allowed Ms Bhutto to take office, and motivated every move and mistake she made during her 20 – Month Rule.

    General Retd. Mirza Aslam Beg – The distrust between the Prime Minister and the army has never been too far below the surface and dates back to the period when Ms Bhutto’s father, the executed Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was in power. According to one analyst, “The defence establishment would have never allowed Benazir to come to power, had it not been for the pressure exerted by the US. Reluctantly, the army bowed to this pressure – probably because Washington controlled its purse strings” The attitude of the military towards the PPP and its leader was clearly evident during the run-up to the elections in 1988. One unreported incident from that period perfectly reflects this deep distrust. Knowledgeable sources maintain that a high official of the intelligence set-up came to Karachi just before polls, and convened a meeting of all the candidates contesting from the Lyari constituency, where Ms Bhutto was a candidate. “We can beat her if all of you agree to withdraw and put-up a single candidate against her, “he was quoted as suggesting to them. But such was the foresight of this hotshot that not only did most of the candidates not agree to withdraw, but the PPP leader subsequently won from the area with a margin of votes that six times that of the votes won by all her opponents put together. Another official of the same agency has been credited with the formation of IJI and sources say, he was largely responsible for masterminding the anti-PPP campaign in Punjab, which was to work with devastating effect both before and after elections.

    Lt General Retd Hamid Gul – However, on coming to power, Ms Bhutto secured one of the few concessions from the military establishment when she successfully pushed for the removal from the Inter Services Intelligence Directorate of its then Director General Major General Hamid Gul and his Assistant Director General (Internal Security) Brigadier Imtiaz Ahmad. But the removal of Hamid Gul had sting in its tail. Ms Bhutto was not chastened by the fact that the military had forced her to allow the promotion of the ISI strongman, or his posting to the strategically important corps in Multan. Following the appointment as DG of a Benazir nominee, Lt. General (Retd) Shamsur Rehman Kallue, the powers of the Political Cell of the ISI, working in the guise of the Internal Security (IS), were drastically curtailed. However a serving Major General, Khalid Latif Mughal was posted to run the Afghanistan and Kashmir policies. Mughal, formally, and Hamid Gul informally, continued to have a major say in both these spheres. While the Prime Minister was willing, perhaps, to allow the army a free hand in handling the Afghanistan and Kashmir policies as a price to keep herself in power, her government appeared to have relaxed because the army’s earlier meddling in domestic politics through the ISI had been curtailed. But a couple of transfers and postings were hardly enough to ensure a pliant military high command. And a determined army was hardly something that the inept Benazir Administration could tame quite easily. Although the political cell at the ISI was closed down, the army launched a two-pronged offensive primarily through the media, which to the credit of the PPP government, remained free all through the party’s short, but eventful, tenure in office.

    Lt General Retd. Asad Durrani – While on one hand, Brigadier Riazullah, an articulate and charming officer, moved into the barracks outside the GHQ which houses the Inter Services Public Relations Directorate, another officer, known for his competence and pleasant demeanor, occupied an office inside the walls of the GHQ. This was the Director General of the Military Intelligence, Major General Asad Durrani. Brigadier Riazullah’s task was to execute General Aslam Beg’s policy of “glasnost” – to wash from the minds of the public, through the media, the negative image of the armed forces had acquired, following the more than a decade long period of Martial Law. The new face of the army was much in evidence when it launched its biggest ever maneuvers – Zarb-e-Momin – in the winter of 1989-90. As a result of an unprecedented media blitz, the “professional soldier” image that the army was beaming out began to sink into public mind slowly but, surely.

    Brig (Retd) Imtiaz – Side by side with the rehabilitation of its image, the army (with ammunition provided by the antics of the PPP government itself) set about destroying the populist aura of the PPP and succeeded in making corruption the most talked about subject in the country. The army was aided in this endeavor, of course, by the blundering Johnny-come- latelies who came to represent the public face of the PPP. It is clear that a great deal of homework was done, in gathering as well as fabricating evidence against prominent PPP members and the Prime Minister’s husband. Mush of this information and disinformation was handed over mainly to the right-wing journalists belonging to some key papers and periodicals, who saw themselves as the natural allies of the army, having enjoyed close ties with the Zia Regime. At least three people were assigned to feed corruption stories to the foreign media. The DG, MI also adopted an increasingly high-profile role. Although traditionally the DG, MI is hardly someone, given the sensitivity of his assignment, to come before newsmen, the balding Durrani is understood to have personally briefed more than one journalist about the lack of sincerity on the part of the PPP in handling the Sindh situation. This same officer reportedly maintained contact with dissident PPP members of parliament and dictated strategy to them. Similarly, in Karachi, where the MI had grown to many hundreds-strong since the early 80s, Brigadier Jamil and a couple of other officers personally briefed a select band of newsmen time and again, offering them “evidence” of corrupt and criminal activities of the government. While in Hyderabad these stories were leaked by a Colonel Ayub, in Lahore the main channel of contact with the media was a top aide to fromer Chief Minister, Nawaz Sharif, who coordinated closely with a group of Pro-Estbalishment Right Wing Journalists planted in different papers and periodicals.

    Masood Sharif Khan Khattak (Former Director General Intelligence Bureau – Pakistan) – And this was not all. There was something more deep-rooted going on, as an interview with at least one Corps Commander revealed. The gentleman insisted on blaming a PPP minister for planting stories against him although this was not the case as independent investigations subsequently revealed. To this day, however, it is not clear who was briefing the Corps Commander on the “enemy-like” attitude of PPP ministers. The urgency of the army’s desire to see Benazir removed is clear from an article by a journalist, reputed to have very close ties with the army bosses. The report, published soon after the fall of the Bhutto government, alleged that while Ms Bhutto was an opposition leader, her mail used to leave the country courtesy the diplomatic pouch of the Indian mission. The journalist proceeded, without naming sources, to question the patriotism of the elected prime minister. But despite this deep rooted prejudice, the army tolerated Benazir Bhutto for 20 months. What then was the catalyst to her being pushed out of the office in a “constitutional coup”? Knowledgeable quarters point towards two factors that may have served as the proverbial straw that broke the Camel’s back. The first of these was the Alam Jan Mehsud incident. Lt General Mahsud, the Corps Commander at Lahore enjoyed the reputation of being a top class professional soldier. His excellent strategy during the course of Zarb-e-Momin, defence experts say, earned him the reputation of “Pakistan’s Rommel”. The Prime Minister reportedly conveyed her desire to the GHQ to grant Mahsud an extension, and post him as the Deputy Chief of Army Staff – an act that military establishment viewed as direct interference in the army affairs.

    Ghulam Ishaq Khan (Former President of Pakistan) What they suspected was that Ms. Bhutto was placing a well known dove in a strategic position as a potential successor to the present COAS. The army’s response was swift. A replacement, Lt General Ashraf, was rushed to Lahore and, the day after, Mahsud’s photograph was carried by various newspapers, receiving the Corps Shield as a farewell gift. Within days, Mahsud had left for a month long holiday to the tribal areas Waziristan, to spend time in his home village. Knowledgeable quarters say it was in the wake of the Mahsud incident, that a Corps Commander tried to convey to the government that the army was planning to move against it. He reportedly said that the military leadership complained to the President that Ms Bhutto was attempting to foment “divisions” in the rank of the army. The army, which has prided itself on its discipline and the unity in its ranks even during the imposition of Martial Law, couldn’t possibly be expected to tolerate what it perceived to be an attempt to divide it. The other important factor that could have acted as a catalyst was the tilt in the balance of relations between the Pakistan Army and the US administration. Ironically, Ms Bhutto has alwayslooked towards the US as a staunch ally. While it is true that the US administration had much to do with the restoration of democracy in Pakistan – as well as the nomination of Ms. Bhutto as prime minister after her party emerged as the largest single party in the elections – it is equally true her party emerged as the largest single party in the elections – it is equally true that the US strategic interest vis a vis Gulf, are far more crucial to it then romantic notions of third world democracy. Well informed sources in Islamabad say that on a number of occasions in the past, Washington had told the army that any attempt to brush aside democracy would be met with a stiff reaction, including a cut off in aid – particularly now that the Soviets had vacated Afghanistan. Given Pakistan’s tension with India, the defence establishment was hardly likely to jeopardize relations with its key hardware supplier.

    US Ambassador Robert Oakley – However, with Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait and the threat of an onward march into Saudi Arabia, the US apparently needed the support of the Pakistan Army. In fact, US Ambassador Robert Oakley told a meeting at the Institute of Strategic Studies in Islamabad, just two days after Benazir’s ouster, that Saudi Arabia had requested troops from Pakistan. Although the once again retained Foreign Minister Sahibzada Yaqub Khan, as well as an army spokesman, denied having received any such request, the US envoy has neither retracted nor clarified his earlier statement. Although there has been no report yet of Pakistani troops being sent to Saudi Arabia, eyewitnesses say that they recently saw at least a couple of giant US Air force transport (C-141) aircraft taking off from a Pakistan Air Force Base. To further confirm American acquiescence in recent events in Pakistan, there was highly significant meeting between the three services chiefs, Bob Oakley and the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee Chairman of the latter’s headquarters in Chaklala, Rawalpindi. This meeting took place on the weekend preceding the dissolution of the assemblies. In it, sources say, the issue was discussed threadbare, after which admiral Sirohey quietly left for Multan on a routine inspection tour.

