Takfirism, not sectarianism, is right construct to describe and fight Shia genocide in Pakistan
Related posts: LUBP Archive on Takfiri Deobandis
Takfirism is an ideology which permits killing everybody who disagrees with Takfiris. In this post, I explain that Takfirism or Takfiri terrorism is a better word than sectarianism (or sectarian violence) to describe, understand and fight Shia genocide and other forms of faith-motivated terrorism in Pakistan and other Muslim countries.
Recently I contacted my friends at the Jinnah Institute (Islamabad based think-tank) to express my concern on the use of the term “sectarianism” or “sectarian violence” which they (and other civil society groups and mainstream media persons) often use to describe Shia genocide in Pakistan.
I was concerned that terms such as sectarian violence, sectarianism or sectarian conflict are inadequate due to the following reasons:
1. These terms present a false neutral impression of disproportionately high intensity of violence and target killing facing Pakistan’s Shia Muslims;
2. The term Sunni-Shia sectarianism at least implicitly holds Sunni Muslims responsible for attacks and target killings of Shias while completely ignoring the fact that majority of peaceful Sunnis (Sunni Barelvis in particular but also moderate Deobandis and Wahhabis) reject and dissociate from the Jihadi-sectarian terrorists groups (Lashkar-e-Jhangvi LeJ aka Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat ASWJ, Taliban etc);
3. The term Sunni-Shia sectarianism also hides the fact that the same terrorists who have killed at least 19,000 Shia Muslims have also killed hundreds of Sunni Barelvis and dozens of moderate Deobandis;
4. The term sectarianism or sectarian violence also hides the fact that at least some Jihadi-sectarian militants currently involved in massacre of Shiite Muslims are supported by Pakistan military establishment which treats them as its Jihadi assets for proxy war operations in Afghanistan, Kashmir etc;
5. The term also hides the institutional and financial support available by Saudi and other Gulf States governmental and non-governmental organizations to the Jihadi-sectarian militants.
In my view, sectarian violence label is an insult to Shia genocide. It is gross misrepresentation of the suffering of thousands of Shias and hundreds of Sunnis killed by LeJ-ASWJ-Taliban terrorists.
Can we use sectarian violence to describe Jewish Holocaust? Of course, not. Therefore we request our friends to have some pity on Shias, don’t use ‘sectarian violence’ discourse unless they also use it for the Holocaust.
We will appreciate if media persons and activists clearly use and supports the ‘Shia genocide’ and ‘Takfirism’ discourse to highlight massacres of Shias in Pakistan.
We will keep criticizing the ‘sectarian violence’ discourse, irrespective of who uses this term.
Recently, the Jinnah Institute held a round table on “sectarian violence” in Islamabad. The rationale was told by them that “sectarianism” is a conceptual term they use for hate infrastructure. I argue that sectarian violence is oft misused to hide or rationalize Shia Genocide. For example, a few days ago, at least four newspapers reported an incident of Shia massacre by LeJ terrorists as violence between Sunnis and Shias. https://lubpak.com/archives/225785
An activist told me that not a single volunteer will show up if he branded any demonstration as Shia killings, 100 will show up if it is branded as a demo against sectarianism. I argue that the use of sectarianism discourse is misleading and counter productive. Takfirism or Takfiri terrorism is a better alternative because it does not present false neutrality and also because it does not present false binary of Sunni vs Shia.
Given that several analysts and scholars e.g., Asian Human Rights Commission, ShiaKilling.com, Dr. Taqi, Saroop Ijaz, Kamran Shafi, Zofeen Ibrahim, Farrukh Pitafi etc are increasingly using the ‘Shia genocide’ discourse, it is important that all of us in the mainstream and social media use consistent, unambiguous terminology, and instead of attributing Shia genocide to Sunnis, attribute it to Takfiris.
Explanation of Takfirism
Takfirism is a centuries-old belief (almost as old as Islam) that was revived in late 19th and early 20th century in Saudi Arabia which resulted in treating all non-Wahhabi sects as impure Muslims, polytheists (mushrik) or infidels (kafir). It was further institutionalized by the Salafi-Wahhabi ideology and the ideologies of Sayyid Qutb in Egypt, Ayman Al Zawahiri, Osama bin Laden in Al Qaeda, Mullah Omar in Afghanistan, Manzoor Nomani in India, Taqi Usmani, Rafi Usmani, Haq Nawaz Jhangvi, Ihsan Elahi Zaheer etc in Pakistan.
Takfirism claims that the Muslim ummah (the community of believers) has been weakened by deviation in the original (Salafist) practice of Islam. Takfirism classifies all deviating and non-practising Muslims as kafirs (infidels) and calls upon its adherents to fight all Muslim infidels.