    The State Department’s quick reaction is hardly attributable to any efficiency at Foggy Bottom. It is clear that prior information was available to them – the denial to the contrary of a USIS official in Islamabad notwithstanding. One thing, however, is clear. The haze of disinformation is still as thick as any fog. But keeping in view the well-oiled machinery that the army has at its disposal, its main political rival, the PPP appears to have been knocked out and has little chance of staging a quick or easy comeback. But whether the army comes out in the open or prefers operate through remote control, only the course of events in the next few months will tell. [Courtesy Monthly Herald Pakistan January 2008, page 87-88-89]


  2. How this “Game” was played in 1990 – Part 2 🙂

    The Empire Strikes Back by Abbas Nasir [Monthly Herald January 2008]

    August 6, 1655 hours… a group of army officers-whose men have already thrown a ring around the Prime Minister’s Secretariat – enter the multistory white building and advise all the staff to leave and not to return until further orders…

    A similar scene is being enacted at most other key buildings and installations in Islamabad as battle ready troops jump out of their gun-mounted trucks to surround the radio and television stations, the Directorate of Intelligence Bureau, the Federal Investigation Agency, important ministries and, of course, the erstwhile Sindh House – the official residence of the Prime Minister of Pakistan.

    Jawans and officers of the FF Regiment, and contingents from a battalion of the Special Services Group take up positions near the parliament building as the president prepares to address a press conference that has just been announced. The high-profile army presence in the Federal Capital leaves a little doubt in any mind that President Ghulam Ishaq Khan’s announcement has the solid backing of the country’s powerful defence forces..

    By this time, everybody in Islamabad, with the exception, perhaps, of the Pakistan’s People’s Party government has a fair idea of what is happening. The turbulent 20-month honeymoon between PPP and the establishment is all but over. A little after five, the President administers the last rites at a press conference at the Aiwan-e-Sadr. The Empire – which allowed the PPP to take office following polls in November 1988 – has finally decided to strike back.

    After reading from a lengthy charge sheet, President Ishaq quotes a number of constitutional clauses and then announces the dissolution of the national assembly and the dismissal of Benazir Bhutto’s government. Unlike the speech of the late General Ziaul Haq on May 29 1988 – in which he announced the dismissal of Junejo’s Government – Ishaq steps doesn’t surprise anyone. The action comes on the heels of a multitude of corruption scandals, the government’s abject failure in arresting the Sindh situation, reports of serious differences with the army, as well as acrimonious confrontation between the Centre and the Provinces of Punjab and Balochistan.

    Shortly afterwards, the nominated Caretaker Prime Minister Ghulam Mustaf Jatoi takes oath of office, fulfilling a long-standing ambition, and four ministers are sworn in simultaneously. There are two surprise inclusions in the cabinet – Rafi Raza, a man known in the past primarily as an aide to Zoulfikar Ali Bhutto, and for his strong US Connections. Raza has returned following a long absence in the political wilderness. The second surprise is the inclusion of the controversial Ghulam Mustafa Khar, on whom the establishment is reported to have a stack of files as high as the Margalla Hills.

    The two other ministers – Illahi Bux Soomro, who was a minister in the Martial Law period but was pushed out into the cold after having lost in the 1988 elections, Senator Sartaj Aziz, also a minister in the Zia period – are both known Zia loyalists.

    Meanwhile, the Chief of Army Staff, General Mirza Aslam Beg, comes out with the quote of the moment when mobbed by journalists following the oath taking ceremony. “We are not involved in politics. We have never been involved in politics. We will never be involved in politics.”

    Within a matter of hours, Sindh Governor Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim refuses Ishaq’s request to dissolve the provincial assembly and is replaced by Mahmoud A. Haroon , former interior minister in General Zia’s Martial Law government, who then signs the dissolution order. Jam Sadiq Ali, until days earlier a staunch Benazir Bhutto supporter, is sworn in as caretaker chief minister of the troubled province.

    Frontier Governor, Amir Gulistan Janjua, meanwhile sends the Sherpao government and the legislature packing, and Mir Afzal Khan, an industrial tycoon and a former Z.A. Bhutto government minister, takes over as the caretaker chief executive.

    For the opposition-led provincial governments, a more dignified and, perhaps cosmetic exit if facilitated. In the Punjab, Mian Nawaz Sharif is not sacked and give time to advise dissolution to the new governor, Mian Muhammad Azhar, the Lahore mayor and a close relative of the Punjab strongman himself, who replaces General (Retired) Tikka Khan. Meanwhile a close associate of Nawaz Sharif, Ghulam Haider Wyne, takes oath of office as caretaker Chief Minister of the most populous province of the country. Mir Humayun Khan Marri, the son-in-law of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti replaces him as Chief Minister after the latter sends advice to the Governor, General (Retired) Muhammad Musa, to dissolve the Balochistan assembly.

    Meanwhile, in the Federal Capital itself, correspondents who rush to file their dispatches, find all telex, fax and international dialing lines out of order. The lines are not restored till 2230 hours. In effect, Islamabad is cut off from the rest of the world until the new order is safely put into place. Benazir Bhutto gives her reaction at a press conference at 1930 hours. She says she has been ousted in a “Constitutional Coup”, but informs journalist that President Ishaq’s hand was forced. Asked who forced the president to dismiss her government, she responds, “I leave that to your imagination.” After the press conference, a PTV crew that has covered the vent, hands over the video to an army officer at the gate of Sindh House.

    Inside Sindh House itself, the STD lines are cut off and restored about seven times and the T&T authorities inform an aide to Ms. Bhutto that they are only following orders. As the just-ousted Prime Minister sits down to dinner, some party people, mainly former ministers, drop in. She picks up the phone, tells her ADC to send in more food, then laughs at his response and puts the phone down. Benazir Bhutto turns round and apologizes to her guests for not being able to lay out a proper dinner for them. The kitchen staff – as well as the crockery – have been summoned out of Sindh House. Even the next day, lunch is eaten out of boxes ordered from a caterer.

    While the troops clear out of Sindh House and the TV and Radio Stations the next morning, the PM Secretariat, as well as the DIB and FIA offices are visited by a steady stream of army men – some in plainclothes – for several more days. Hundreds of files are taken away from the premises, no doubt to reappear as a damning indictment of the fallen government. Meanwhile, Major (Retd.) Masud Sharif, the Joint Director of the IB, and later, six of his staffers, are reportedly arrested and taken to an unknown destination for interrogation.

    Two days after his nomination as Caretaker Prime Minister, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi addresses a press conference and lays a great deal of emphasis on the accountability of the previous government. The forthcoming elections, that are barely 77 days away, are played down somewhat, fuelling much speculation and reviving bitter memories of the past. The same day, in Karachi, Benazir Bhutto finally explodes at a press conference and charges that the Military Intelligence (MI) was responsible for her ouster. She goes to the extent of alleging that the draft of the President’s speech was prepared by the JAG (Judge Advocate General) branch of the Pakistan Army at the GHQ.

    Either naively, or reflecting her own political compulsions, she absolves the Chief of Army Staff and the Corps Commanders of any blame, thus distancing them from the MI and JAG Branch, and perhaps leaving the door ajar for any future compromises.

    Those in control now also seem to be in a hurry to acquire more and more bargaining chips. Significantly half a dozen persons reputed to be very close to Asif Zardari, are picked up in pre-dawn raids. As their interrogation begins, there are reports of deals and offer of immunity from prosecution. Events take a mysterious turn, as Begum Nusrat Bhutto leaves the country in a departure that is still unexplained. In the wake of the ouster of Benazir, numerous theories are being floated in the Federal Capital, with conspiracy theorists in hot demand. From deals between the PPP and the army, culminating in the exit of the Bhuttos from the Pakistani political scene, to a grand design by the army to completely discredit civilian politicians through appointments like those of caretaker set-up – all kinds of scenarios are being discussed and debated in Islamabad. Democracy in Pakistan, it is clear, has entered a critical new phase.


    REFERENCES: Kamal Azfar & Threats To The Democracy in Pakistan. http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/12/kamal-azfar-threats-to-democracy-in.html Kamal Azfar, Rogue Pakistani Establishment & Mehran Bank Scandal.

  3. What happened after the Establishment Successfully removed the “Government” – For Mr. Altaf Hussain 🙂


    MQM Shifts Blame for 1992 Operation From Military to Nawaz Sharif Wednesday, September 2, 2009 By Amir Mir
    The News, Daily Jang September 02, 2009 http://www.haqeeqat.org/2009/09/02/mqm-shifts-blame-for-1992-operation-from-military-to-nawaz-sharif/#urdu

    – Also, see the Urdu Edition (You’d miss that on jang.com.pk, once again bias Jang has removed content)

    LAHORE: The much trumpeted 1992 operation clean-up in Sindh had actually been launched against the backdrop of the infamous ‘Major Kaleem kidnapping case’, when a serving Army major was abducted and tortured, allegedly by a group of activists belonging to the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (which was then known as the Muhajir Qaumi Movement).

    While the MQM leadership has recently blamed former prime minister Nawaz Sharif for the 1992 operation and asked him to apologise for the atrocities committed during his tenure, it remains a fact that the MQM high command had held at that time the military leadership responsible for the action, saying it actually wanted to avenge the honour of Major Kaleemuddin.

    As a matter of fact, Major Kaleemuddin of the Field Investigation Unit (FIU) of the Army had been tasked to restore peace in the trouble-stricken Landhi area of Karachi. He was abducted on June 20, 1991, along with a few subordinates, while in civvies ñ the night when the MQM-Haqiqi led by Afaq Ahmed made an abortive attempt to take over Landhi offices of the Altaf-led MQM, called Muhajir Khel. This led to a bloody gun battle between the two MQM factions, killing many from both sides.

    However, the Haqiqi group was forced to flee after the Altaf group unleashed all its fire power in the gun battle. A few hours after the abortive attempt by the Haqiqi group, Major Kaleemuddin was abducted from the Landhi area by armed activists of the MQM, who allegedly took him to a torture cell and subjected him to ‘mistreatment’. The Major Kaleemuddin kidnapping case is still described by many in the establishment as the bedrock of the subsequent military operations carried out against the MQM under the Sharif and the Bhutto governments. Altaf Hussain and several other MQM leaders and workers were subsequently accused of being involved in the kidnapping episode and named in the FIR registered on June 24, 1991. Altaf left Pakistan in December 1992.

    But there are different versions of what exactly happened to Major Kaleemuddin. Some of the MQM leaders had claimed after the incident that the abductors were under the impression that MQM-Haqiqi leaders Afaq Ahmed and Amir Khan – had returned to the port city at the behest of the agencies and that the major was present in Landhi to supervise the establishment-sponsored operation against them. During the court trial, many of the accused had claimed that since the major was in plain clothes, he was mistaken by them for a Haqiqi activist and subsequently roughed up. But as soon he had revealed his identity, the major was allowed to go.

    However, according to the prosecution, Major Kaleemuddin, along with three other Army officers, was patrolling the Landhi area in an Army jeep when 20 armed youths took them hostage after seizing their weapons. The Army men were taken to a place called Muhajir Khel in Landhi where they were allegedly tortured and kept for seven hours and rescued when the police reached the place. The accused charged with kidnapping the Army officers and torturing them included Altaf Hussain, Saleem Shahzad, Dr Imran Farooq, Safdar Baqri, Nadeem Ayubi, Ayub Shah, Aftab Ahmed, Ismail alias Sitara, Ashraf Zaidi, Sajid Azad, Ashfaq Chief, Javed Kazmi, Haji Jalal Asghar Chacha, Rehan Zaidi and Mohammad Yousuf.

    Whatever the truth might be, the then-Army high command’s keen interest in the prosecution of the accused gave an impression as if the traditional martial pride of the Khakis – that nobody gets away with bashing up an Army officer ñ was at work. Gen Asif Nawaz had been the Corps Commander Karachi at that time who got promoted as the Army Chief in August 1991, right before the start of the military operation.

    A special court for suppression of terrorist activities (STA), led by Justice Rafiq Awan, began hearing of the Kaleemuddin kidnapping case in March 1993 and delivered judgment on June 9, 1994. The court had convicted Ashfaq Chief, Javed Kazmi and Haji Jalal and sentenced them to 30 years of rigorous imprisonment, besides imposing a fine of Rs 20,000 each under the Pakistan Penal Code, the Hudood Ordinance. All other accused, including Altaf Hussain, were declared absconders and sentenced to 27 years jail and a fine of Rs 30,000 each in absentia.

    Almost three years later, following the 1997 general elections and the subsequent decision by Altaf Hussain to join hands with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, all the convicted MQM leaders and activists challenged afresh their conviction and sentences before the Sindh High Court. Their appeal was heard by a division bench, which found the case as one ‘of almost no legal evidence’. Relying on the provisions of the Suppression of Terrorist Activities Act, 1976, the bench upheld on trial in absentia as well as the right of the absentee accused to file an appeal. Dealing with evidence, the bench observed that the eyewitnesses’ account did not inspire confidence and the evidence of the complainant was, in particular, full of contradictions.

    The bench, comprising Justice Nizam Hussain Siddiqui and Justice Abdul Hameed, noted that it is difficult to believe, a group of 15 or 20 boys could disarm four trained soldiers. Therefore, all the accused were acquitted and three convicts serving their term were ordered to be released immediately. But it is interesting to point out that after AQ Halepota, one of the counsels for the MQM leaders, concluded his arguments before the court, the then-advocate-general Sindh Shaukat Zuberi submitted that numerous omissions and contradictions had been made during the trial of Major Kaleemuddin’s kidnapping and torture case and that he would not support the convictions of the accused by the STA court. The verdict came hardly a week after the then-prime minister Nawaz Sharif had travelled to London to meet Altaf Hussain.

    To recall, the MQM and the PML-N had been coalition partners at that time, before finally falling apart following the assassination of Hakim Mohammad Saeed in Karachi. Major Kaleemuddin had subsequently challenged the acquittal of the MQM leaders and activists by the Sindh High Court. But the petition was dismissed as withdrawn by the apex court on August 13, 2007, mainly due to non-prosecution, as neither the petitioner nor his counsel had turned up. Also, see the Urdu Edition: http://www.haqeeqat.org/2009/09/02/mqm-shifts-blame-for-1992-operation-from-military-to-nawaz-sharif/#urdu


  4. What happened after the Establishment Successfully removed the “Government” – For Mr. Altaf Hussain


    The real cause of MQM-PML hostility Thursday, September 03, 2009 By Amir Mir http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/custom?q=cache:K2HgKiLeBw8J:www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp%3Fid%3D196296+MQM+amir+mir&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=pk

    LAHORE: The present animosity between the Altaf-led MQM and the Sharif-led PML has more to do with the October 1998 murder of former Sindh governor Hakim Mohammad Said and the subsequent imposition of the Governorís Rule in the province by the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif, rather than the 1992 operation clean-up, following which the two parties had mended fences and joined hands to form coalition governments in Sindh and at the federal level.

    The MQM is swinging between the PML and the PPP since the restoration of democracy in Pakistan in 1988, by joining almost every ruling coalition in Sindh. Having joined hands with then prime minister Benazir Bhutto after the 1988 elections, the MQM walked out of the PPP-led coalition in Sindh and at the centre in 1989. After the 1990 elections, the MQM teamed up with the Sharif-led PML, but left the coalition in 1992. After the dismissal of the second Benazir government in November 1996 and the subsequent holding of the 1997 general elections, Nawaz Sharif and Altaf Hussain had again joined forces against their common rival PPP.

    On February 21, 1997, the MQM leadership signed a power sharing accord with new prime minister Nawaz Sharif and joined the coalition government at the federal level and in Sindh. As per the accord, Nawaz Sharif had agreed to hold a judicial probe into the deaths of ìhundreds of MQM workers in police custody or fake encounters besides granting compensation to the families of the deceasedî. Interestingly, the PML-MQM did not mention the 1992 military operation, for which the MQM now blames the PML.

    The first major development that followed the PML-MQM reunion was the Sindh High Courtís February 1997 decision to acquit Altaf Hussain and his 18 co-accused in the kidnapping and torture case of Major Kaleemuddin of the Field Intelligence Unit (FIU) of the Pakistan Army. The acquittal only became possible after Advocate General Sindh Shaukat Zuberi had submitted before the court that numerous omissions and contradictions had been made during the trial and that he would not support the convictions of the accused by a special court for suppression of terrorist activities.

    On April 1, 1997, the PML-MQM coalition government in Sindh announced the formation of a compensation committee to pay compensation to the members of the affected families and their legal heirs ìwho had suffered during the period October 1993 to November 1997î. Once again, there was no mention of the year 1992 when the infamous operation clean up was launched by the Pakistan Army in Sindh. This was despite the fact that the operation clean-up had started in the rural areas of Sindh on May 23, 1992 and in the urban areas of the province on June 19, 1992. The operation had cost the government over Rs 4 billion since 45,000 military and para-military troops of the Corps V were deployed in Sindh to assist the civil administration in restoring peace.

    As a follow up to the PML-MQM power sharing accord of February 21, 1997, the Sharif government subsequently paid a hefty amount of Rs 500 million from the federal kitty as compensation to the families of 711 MQM activists who had either been killed or left disabled. However, the London-based MQM leadership now claims that around 15,000 MQM workers and supporters had lost their lives in the aftermath of the 1992 operation clean up. Interestingly, the MQM workers were not the only ones to have been compensated by the then Sharif government.

    A sum of Rs 200 million was also distributed as compensation money amongst 634 bereaved families of the Army, Rangers and the Police Jawans who had lost their lives between May 1992 and April 1998 in ìanti-terrorist operationsî carried out in Sindh.

    To the amazement of many, the families of those killed (MQM-A workers) and those who had been blamed for their deaths (law enforcement agencies) were paid an equal compensation amount of Rs 300,000 each by the Sharif government. While the widows and other dependents of the army, rangers and police Jawans were given compensation money because they had lost their lives ìfighting terrorismî, the family members of the MQM-A workers were compensated for their ìextra-judicial killings by the law enforcement agencies.î But the most astonishing aspect of the whole episode was that the army had claimed a head money reward of Rs 5 million from the Sindh government for killing 368 desperados during the 1992 operation clean-up, including several MQM-A activists whose families had to be paid compensation money eventually.

    The PML-MQM coalition went smooth afterwards for almost a year, before some serious differences erupted between the two partners, making the MQM to quit the federal and Sindh governments in August 1998. Yet on September 20, 1998, the MQM resumed support to the PML government at federal level and in Sindh, but without joining the cabinets.

    However, their alliance came to an abrupt end following the October 17, 1998 murder of the former Sindh governor Hakim Mohammad Said, who was allegedly assassinated by MQM activists in Karachi. The main accused in the murder case was Zulfiqar Haider, a serving MPA of the MQM from the Sindh Assembly.

    On October 28, 1998, ten days after the murder and having received the initial inquiry report from the authorities, Nawaz Sharif accused the MQM legislator and seven other party activists of involvement in the Hakim Said murder and set a three-day deadline for Altaf Hussain to handover the killers, including the MPA, failing which he threatened to call-off the PML-MQM alliance.

    On October 31, 1998, following the MQM leadershipís refusal to meet the deadline, the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif imposed federal rule in Sindh, which was followed by a massive crackdown by the security agencies against the MQM, which led to a fresh round of hostilities between the two political parties whose leadership is at daggers drawn against each other even today.


  5. Establishment — the main target in current fiasco Wednesday, September 02, 2009 Politicians point finger at Army, ISI for debacles; all except the president are losers By Ansar Abbasi http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/custom?q=cache:sgYFvywTWVEJ:www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp%3FId%3D24254+Jinnahpur+ansar+abbasi&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=pk

    ISLAMABAD: No matter who has authored the script of the ongoing Brig Imtiaz tamasha, engulfing the political arena, the establishment that includes the military-led intelligence agencies and the Pakistan Army have emerged as the main villains, presumably as the authors of the fiasco wanted.