Small isolated groups of Takfirist militants have existed throughout the Arab world since early 20th century, particularly in Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Gulf Arab statelets etc. They regrouped alongside the mujahideen in Afghanistan in the 1980s, during the so called Jihadi war against Soviet forces. The Egyptian Ayman al-Zawahiri, the Uzbek leader Tahir Yuldash and Sheikh Essa, who were later the top leadership of al-Qaida, were among the fiercest proponents of Takfirism in these years. After the US invasion Takfirism flourished in Iraq, where the al-Qaida leader Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi, killed in June 2006, was a leading exponent.
After 2003 Takfirism gained support among al-Qaida’s middle leadership and the rank and file. These ideologues were no longer defined by their hatred of the US military machine. Takfirism encompassed the belief that infidels within Muslim societies (Sufi Muslims, Shiite Muslims, incumbent governments and armies) gave strength to the enemy and were a danger to be eliminated. Leaders of infidel Muslim societies were prime candidates for elimination before those who had been led astray from Islam could be brought back into the fold. The Takfirists were enemies of all deviant and non-practising Muslims. The difficult, isolated terrain of North and South Waziristan and other tribal agencies in Pakistan were their new sanctuary – where their presence was conveniently ignored by Pakistan Army in order to retain its strategic influence in Afghanistan.
The recent creed of Takfiris is much more narrow minded and violent than the original ideologues, who had concentrated upon driving out western occupying forces from Muslim territories. The Takfirists focus on the enemy within. The lesson they learned after 9/11 is both simplistic and misleading: they had been ransomed for US dollars and bombed by both western and Pakistani infidels. Henceforth, they would make no distinction between Muslims and Christians or between presidents Musharraf and Bush. The elimination of the enemy within was a necessary preliminary to any showdown with outsiders. Repeated assassination attempts against General Musharraf, attacks on Pakistani ministers belonging to secular parties (PPP, ANP etc) must be viewed within this context. Because of anti-Shia and anti-Sufi ideology inherent in Salafism, they always looked down upon Shiites and Sunni Barelvis/Sufis, considering them as infidels.
This dual sensibility against Westerners and fellow Muslims afflicts all Takfirist militants, whether in al-Qaida or its allied groups (Taliban, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi LeJ, Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat ASWJ etc). They must continue their war against western armies, but meanwhile will lay down the basis for a conformist Islamic state to keep dissenting brethren in line. As well as raising the standard of rebellion against Muslim states, they have attacked moderate pro-Islamic reformists inside Tribal Agencies and other parts of Pakistan. Takfirists abhor Shiism, which they regard as an unacceptable deviation from Islam. Sectarian warfare has assumed a partnership with jihad, over which it often takes precedence. Takfirism is messianic – the sole leadership of Muslims against apostates and the infidel West. (Source)
Takfirism may be viewed as the ultimate expression of unconstrained Islamism.
- Islamism is the ideological proposition that the legitimacy of the political order be derived from Islam.
- Salafism is an institutionalized form of Islamism professing the conviction that such legitimacy resides solely in the emulation of the precedents of early Islamic history.
- Jihadism is the belief that the use of force is permissible (and/or obligatory) and governed by Islamic jurisprudence, as reinterpreted by Islamism.
These three Islamist concepts overlap, with Salafism and Jihadism as intersecting subsets of Islamism, yielding four applicable labels: non-Salafist, non-jihadist Islamists; Salafist, non-jihadist Islamists; non-Salafist, jihadist Islamists; and Salafist, jihadist Islamists.
Adding to the complexity of the configuration is Takfirism. Contrary to the previously defined forms of Islamism, Takfirism is generally not a self-applied label; few groups or individuals have declared themselves Takfirists.
Takfirism is nonetheless a distinct ideological approach with significant operational consequences for present-day Salafist-jihadism. Extremist groups of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Syria, Salafist Al Qaeda groups in Libya, Yemen, Mali and Saudi Arabia, Deobandi-Wahhabi extremmists (LeJ, ASWJ, Taliban) in Pakistan are examples of Takfiris.
Literal roots and historical evolution of the concept
At the base of Takfirism is the Arabic word takfir — pronouncing an action or an individual un-Islamic — from the root k-f-r. The semantic origin of the root associates it with the deliberate denial of a solemn truth. The conventional meaning, over the course of Islamic history, has reserved kufr for the rejection of an agreed-upon precept of Islam. For example, a Muslim’s deliberate failure to perform the commanded ritual prayer or the day long fast during the month of Ramadan (Ramzan) is considered an act of kufr. A non-Muslim who rejects the call to Islam is a kafir (plural kuffar).