    Nawaz Sharif and his party are uncomfortable; demand for Musharraf’s trial has been sidetracked at least for the time being; the MQM gets into a position where it believes that its stand is vindicated but the Jinnahpur controversy also created an opportunity for its opponents for a much open criticism of the party and its policies; the issues like the scrapping of 17th Amendment have now become more complex with the two leading parties setting up for a political confrontation after the PML-N finds the Presidency behind the current smear campaign against its top leadership; however, President Asif Zardari is least affected by this recently started political wrangling. It rather has favoured him by temporarily silencing the guns that were targeting him and the government from all around for their alleged misrule, on charges of corruption, the sugar scandal and the reported ruining of the state institutions.

    The PML-N, which is badly hurt by the revelations about the alleged provision of Rs3.5 million to its party chief Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif by former ISI chief Lt-Gen (retd) Asad Durrani, is pointing its finger at the president to have been the architect of the get-Nawaz campaign. However, the Presidency has strongly refuted these charges but different presidential aides are issuing the kind of statements that apparently show the presidency is getting amused with the situation.

    However, what is interesting is the unanimity between all these warring political forces showing their abhorrence over the role of the establishment in country’s politics. But in a strange dichotomy except the PML-N, the other two major warring political forces — the PPP and the MQM — are not interested in proceeding against Gen (retd) Musharraf under Article 6 of the Constitution.

    As one scans through the debates that took place in different talk shows of various private television channels after the recent emergence of the Jinnahpur controversy, the establishment is found to be the target of all.

    The MQM, which had been the most trusted supporter of Gen Musharraf during his nine years rule, says that its Quaid Altaf Hussain is not returning to Pakistan because of the establishment. The PPP, too, said that the military operators and intelligences agencies have not been adhering to the command of the civilian governments whereas the PML-N is of the view that it has repeatedly found the establishment and Army chiefs overstretching their mandate.

    While appearing as a guest in one of the talk shows, PML-N information secretary Ahsan Iqbal has said it has been a harsh reality in Pakistan that policy decisions on some specific security and international issues have not been taken with the consultation or consent of the civilian government. He quoted the Kargil issue as one example and urged upon the need of rationalising the power structure in such a manner that no step could be taken against the wishes of the democratic government.

    He said the PML-N differed with former Army chief Gen (retd) Aslam Beg after he issued a statement on the Gulf war that did not match the government’s policy. He said similarly Gen (retd) Asif Nawaz exceeded from the mandate he was given before launching the military operation against criminals, dacoits and anti-social elements in Sindh in 1992. Another Army Chief Gen (retd) Jehangir Karamat, he said, was removed because of his statement on the setting up of National Security Council. He said the PML-N government differed with Gen (retd) Musharraf on the Kargil issue. Senior PML-N leader Khwaja Muhammad Asif was of the view that the military-led intelligence agencies have been extremely powerful and instrumental in the making and breaking of the government. On the issue of the military operation in Karachi and the target killings there, Khwaja Asif said the agencies were mainly responsible for that. He said in both the 1992-93 and 1995-96 operations in Karachi, these were the military intelligence agencies that had played the important role.

    Interestingly, it was Khwaja Asif, who admitted that had the agencies not been so powerful MQM Quaid Altaf Hussain would have now been in Pakistan. Khwaja Asif said Altaf Hussain’s apprehensions towards the intelligences agencies, are barring him to come back and lead his party, which according to the N-leader would serve the political culture better.

    Khwaja Asif also pointed out that the present situation in the tribal areas, Balochistan, Northern Areas and in Southern Punjab is also the outcome of what the agencies did during the last 20-22 years. The PML-N leaders have been distancing itself from the 1992 military operation against the MQM and insisted that it was the Army which had overstepped. In return, the MQM leaders, too, were mainly complaining to the PML-N and its leader Nawaz Sharif over his silence and the failure to stop the 1992 military operation against the MQM. MQM leader Haider Abbas Rizvi endorsed Khwaja’s views and said Hakim Saeed was killed by the agencies but the MQM was blamed for his murder. He lamented that the MQM workers were killed in an extra-judicial manner; military courts were created to try Muttahida workers, who were punished illegally and in violation of the Constitution through summary trials by these courts.

    Rizvi said in the 1992 operation what he called the Haqiqi terrorists were riding in military jeeps during the Army’s operation against the MQM. “It was all planted,” he said, and lamented the then-prime minister could not do anything to stop the operation.

    Wasim Akhtar, another MQM leader, said in one the private channel that it’s a pity that the largest political parties of the country are today still dependent on Army and America. Dr Nadeem Ahsan of the MQM said MQM workers do not want Altaf Hussain to come back. He said the MQM Chief’s life is facing threats from the enemies of Pakistan. When asked to name these enemies, he pointed to both internal and external forces. When further probed, Dr Nadeem Ahsan initially named the Taliban and later said, “There are some other forces too. You can also name establishment.” When asked if the MQM fears from the establishment, he said, “Yes”.

    PPP information secretary Fauzia Wahab, too, in a talkshow talked of the political influence of the ISI which, according to her, grew after the agencies exposure in the Afghan war against former Soviet Union. Wahab, who is generally considered as her master’s (President) voice, said during the Afghan war the ISI became very resourceful and developed new technologies, which the agencies has to use somewhere to prove its worth. Referring to the history and also finding it true in the present day Pakistan, she said one thing is clear that in Pakistan democracy never got strengthened and the civilian authority has never been maintained. She said in her view there does not exist any central authority. Fauzia Wahab also added the 1992 operation is the reflection of the fact that the military operators at that time were not ready to concede the supremacy of the civilian leadership.

    She, however, believed the military interventions can’t be stopped by hanging a dictator but by improving the performance of parliament and through the vision and greater assertion of the political leadership.

    Dr Firdous Aashiq Awan, another PPP leader, blamed the establishment for the PPP government’s “mistake” to launch operation in Karachi against the MQM in 1995-96.

  6. What happened after 6 August 1990


    General Janjua — the man behind 1992 operation Friday, September 04, 2009 By Amir Mir http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:JqXu8yBhRo4J:www.thenews.com.pk/print1.asp%3Fid%3D196562+nawaz+sharif+Operation+cleanup+1992&cd=5&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=pk

    LAHORE: The decision to launch the infamous 1992 operation clean-up in Sindh was largely taken by the military establishment immediately after the retirement of General Mirza Aslam Beg as the Army chief and the elevation of the then chief of general staff General Asif Nawaz Janjua to his place in August 1991.

    General Janjua had been the corps commander Karachi for three years from April 1988 to March 1991 before being elevated as chief of general staff in April 1991 for a brief period, only to be made the 10th chief of army staff three months later on August 16, 1991. And the operation clean-up was launched shortly afterwards.

    A careful scanning of the Pakistani newspaper files between 1989 and 1992 show that a proposal to send in the Army to ‘clean up’ Sindh was first floated in 1989 when Ghulam Ishaq Khan was the president of the country, Benazir Bhutto the prime minister, General Aslam Beg the Army chief and Lt-Gen Asif Nawaz the corps commander Karachi. However, difference of opinion arose after Ghulam Ishaq and General Aslam Beg opposed the suggestion.

    It was during his tenure as the corps commander Karachi that Asif Nawaz shot to prominence. Sindh at that time wilted under the most violent period in its history. Ethnic battles between Sindhis and Mohajirs were a routine affair and Asif Nawaz was often asked by the civil administration to deploy his troops to impose curfew and break the civil strife.

    On one such occasion, Lt-Gen Asif Nawaz had to personally come forward as a guarantor between two ethnic extremist groups to ensure a safe swapping of the hostages from both sides, who otherwise would have been killed. Therefore, he had floated a proposal to the PPP government in 1989 for carrying out two separate operations in urban and rural areas of Sindh against extremist elements in the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) and Al-Zulfiqar Organisation as well as against criminals and dacoits who had been enjoying the protection of influential political personalities and landlords. However, Beg reportedly voiced his opposition to the proposal and simply dragged his feet by demanding Herculean powers from the federal government for the Army under Section 245 of the Constitution.

    Even otherwise, there were elements in the Bhutto government who argued that a genuinely impartial military operation, cutting across party and ethnic lines, as envisioned by Asif Nawaz, would shake the foundations of the entire political edifice.

    However, the ground work preceding the military operation in Sindh was eventually started in August 1991 soon after Aslam Begís retirement and Asif Nawazís elevation by Ishaq Khan. After taking Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif into confidence, the military high command had issued directives to the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and the Military Intelligence (MI) to prepare secret reports on the activities of dacoits, criminals, terrorists as well as political elements patronising notorious elements in Sindh. A separate cell was formed within these agencies to focus on the activities of the Altaf-led MQM, but with precise directives that these reports should remain completely impartial and credible.

    However, problems began to crop up when Prime Minister Sharif was informed by the intelligence agencies that some provincial ministers allied to his Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI), President Ishaqís son-in-law Irfanullah Khan Marwat, several prominent Pirs of Sindh, then chief Minister of the province Jam Sadiq Ali and some key members of the PPP and the Altaf-led MQM were all involved in criminal activities. Subsequently, the leaderships of different political parties were informed of these intelligence reports and asked to purge their parties of such elements as early as possible. In response, the PPP high command publicly severed its links with Al-Zulfiqar while Altaf Hussain deemed it fit to expel Afaq Ahmed and Amir Khan from the MQM.

    However, Nawaz Sharif was advised by his close aides that so many politicians from Sindh have been named in the intelligence reports as criminals that if they were rounded up, the Jam Sadiq-led coalition government would simply collapse; the PPP would seize power in Sindh and the PML-led government in Islamabad would be plunged into a serious political crisis. Sharif was also warned that any action against criminal elements of the Altaf-led party by the Army could prove counter productive, despite the fact that intelligence reports had described the MQM as “a state within a state”.

    Nonetheless, General Asif Nawaz Janjua was determined to move ahead with his plan of an operation clean-up in Sindh to cleanse the province of criminals. By that time, the infamous kidnapping and torture of Major Kaleemuddin by MQM henchmen had already taken place. In May 1992, a month before the operation was officially launched, the original plan was reviewed by the GHQ and it was decided that a direct clash between the Army and the MQM should be avoided.

    Therefore, the MQM-Haqiqi was launched. But the intelligence move backfired and severely damaged the credibility of the Army. During a high-level troika meeting hardly two weeks before the operation clean-up, General Asif told Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif that although many MQM, PML, PPP and Pagaro League members were on the criminal list, the Armyís first and foremost target would be dacoits in interior Sindh.

    However, as soon as the operation was launched, Nawaz Sharif was taken by surprise as the Army opted to raid the Nine Zero headquarters of the MQM in Azizabad to arrest dozens of its activists and leaders who were wanted for their involvement in criminal and terrorist activities. By that time, while sensing the gravity of the situation, Altaf Hussain had already fled Karachi for London.

    As pressure mounted on Nawaz Sharif by the component parties of the IJI, he decided to give a clear cut message to the Army by travelling to London to meet Altaf Hussain on June 19, 1992 when the operation clean-up was at its peak in Karachi and Hyderabad.

    And his move explicitly meant to distance himself from the operation clean-up of the Pakistan Army that was being directed against one of his important coalition partners in Sindh — the Altaf-led MQM.


  7. PML-N responsible for crime against humanity Posted by Ahmed Hashmi August 24, 2009 By Ahmed Hashmi

    Adolf Hitler will always be known in the history of mankind as being the most racial and barbaric dictator on the basis of ethnic and religious affiliations. The world soon realized the agenda of Nazi German forces – two days after invasion of Poland (on September 3rd 1939), resulting in formation of allies between United Kingdom and France, declaring war on Nazi Germany.
    In the year 1992, the same story was repeated here in our country Pakistan, with different set of personalities involved and on different racial/political grounds.
    Yesterday night ex Director General of Intelligence Bureau (IB – which is classed as the top civilian intelligence setup of our country), Brigadier (R) Imtiaz appeared on a talk show named “Sawal Yeh Hai” (the question is that) hosted by Dr. Danish, on ARY OneWorld TV channel unleashing so far un-told history.
    I am not sure if Brig (R) Imtiaz himself committed crime by revealing intelligence operations from the sad history of this country, but ones eye’s cant stop tears after listening to what has been done on this part of the planet back in early 90s.

    The other guest in the program was Syed Haider Abbas Rizvi of Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) who is termed as the deputy parliamentary leader of the party as well.
    Revealing a lot of yet untold details from the history along with an operation by Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) to unearth plans of Central Intelligence Agency (CIA of USA) trying to plant technicians in the nuclear installations of the country.

    The Khar Legacy

    One of the stories he tell is that Ghulam Mustafa Khar was staying in London in self-exile staying in the apartment of Seth Abid, where he was approached by Joshi, a senior officer of Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of India, creating a joint plan that when there will be Corps Commander conference going on in the Rawalpindi, Pakistan, they will explode the building with explosives, killing all the senior military leadership of Pakistan. According to Birg (R) Imtiaz, Mustafa Khar was the central role player of the plan and RAW was cooperating with him, and he even met with Indra Ghandi, the then Prime Minister of India – who formally approved the operation. On the other hand Seth Abid met General Zia and informed him that Mustafa Khar have some dirty plans against the country.

    He says that Seth Abid was then planted as the Pakistani agent and used to communicate with Mustafa Khar from the ISI office – answering to a question if this is a true-tale, Brig (R) Imtiaz also revealed that all the conversations of the plan between Seth Abid and Mustafa Khar are still on record and are saved at Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) at this time. Then he tells how the plan was busted with the help of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agents. When Mustafa Khar was phoned on the program by the host, he clearly rejected the allegations and asked that another program should be hosted and he be invited to take his views rather than on phone, to which Dr. Danish agreed.

    Mass murders in 1992 Operation

    After seeking a confirmation that he have experience of more than 11 years of service in Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Dr. Danish asked Brig (R) Imtiaz about another conspiracy of 1992 Operation against the Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM), when Lt Gen Naseer Akhtar was Corps Commander of 10 Corps (Karachi) and Lt. Gen Asif Janjua was the Chief of Army Staff.

    The then Prime Minsiter, Nawaz Sharif was not sought any permission about this operation says Brig (R) Imtiaz, and says that the operation was started without the permission of Mr. Nawaz Sharif. He confirms that this is definite that when this operation began, MQM raised her voice against the operation & the international community shown concern over this operation, Mr Nawaz Sharif called on Lt Gen Asif Janjua, the then Chief of Army staff, to discuss the issue to which the then Prime Minister, Mr. Nawaz Sharif instructed to continue the operation!
    Dr. Danish then questions the political innocence of Mr. Nawaz Sharif, as he is famous for his deliberate ignorance including the Kargil war, as why he did not ask this operation to be stopped which was started and continued in his government.

    Dr. Danish then takes Lt. Gen (R) Naseer Akhtar on phone and questions him that if he did seek permission from the then Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif to conduct the operation to kill 15000 workers of MQM to which he confirmed that the permission was sought in proper chain of command and Mr. Nawaz Sharif was present in the Pano Aqil Cantonment during all the conferences where the 1992 Operation was discussed along with Chief Of Army Staff and President Ghulam Ishaq Khan – and gave permission to conduct this genocide!

    Then he asks ex-corps commander about the Jinnahpur map discovered from Karachi, to which he said that this was very disappointing, there were never any of such map discovered, and it was withdrawn just after two days and he declines twice on the phone line that even while being Corps Commander of Karachi, he was completely unaware of the Jinnahpur map – this to be noted here that Lt Gen (R) Naseer Akhtar is known as responsible and mastermind of the 1992 Karachi operation.

    Coming back to Brig (R) Imtiaz, Dr. Danish questions that according to the ex-corps commander, Lt Gen (R) Naseer Akhtar – the prime minister, Nawaz Sharif and Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen (R) Asif Janjua was completely in loop of the operation – Brig (R) Imtiaz once again decline that prime minister Nawaz Shareef was completely unaware of the illegal operation against MQM, but agreed that he ordered to continue operation.

    Then he comes back to Jinnahpur saga and asks Brig (R) Imtiaz that being the then DG Intelligence Bureau to tell that from which office of Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) the so called map of Jinnahpur was discovered? Answering to which he says that I investigated this whole issue for seven days and at the end concluded that this Jinnahpur map was a complete drama and conspiracy against Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) and there were absolutely no maps discovered from the offices of MQM.

    Brig (R) Imtiaz asks that Lt. Gen (R) Naseer Akhtar was the Corps Commander of the 10 Corp during that time then how this is possible that he was completely unaware of the Jinnahpur map? How this become possible that those maps were published? Who passed it to the press resulting in the headlines of all the newspapers on the next day? Including the headline of the JANG newspaper published in the London. This is bloody nonsense.

    Breaking in tears, Haider Abbas Rizvi says that this is a big day of his life, it reminds him of his 15000 party workers killed in this operation, the way his party and the leader Altaf Hussain was accused of being agents of Research & Analysis Wing (RAW – INDIA). The way the patriotism of his party was challenged. He also requests Brig (R) Imtiaz to please swear upon Allah to tell everyone about those torture cells of MQM were ever existed?

    Haider Abbas Rizvi says that during the operation, women workers of MQM, including mothers and sisters were rotten under horses by Police and the Army during the operation, he thanked Lt. Gen (R) Naseer Akhtar of telling and accepting the truth today after 17 years.

    Dr. Danish when asking another question, Haider Rizvi insisted Dr. Danish to please ask Brig (R) Imtiaz if those torture cell of MQM ever existed to which Dr. Danish said that as this is now clear that Jinnahpur map was a propaganda against MQM and was fake, it is needless to question that MQM operated any torture cell anywhere.

    Finally, In My Opinion

    In my humble opinion, this is one of the biggest blunder in the history of our beloved country that a political party was convicted of false crimes and an illegal operation was raged on them resulting in the deaths of 15000 workers, including infants, children and women.
    Out of whole of this episode of the Dr. Danish’s talk show, one thing we can easily conclude that this operation was started or at least continued with the will of the then Prime Minister, Mr. Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N, Nawaz Group) – which is indeed a symbol of shame for everyone being citizen of this country.

    Those who have lived in the city of Karachi during 1992-1999 are well aware of how this operation was conducted, how members of an specific political party (MQM) was killed under the blame of claiming of a separate state, which is all now termed as false.

    Since now this fact is revealed and the 1992 operation unearthed, Mr. Nawaz Sharif and his party PML-N, proud owner of sugar mills, flour mills, rice mills, members of the elite class, the lions of the Punjab, should be ashamed of conducting such serious crimes and mass murder and in my humble opinion must be tried in the international criminal court under sections of crimes against humanity.

    Now I ask where is Mr. Chief Justice, Justice Chaudhary Iftikhar Hussain? I hope he have seen the yesterday’s episode of Dr. Danish’s program or at least have read the newspapers? Will he take suo-moto action now? Or his sou-moto actions are only bound to be for one of those blessed ones where there is a vested interest.

    By the way, 15000 (or lets say 1500?) illegal murders is not a joke! We need to take some serious actions against those responsible now – in order to avoid any genocide in future in our country, and in my humble opinion the list starts with 1. PML-N Leader Mr. Nawaz Sharif, 2. The then Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen (R) Asif Janjua, 3. The then Coprs Commander of 10 Core (Karachi), Lt. Gen (R) Naseer Akhtar, and so on.

    Let us have a Change!