Over the course of its history, the Islamic scholastic tradition both rationalized and formalized its treatment of the kuffar. While the constraints imposed by the Islamic laws governing the conduct of war provided some level of protection to certain categories of kuffar, Islamic jurisprudence also stipulated that the default attitude toward the kuffar in general should be one of hostility and belligerence. Thus, kuffar (but not Muslims) could be enslaved and their property looted. Furthermore, jurisprudence even discussed extreme instances in which the mitigating constraints were lifted, such as during a battle in which it was impossible to distinguish between combatant and noncombatant (biyat), and when the enemy deliberately used noncombatants (Muslims or otherwise) as human shields (tatarrus).
In contrast, the development of the notions of dhimmah (zimma) (communal trust—applicable to non-Muslims living permanently in an Islamic state), aman (personal safety—applicable to non-Muslims, even from hostile states, legally visiting the Islamic state), and ‘ahd (state treaty or covenant—applicable to friendly non-Muslim states and their subjects) excluded large fractions of the kuffar from the permissible mistreatment. In general, however, scholastic pronouncements neither protected individuals from risks nor endowed them with the privileges associated with these categories, which remained largely theoretical; the actual practice was dictated by political power.
Islamic scholasticism, however, did engage in two other conversations that have proven to be of relevance in modern Islamism. The first concerned the question of infidel versus apostate (kafir asli versus kafir murtadd). Contrary to the Muslim apostate, the infidel, as an original non-Muslim, could be subject to the aforementioned protective categories; an apostate did not benefit from such possibilities and was furthermore subject to capital punishment. Two conditions were set for the exercise of such punishment: first, the act of apostasy must satisfy jurists’ criteria—with ample opportunities to rescind it—and second, the punishment should be meted out by the state. The jurisprudence of apostasy, another juristic field abandoned in the secularly-illusioned Islamic twentieth century, remains woefully inadequate in the new order, where shifting religious allegiance is no longer equivalent to treason in warfare.
The second conversation concerns the distinction between pronouncing a statement or an action un-Islamic (takfir al-qawl or takfir al-f‘il) versus pronouncing an individual a kafir. Traditionally, theological and juristic debates within the Islamic scholastic tradition have allowed a large margin of disagreement that ranged from mild differences (khilaf) to accusations of kufr. These intellectual positions, as eminent scholars often cautioned, were to be restricted to a pronouncement on statements and actions; only the aforementioned formal apostasy process could determine whether an individual was a kafir. Yet, whether as a result of the discontinuity inflicted on the Islamic scholastic tradition in the last century—and the emergence of militancy as a claimant to that tradition—or of pragmatic opportunism, modern Islamism has too often conflated these two discussions, thereby creating a mechanism by which to resuscitate accusations of apostasy against non-Islamist Muslim foes.
Takfirism thus is the tendency, manifested among some Salafist-jihadist formations, to conflate the pronouncement of one’s statements and actions as un-Islamic with the accusation of apostasy. Takfirism has invalidated the lengthy and juristic apostasy process in favor of reassigning to Salafist-jihadists the prerogative of meting out capital punishment. In its most extreme forms, it rejects any protective category for non-Muslims, relegating large factions of the Muslim community, up to its totality, to the status of apostasy (kafir murtadd) and assigning to itself the right to administer capital punishment. Takfirism further lifts the constraints imposed on the conduct of war by Islamic jurisprudence on the bases of scholastic discussions allowing their conditional rescission in certain scenarios. Takfirism, pushed to its full potential, is thus an unrestrained license to kill.
From their application of this phenomenon in Algeria during the 1990s to their multiple terrorist actions worldwide particularly in Mali, Yemen, Syria, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia etc, Takfirist groups have demonstrated their ability to prolifically use this license. As a result, some ideological backlash has occurred from the most atrocious Takfirist actions. While some Islamist ideologues have attempted to qualify the premises applied by Takfirists, unfortunately they have often done so only on the basis of the need for moderation, not as a rebuttal to the misuse of the scholastic corpus. (Source)
According to a Saudi analyst, despite ostensible operations against Al Qaeda in Saudi Arabia, the “roots of the problem have so far not been addressed,”; the Takfiri discourse, which accuses opponents of being apostates, continues to flourish in Saudi Arabia. “People who promote Takfiri thoughts are not held accountable unless they start to form a danger to the government,” the Saudi Analyst told AFP. “There has not been a serious strategy to combat this ideology.” According to another anaysist, the Takfirist (Al-Qaeda, violent Salafist) ideology should be tackled by allowing more space for moderates. “The best way to combat the extremist ideology is not just through military confrontation, but also through strengthening the moderate discourse… It is there, but it needs the support of society and the state,” the analyst said. “The open religious discourse in Saudi Arabia is moderate, but the danger is in the extremist discourse… This creates extremist elements and nourishes terrorism,” he added. But hope of seeing a change appears dim. “Nothing will change in Saudi Arabia in the next 30 years. Even if change (strategy) starts right now, it would take at least 15 years to start seeing results,” he said. (Source)
Tough, bold measures are needed to fight Takfirism
Takfiris have one goal and their rhetoric is clear; they seek to “unify” all Muslims under one grotesque government (Khilafat under one Ameer-ul-Momineen) based on their Salafist-Jihadist view of Sharia law with no regard for the desire of moderate Muslims (whom they consider apostates). Takfiris are conducting active insurgencies using the most heinous methods in, at least, seven countries and plotting the overthrow of many more governments from North Africa to the South Pacific. Politically and economically, the civilized world cannot afford to ignore or lose this war. Tough, bold measures are needed.