  8. بریگیڈیئر امتیاز کی باتوں سے کس کو فائدہ؟
    ہارون رشید
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، اسلام آباد
    آخری وقت اشاعت: Monday, 31 August, 2009, 07:54 GMT 12:54 PST

    بریگیڈیئر امتیاز عرف’بِلا‘خود کہتے ہیں کہ ان کا سیاستدانوں کے خلاف کارروائیوں میں اہم کردار رہا ہے

    پاکستان کے سیاسی افق پر ایک زبردست بھونچال جیسی کیفیت ہے۔ ایسا محسوس ہوتا ہے کہ سیاستدانوں یا جیسے ’کبوتروں‘ کے پنجرے میں بلی (یا بِلا) گھس آئی ہے۔ کوئی ادھر اور کوئی ادھر سرپٹخ پٹخ کر ان پر لگنے والے الزامات کی تردید کرتا پھر رہا ہے۔

    خفیہ ادارے آئی ایس آئی کے متنازع سابق سینیئر اہلکار بریگیڈیئر (ر) امتیاز کے اچانک منظر عام پر آنے اور بقول ان کے ’سچ سچ‘ اُگلنا سیاستدانوں کو مہنگا پڑ رہا ہے۔ کون ہے جس کا ان سے پالا نہیں پڑا۔ بریگیڈئر امتیاز تب خفیہ اداروں میں اہم عہدوں پر تھے جب ان اداروں کا زیادہ تر کام سیاستدانوں کے ساتھ ہی رہا تھا۔

    گزشتہ ایک ماہ میں بریگیڈیئر امتیاز اچانک منظر عام پر آئے ہیں اور انہوں نے سیاستدانوں کو ’خریدنے‘ کی تفصیل بتائی ہے۔ یاد رہے کہ بریگیڈیئر امتیاز کا 1989 میں منتخب حکومت کے خلاف سازش میں اہم کردار تھا جس میں ممبرانِ پارلیمان کی وفا داریاں خرید کر پاکستانی سیاست میں ہارس ٹریڈنگ کا آغاز ہوا۔ اسی دوران ان کا پیپلز پارٹی کے خلاف اسلامی جمہوری اتحاد یعنی آئی جے آئی کے قیام میں اہم کردار تھا۔

    اس طرح سرعام رشوت دینے کے اعتراف میں بریگیڈیئر امیتاز کیا کسی عدالتی کارروائی کے مستحق نہیں؟
    بریگیڈیئر امتیاز پہلے غداری کے الزام میں اور اس کے بعد صدر مشرف کے دور میں بدعنوانی کے جرم میں جیل میں رہے۔ لیکن اب اچانک ان کا ’میڈیا پروفائل‘ بڑھا ہے یا شاید بڑھایا گیا ہے۔

    بریگیڈیئر امتیاز کا دعویٰ ہے کہ وہ سیاست دانوں سے متعلق ان کارروائیوں کے دوران صرف دو سیاستدانوں سابق وزیر اعلٰی سرحد محمد افضل خان اور سابق سپیکر قومی اسمبلی فخر امام کے علاوہ تقریباً ہر ایک کو خریدنے میں مبینہ طور پر کامیاب رہے ہیں۔

    تو اس طرح سرعام رشوت دینے کے اعتراف میں بریگیڈیئر امیتاز کیا کسی عدالتی کارروائی کے مستحق نہیں؟

    پرانے کھاتے کھولنے سے بریگیڈیئر صاحب اپنے ماضی کے داغ تو صاف نہیں کرسکے البتہ اپنے آپ کو انہوں نے مزید متنازعہ اور بدنام ضرور کر لیا ہے۔

    باقی سب ان کے بقول حمام میں ننگے تھے۔ لہٰذا وہ ایک ایک کر کے کھر سے لے کر ’آپریشن مِڈنائٹ جیکالز‘ جیسی تمام سازشوں کا پردہ چاک کرنے کے درپے دکھائے دے رہے ہیں۔

    لیکن سوال یہ ہے کہ اچانک انہیں ایسا کرنا کیوں پڑ گیا؟ کیوں بیس سال بعد ان کا ’ضمیر جاگ اٹھا‘ ہے؟

    بریگیڈئر امتیاز کا 1989 میں منتخب حکومت کے خلاف سازش میں اہم کردار تھا جس میں ممبران پارلیمان کی وفا داریاں خرید کر پاکستانی سیاست میں ہارس ٹریڈنگ کا آغاز ہوا۔ اسی دوران ان کا پیپلز پارٹی کے خلاف اسلامی جمہوری اتحاد یعنی آئی جے آئی کے قیام میں اہم کردار تھا۔
    اپنی سال ہا سال کی خاموشی توڑتے ہوئے، بی بی سی سے انٹرویو کے موقع پر ان کا کہنا تھا کہ وہ زندگی کے اس موڑ پر آن پہنچے ہیں جہاں وہ ان ’حقائق‘ کا بوجھ زیادہ دیر تک اٹھا نہیں پائیں گے۔ البتہ وزیر اعظم سے لے کر میرے نانبائی تک کو اس کی پشت پر ایک سازش اور ایک ’مکار‘ چال کی بو آ رہی ہے۔

    لیکن اگر اب ملک کے ’بااختیار‘ وزیر اعظم ہی گیند میڈیا کے کورٹ میں پھینک دیں تو کوئی تہہ تک کیسے پہنچے؟ وزیر اعظم کا کہنا ہے کہ یہ میڈیا ہی معلوم کرے کہ یہ بحث کس نے اور کیوں چھیڑی ہے۔ اب اگر ٹی وی کے اینکرز نے، جن میں چند تو فی الحال گیند اچھالنے میں مصروف ہیں، جاسوسی کا کام بھی کرنا ہے تو ملک کے سکیورٹی ادارے کس مرض کی دوا ہیں؟

    خیر ہر کوئی اس سازش کو اپنی عینک سے دیکھ رہا ہے۔ حزب اختلاف کی جماعت مسلم لیگ (ن) کو اس میں مبینہ طور پر ایوان صدر ملوث دکھائی دے رہا ہے۔

    ادھر سابق گورنر پنجاب اور پیپلز پارٹی کے سابق رہنما مصطفٰی کھر کو بھی ان کے خلاف ’کھر کنسپریسی‘ کا مردہ دوبارہ اٹھانے کی کوشش کے پیچھے مبینہ طور پر صدر آصف علی زرداری نظر آ رہے ہیں۔ ان کا الزام ہے کہ صدر نے گورنر پنجاب کو ان کی کردار کشی کے لیے ایک بڑی رقم دی ہے اور بریگیڈیئر امتیاز بھی اسی وجہ سے ان کے پیچھے پڑے ہیں۔

    ہر کوئی اس سازش کو اپنی عینک سے دیکھ رہا ہے۔ حزب اختلاف کی جماعت مسلم لیگ (ن) کو اس میں مبینہ طور پر ایوان صدر ملوث دکھائی دے رہا ہے۔
    لیکن دوسری جانب خود پیپلز پارٹی کی سیکریٹری اطلاعات فوزیہ وہاب کا کہنا ہے کہ بریگیڈیئر امتیاز ’مجرم‘ ہیں ان کی باتوں کو وزن نہیں دینا چاہیے۔

    اس موقع پر سوال یہ ہے کہ اس تمام تر بیان بازی سے فائدہ کسے ہو رہا ہے۔ بریگیڈیئر صاحب کو تو جو ہو رہا ہوگا سو ہوگا لیکن اس سے لندن میں بیٹھے لوگوں کا سب سے زیادہ فائدہ ہوا ہے۔ ایم کیو ایم تو دودھ سے نہائی صاف ہوگئی ہے جبکہ سابق صدر جنرل (ریٹائرڈ) پرویز مشرف کے خلاف غداری کے مقدمے میں کارروائی کے مطالبے کی بحث بھی بظاہر ٹھنڈی پڑ گئی ہے۔

    تو کیا یہ کوشش سابق فوجیوں کی جانب سے اپنے سابق ’پیٹی بند‘ بھائی کو بچانے کی ہے یا پھر سیاستدانوں کو ’بےعزت‘ کرنے کی ازل سے جاری گندی مہم کا حصہ ہے؟

    ٹی وی چینلز بریگیڈیئر امتیاز کے سیاستدانوں کے خلاف الزامات کو تو ’خود ان کی فرمائش پر‘ خوب ہوا دے رہے ہیں لیکن ان سے یہ نہیں پوچھ رہے کہ بائیں بازوں کے رہنما نذیر عباسی جیسے کئی لوگوں کے قتل میں وہ مبینہ طور پر ملوث ہیں یا نہیں۔

    ’بوڑھے بریگیڈیئر یا جھوٹ کی فیکٹری‘
    آخری وقت اشاعت: Wednesday, 2 September, 2009, 03:25 GMT 08:25 PST
    نثار کھوکر
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، کراچی

    بریگیڈیئر(ر)امتیاز کےمطابق رفیق کی گرفتاری پر فوجی حکمران جنرل ضیاء نے انہیں ستارہ رسالت دیا تھا

    پاکستان کے ایک ریٹائرڈ بیوروکریٹ اور جنرل ضیاء کی مارشل لاء کے اسیر رفیق احمد صفی منشی نے کہا ہے کہ وہ بریگیڈیئر(ر) امتیاز کے ان الزامات کی پندرہ مرتبہ تردید کرچکے ہیں جن میں وہ انہیں امریکی خفیہ ایجنسی سی آئی اے کا ایجنٹ قرار دیا گیا تھا۔

    رفیق صفی منشی کا کہنا ہے کہ انہیں لگتا ہے کہ بریگیڈیئر یا تو بوڑھے ہوچکے ہیں یا ان کے پاس جھوٹ کی فیکٹری ہے جو ختم نہیں ہو رہی ہے۔

    بریگیڈیئر(ر)امتیاز نے اپنے ایک حالیہ انٹرویو میں کہا ہے کہ انہوں نے انیس سو اناسی میں جب وہ خفیہ ایجنسی آئی ایس آئی کے سندھ کے سربراہ تھے، کراچی یونیورسٹی کے ایک سابق گریجویٹ رفیق منشی کو آپریشن رائزنگ سن کے دوران گرفتار کیا تھا۔ اپنے انٹرویو میں انہوں نے الزام لگایا تھا کہ رفیق منشی سی آئی ای کے لیے کراچی کے جوہری ادارے کانپ میں کام کررہے تھے۔ ان کے مطابق وہ پاکستان کے جوہری راز امریکی خفیہ ادارے سی آئی ای کے حوالے کرنے والے تھے۔ بریگیڈیئر(ر)امتیاز کےمطابق رفیق کی گرفتاری پر فوجی حکمران جنرل ضیاء نے انہیں ستارہ رسالت دیا تھا۔

    رفیق صفی منشی نے بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام کو بتایا ہے کہ وہ کبھی کراچی یونیورسٹی میں زیرتعلیم نہیں رہے۔ انہوں نے سندھ یونیورسٹی جامشورو، لندن اور امریکا سے ڈگریاں حاصل کی ہیں۔ ان کا کہنا ہے کہ وہ کبھی کانپ نامی جوہری ادارے کے ملازم نہیں رہے ہیں بلکہ انہوں نے کراچی کو بجلی فراہم کرنے والے ادارے کی ای ایس سی میں ملازمت کی تھی جہاں سے ان کو گرفتار کیا گیا۔

    رفیق صفی دو سال قبل کراچی پورٹ ٹرسٹ سے اکیس گریڈ کے افسر کی حیثیت سے ریٹائر ہوئے ہیں۔ وہ کراچی میں اپنی ایک بیٹی اور بیرسٹر بیوی کے ساتھ رہائش پذیر ہیں۔

    رفیق صفی کا کہنا ہے کہ بریگیڈیئر امتیاز جو آجکل راز فاش کرنے کے داعی ہیں وہ ان کے تین سوالوں کے جواب دیں کہ وہ راز کہاں سے آئے، رفیق نے کس کو دیئے اور وہ راز تھے کیا؟ انکےمطابق اگر امتیاز نے ان سوالوں کے جوابات نہیں دیئے تو وہ خود دستاویزات عدالتوں کے سامنے پیش کریں گے جن سے معلوم ہوگا کہ وہ اور انکے سربراہ جنرل ضیاء امریکی ایجنٹ تھے یا نہیں۔

    ماضی کی مارشل لاء کے دنوں کو یاد کرتے ہوئے انہوں نے بتایا ہے کہ انہیں بارہ دسمبر انیس سو اناسی کو اس وقت گرفتار کیا گیا جب وہ اپنی سالگرہ کے سلسلے میں کچھ ڈرنکس لینے بازار گئے تھے۔ رفیق صفی کےمطابق اس وقت مارشل لا کے دن تھے اور خفیہ ایجنسیوں کے تشدد کی دکان کھلی ہوئی تھی۔انہیں خفیہ قید خانوں میں وہاں رکھا گیا جہاں کمیونسٹ رہنماء جام ساقی اور دیگر کو رکھا گیا تھا۔

    رفیق صفی کے مطابق ان دنوں بریگیڈیئر(ر)امتیاز نے عالمی ایجنسیوں کی دکان کھول رکھی تھی اور بائیں بازو کے تمام رہنماؤں کو وہ غیرملکی ایجنٹ قرار دیکر گرفتار کر رہے تھے۔جام ساقی روس کے ایجنٹ قرار دیئے گئے، وہ خود امریکہ کے اور رسول بخش پلیجو چین کے ایجنٹ قرار دیئے گئے تھے اور ان دنوں تمام قیدی ایک دوسرے کو سپر پاورز کے قیدی کہہ کر پکارتے تھے۔

    رفیق صفی کا کہنا ہے کہ ان کے خلاف برسوں سے جاری خفیہ ایجنسیوں کی تمام مہم کے باوجود انہیں اکیس گریڈ میں ترقی دی گئی۔جنرل مشرف نے کراچی پورٹ ٹرسٹ کے سربراہ وائس ایڈمرل احسن حیات کی بریفنگ پر غور نہیں کیا اور انہیں ترقی دی۔

  9. It is unfortunate that cases sans evidence were instituted during his tenure, but it is heartening that he (Nawaz Sharif) has revealed the truth without any fear or reluctance. Just have a look at some other words of Nawaz Sharif in the same interview. Sharif says: “I was not in favour of arresting Benazir Bhutto, but Saifur Rehman would insist upon her arrest. Ch Shujaat Hussain is witness to this fact that I wanted Benazir Bhutto to go abroad before being sentenced. In fact, I never wanted her to go to jail.” REFERENCES: Ghaddar Kaun? Author: Sohail Warraich – Nawaz Sharif opens up to Sohail Warraich in a big way READ THE BOOK sohail waraich – ghaddar kaun http://www.scribd.com/doc/2411542/sohail-waraich-ghaddar-kaun


    Jang Group/GEO TV & UNHCR REPORT: Ex – Senator Saifur Rehman’s Attack on Pakistani Press.

  10. As per The News International dated Saturday, October 09, 2010 – ISLAMABAD: Opposition Leader in the National Assembly Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan in his written correspondence with the Prime Minister termed the appointment of Deedar Shah for the post of Chairman NAB as inappropriate. Nisar terms Deedar’s appointment ‘inappropriate’
    http://www.thenews.com.pk/latest-news/2605.htm And as per the same News International

    Nawaz trusted the new NAB chairman By Rauf Klasra Saturday, October 09, 2010 Shawwal 29, 1431 A.H http://www.thenews.com.pk/09-10-2010/Top-Story/1195.htm

    ISLAMABAD: The 10-year-old official record of the Sindh High Court (SHC) reveals that PML-N chief Nawaz Sharif, when he was a high profile detainee of Pervez Musharraf, during his trial on the hijacking charges punishable with death penalty, had not only shown confidence but also praised professionalism of the then Sindh High Court chief justice and the new NAB chairman, Deedar Hussain Shah.

    The record available with The News reveals that with the elevation of the then SHC CJ, Deedar Hussain, to the Supreme Court on April 28, 2000, detained Nawaz Sharif had suddenly found himself in big trouble at the hands of the new SHC CJ, who had constituted a full bench to hear the hijacking case on a daily basis. It created panic in the ranks of Nawaz’s legal team.

    The court documents show that Nawaz and his legal team were satisfied with the role of the SHC CJ, Deedar Hussain Shah, because they believed that in line with the norms of justice, he neither allowed a speedy trial of Nawaz nor he formed a full bench like his successor.

    Deedar Hussain Shah, when he was the SHC CJ, had actually appointed a three-member bench comprising Justice Abdul Hameed Dogar, Justice Rabbani and another judge, to hear the Nawaz case and the former prime minister was quite satisfied with this bench and its proceedings. After reading these papers, it becomes quite obvious that Deedar Hussain Shah was sent to the Supreme Court because General Musharraf was unhappy with him during the trial of Nawaz Sharif.
    The official record shows that Nawaz’s legal team had praised the then SHC CJ Deedar Hussain Shah in the petition no. 172/2000, which was filed to challenge the speedy trial and formation of a full bench by the new SHC CJ. The petition was filed on June 27, 2000, challenging whether Sindh High Court registrar could constitute a full bench for hearing of anti-terrorism appeals under Rules 2 and 5 of the high court.

    Nawaz Sharif’s lawyer had complained in writing to the SHC after the elevation of Deedar Shah as the SC judge followed by the appointment of the new SHC CJ that the role of secret agencies had suddenly become important in proceedings that had greatly disturbed Nawaz. He complained in the petition that after the appointment of the new SHC chief justice, inconveniences had been created by four intelligence agencies.

    But, today after the lapse of 10 years, the PML-N leaders have come out to attack the same judge and challenged his appointment as the NAB chairman on grounds that once he was a PPP worker and had contested election on its ticket. But Nawaz’s legal team and leaders did not question him or his past political affiliation as they had found him a professional judge who did not allow secret agencies to disturb the court’s environment or form a full bench or order his speedy trial as it was done later.

    The documents revealed that with the elevation of Deedar Hussain Shah to the SC in April 2008, Nawaz Sharif was not happy, telling the court in writing that when he (Deedar Shah) was the SHC CJ, environment of the court was smooth, orderly and peaceful. Deedar Shah had also worked with Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhary and had retired without any complaint against him as he enjoyed a good record as a judge.

    Giving details of problems he faced after the elevation of Deedar Shah to the SC, a Nawaz lawyer wrote in his petition: “When earlier hearings of instant hearings of instant appeal were taking place, Justice Deedar Hussain was the chief justice of the Sindh High Court and at that time no such problems existed though the courtroom was full to the brim. It was because the honourable SHC chief justice (Deedar Shah) had told in advance to advocates of the parties and he had ordered the registrar to issue warnings to the public through the media to maintain discipline and behave properly otherwise entry for attending the hearings of appeal would be restricted. After these warnings, every hearing had then passed smoothly, orderly, and peacefully.”

    Sunday, October 10, 2010, Zul Qadah 01, 1431 A.H

  11. Why Chaudhry Nisar rejected Former Judge Mukhtar Junejo as Chairman NAB???-The Lahore High Court accepts (Feb 9, 1998) the constitutional petition filed by Rafiq Tarar against his disqualification by the (former) Acting CEC and declared him qualified to contest for and hold the office of President. The acting CEC, Justice Mukhtar Ahmed Junejo of the Supreme Court, had found Mr Tarar, a former Supreme Court Judge, guilty of propagating views prejudicial to the integrity and independence of the judiciary at the time of his nomination as a presidential candidate under Article 63(G) of the Constitution and debarred him from the December, 1997 contest. Former President Rafiq Tarar Sabotaged & Subverted the Judiciary. http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2010/09/former-president-rafiq-tarar-sabotaged.html

  12. Unlawful Acts of Nawaz Sharif & Saifur Rehman.
    http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2010/10/unlawful-acts-of-nawaz-sharif-saifur.html It is unfortunate that cases sans evidence were instituted during his tenure, but it is heartening that he (Nawaz Sharif) has revealed the truth without any fear or reluctance. Just have a look at some other words of Nawaz Sharif in the same interview. Sharif says: “I was not in favour of arresting Benazir Bhutto, but Saifur Rehman would insist upon her arrest. Ch Shujaat Hussain is witness to this fact that I wanted Benazir Bhutto to go abroad before being sentenced. In fact, I never wanted her to go to jail.” REFERENCES: Ghaddar Kaun? Author: Sohail Warraich – Nawaz Sharif opens up to Sohail Warraich in a big way

  13. Kamran Khan [Jang/Geo] on Sharif Brothers & 12 Oct 1999.
    http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2010/10/kamran-khan-janggeo-on-sharif-brothers.html Nowadays “Kamran Khan, Jang Group of Newspapers, GEO TV, and The News International “advising” Nawaz Sharif for the Long March whereas 11 Years ago read what Kamran Khan had filed in The News International/Daily Jang on Sharif Brothers, Accountability process, Senator Saifur Rehman and what not, read the history and Watch the Video of Former DG IB Mr. Iqbal Niazi.

  14. PML-N: Nawaz Sharif exposed Watch Documentaries on Nawaz Sharif’s links with Extremist Elements – Alas! our Mullahs Politicans have always been hypocrites. The paper on Jamat-e-Islami Website was written by Former Senator Khursheed Ahmed – JI against Nawaz Sharif. What kind of National Conference is this wherein a Party [Jamat-e-Islami] is supporting a Leaders [Nawaz Sharif – PML-N] against whom they carry very negative remarks on their very own website. May Allah help Restore the Judiciary Movement when the Movement have supporters like Jamat-e-Islami. Prof. Khurshid Ahmad of JI in his paper had basically attacked on Nawaz Sharif’s Integrity with the Country: Chagatai Khan: National Conference, Qazi Hussain Ahmed and Jamat-e-Islami – 1 http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/03/national-conference-qazi-hussain-ahmed.html

    Watch Documentaries on Nawaz Sharif’s links with Extremist Elements – Which Statement of Qazi Hussain Ahmed [Jamat-e-Islami Chief] for Nawaz Sharif is to be taken seriously the one which he gave while participating in The National Conference for the Restoration of Judiciary [1] or shall we believe these statment of Qazi Hussain Ahmed on Nawaz Sharif, Chagatai Khan: National Conference, Qazi Hussain Ahmed and Jamat-e-Islami – 2

  15. What a joke “Nawaz Sharif Demads Treason Trial against Musharraf” and his younger brother holds “Political Meeting” with “Musharraf League” PML-Q leaders discuss political crisis with Shahbaz Sunday, 17 Oct, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/news/pakistan/12-pml-q+leaders+discuss+political+crisis+with+shahbaz–bi-02

    How the Q-League came into being:)

    ISLAMABAD: The main wheeler and dealer of the ISI during the 2002 elections, the then Maj-Gen Ehtesham Zamir, now retired, has come out of the closet and admitted his guilt of manipulating the 2002 elections, and has directly blamed Gen Musharraf for ordering so. Talking to The News, the head of the ISI’s political cell in 2002, admitted manipulating the last elections at the behest of President Musharraf and termed the defeat of the King’s party, the PML-Q, this time “a reaction of the unnatural dispensation (installed in 2002).” Zamir said the ISI together with the NAB was instrumental in pressing the lawmakers to join the pro-Musharraf camp to form the government to support his stay in power. Looking down back into the memory lane and recalling his blunders which, he admitted, had pushed the country back instead of taking it forward, Zamir feels ashamed of his role and conduct. Massively embarrassed because he was the one who negotiated, coerced and did all the dirty work, the retired Maj-Gen said he was not in a position to become a preacher now when his own past was tainted. He said the country would not have faced such regression had the political management was not carried out by the ISI in 2002. But he also put some responsibility of the political disaster on the PML-Q as well. The former No: 2 of the ISI called for the closure of political cell in the agency, confessing that it was part of the problem due to its involvement in forging unnatural alliances, contrary to public wishes. Zamir’s blaming Musharraf for creating this unnatural alliance rings true as another former top associate of Musharraf, Lt-Gen (retd) Jamshed Gulzar Kiyani has already disclosed that majority of the corps commanders, in several meetings, had opposed Musharraf’s decision of patronising the leadership of the King’s party. “We had urged Musharraf many times during the corps commanders meeting that the PML-Q leadership was the most condemned and castigated personalities. They are the worst politicians who remained involved in co-operative scandals and writing off loans. But Musharraf never heard our advice,” Kiyani said while recalling discussions in their high profile meetings. REFERENCE: The man, who rigged 2002 polls, spills the beans By Umar Cheema Sunday, February 24, 2008 http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=13159

    He said one of their colleagues, who was an accountability chief at that time, had sought permission many times for proceeding against the King’s party top leaders but was always denied. Kiyani asked Musharraf to quit, the sooner the better, as otherwise the country would be in a serious trouble. Ma-Gen (retd) EhteshamZamir termed the 2008 elections ‘fairer than 2002’. He said the reason behind their fairness is that there was relatively less interference of intelligence agencies this time as compared to the last time. But he stopped short of saying that there was zero interference in the 2008 polls. “You are quite right,” he said when asked to confirm about heavy penetration of ISI into political affairs during the 2002 elections. But he said he did not do it on his own but on the directives issued by the government. Asked who directed him from the government side and if there was somebody else, not President Musharraf, he said: “Obviously on the directives of President Musharraf.” Asked if he then never felt that he was committing a crime by manipulating political business at the cost of public wishes, he said: “Who should I have told except myself. Could I have asked Musharraf about this? I was a serving officer and I did what I was told to do. I never felt this need during the service to question anyone senior to me,” he said and added that he could not defend his acts now. REFERENCE: The man, who rigged 2002 polls, spills the beans By Umar Cheema Sunday, February 24, 2008 http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=13159

    “It was for this reason that I have never tried to preach others what I did not practice. But I am of the view that the ISI’s political cell should be closed for good by revoking executive orders issued in 1975,” he said. Responding to a question regarding corruption cases that were used as pressure tactics on lawmakers, he said: “Yes! This tool was used, not only by the ISI. The NAB was also involved in this exercise.” Former corps commander of Rawalpindi, Lt-Gen (retd) Jamshed Gulzar Kiyani said majority of corps commanders had continued opposing Musharraf’s alliance with top leadership of the PML-Q. “Not just in one meeting, we opposed his alignment with these corrupt politicians in many meetings but who cared. Now Musharraf has been disgraced everywhere, thanks to his political cronies.” REFERENCE: The man, who rigged 2002 polls, spills the beans By Umar Cheema Sunday, February 24, 2008 http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=13159

    Watch the Dawn News on “Horse Trading” and back-door Politics to remove the government with a tacit approval of “Judiciary” in 21st Century: Rigging Pakistan’s Election: Justice Delayed is Justice Denied.

  16. PML-Q distances from merger move
    ISLAMABAD: Although the Chaudhrys of Gujrat were initially agreeable, the Pakistan Muslim League- Quaid (PML-Q) kept itself at a distance from the Pir Sahib Pagara led meeting on the merger of the ‘Leagues.’
    They set conditions that they would be on board only if those who left them first, came back.
    Leaders of various smaller factions of Muslim Leagues met in Karachi on Friday and formed a committee headed by former prime minister Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali to formulate modalities for a united Muslim League.
    The move for the merger suffered a major setback by the PML-Q, which though internally fractured, still has noticeable presence in the parliament and Punjab Assembly.
    The most dominant among the leagues-Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) had already declined to become part of any such arrangement, but Pir Pagara is still hopeful that he will succeed in getting the right wing parties under one umbrella-a rare possibility in the given situation.
    “We believe that there are only three factions of Muslim Leagues… PML-N, PML-Q and PML-F…we have asked Pir Pagara to ask the leaders of PML-Q break away factions to first come back to the party fold, before moving ahead for any alliance or merger,” said Kamil Ali Aga information secretary of PML-Q. He added that Sheikh Rashid, Ijaz ul Haq, Jamali, Hamid Nasir Chatta and Saleem Saifullah all betrayed the PML-Q and made their own factions.
    Interestingly, the PML-Q itself was formed after the merger of splinter groups of different parties, mainly those who parted ways from Nawaz Sharif after the Gen (Retd) Pervez Musharraf led military coup in 1999.
    After the 2008 general elections, the PML-Q was further divided into various smaller factions-mostly one-man-show parties. Only the Pir Pagara led Muslim League Functional and more recently, the broken away “like minded” group of PML-Q have some presence in the national and provincial legislatures — but not significant enough to make any difference — sans taking Chaudhrys’ led PML-Q along.
    PML-Q was initially in the loop with the Pagara-led unification effort and Chaudhry Shujaat and Mushahid Hussain had held meetings with Pir Pagara in Karachi. They had also announced that they would support Pagara’s efforts for a united Muslim League and asked him to hold talks with the PML-N.
    Some insiders believe that Shujaat played a clever move by approaching Pagro to save his faction from further disintegration amid fears that many of his members might join Musharraf. By this, the politically astute Shujaat tried to give an impression that a bigger alliance of Muslim Leagues was on the cards.
    Once Musharraf had his launching of the AML, where he failed to put up any noticeable show, the Chaudhry’s have now decided to adopt a “wait and see” policy. More recently, the ruling Pakistan Peoples Party also approached the Q-league for a cooperation at the centre. Punjab-modalities of this collaboration are also yet to be formalised.
    Published in The Express Tribune, October 30th, 2010.

  17. PM Gilani happy with new league alliance

    ISLAMABAD: Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani said on Friday that the new alliance of Muslim League, Muttahida Muslim League, might be in favor of Pakistan Peoples’ Party.

    PM Gilani was addressing the Energy Conference held in Islamabad. He said that the government has completed work on the Charter of Democracy up to 80 percent.

    He said that his government will consider opposition’s suggestions in favor of the country.