For example, recently the Tunisian President Moncef Marzouki urged the parliament to bar Takfirism (accusations of blasphemy) as a threat to public order. Marzouki warned: “Such practices can threaten the peace between citizens living in the same country and lead to conflict.” He asked the president and members of the Constituent Assembly that approved on new government of the North African country in December to adopt legislation that outlaws takfeer and accusations of blasphemy. Marzouki urged that those who breach the new law should be prosecuted in order to protect the coexistence, fraternity and solidarity in Tunisia. (Source)
Takfiris have been classified by some commentators as violent offshoots of the Salafi movement, yet while Salafism is seen as a form of ‘fundamentalist Islam’, it is not an inherently violent movement and does not always condone terrorism. Takfiris, on the other hand, condone acts of violence as legitimate methods of achieving religious or political goals against non-Muslims and also against deviant and non-practising Muslims (infidel Muslims).
Takfiris practice labeling of fellow Muslims as kafir is a legacy from the medieval Islamic writer, Ibn Taymiyyah, who is also revered by Salafis. This belief allows Takfiris to justify the use of violence against fellow Muslims; a contemporary example being the anti-Shia and anti-Sunni Sufi violence perpetrated in Iraq, Pakistan and Syria.
Takfiris also reject the traditional Muslim duty to obey one’s legitimate rulers in all manners that do not contradict Sharia, as sedition is viewed as a great danger to a nation. Takfiris consider all political authority that does not abide by their interpretation of Islam as illegitimate and apostate; a view which closely mirrors Qutb’s views on jahiliyyah. As such, violence against such regimes and fellow Muslims is considered legitimate.
Takfiri views on suicide attacks also differ significantly from that of orthodox Islam. Takfiris believe that one who deliberately kills himself whilst attempting to kill enemies is a martyr (shahid) and therefore goes straight to heaven. As such all sin is absolved when a person is martyred, allowing carte blanche for the indiscriminate killing of non-combatants, for example. Suicide attacks on Pakistan’s Sunni Barelvi (Sufi) Muslims, Shia Muslims, Christians etc are an example of the Takfiri ideology of the Taliban, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Sipah-e-Sahaba (ASWJ).
Takfirism is not a new phenomenon; indeed, takfiri practices arise sporadically in Islamic history. For example, the Kharijites’ practice of takfir became the justification for their indiscriminate attacks on civilian Muslims. Takfiris resemble modern-day analogues of the Khawarij, a seventh-century off-shoot Islamic sect which waged war against the fourth Muslim Caliph Ali. Modern examples are the Iraqi insurgent groups who justify their actions against Shi’as by labeling them kafirs, e.g. the bombers of the Golden Mosque in Samarra, attempted attacks on Syed Zainab’s mausoleum in Damascus, demolition of the Prophet Muhammad’s daugther’s mausoleum in Medina etc.
Strictly speaking, takfirism most accurately describes terrorism by Muslims against other Muslims. But it it important to understand the term in a wider context given that (1) many of the leaders of al-Qaeda are known to have adopted a takfiri ideology, and (2) the anti-terrorism strategy should emphasize that the majority of the victims of modern terrorism are Muslim.
There may also be a useful nexus to cult terminology; regarding takfiri indoctrination, French terrorism expert Roland Jacquard states: “Takfir is like a sect: once you’re in, you never get out. The Takfir rely on brainwashing and an extreme regime of discipline to weed out the weak links and ensure loyalty and obedience from those taken as members.” Thus, the phrase “takfiri death cult” may have some relevance.
First, unlike jihad, which arguably has a variety of interpretations, takfir has historically had an overwhelmingly negative connotation. Second, commentators do use the term to describe terrorists and their ideology. Last, and perhaps most important, some of the most influential Muslim religious leaders have strongly come out against the takfiri doctrine.
In July 2005, there was an interfaith conference in Amman of 200 of the world’s leading Islamic scholars from 50 countries. The group, which included Sunnis and Shias, unanimously issued a ruling, known as The Amman Message, specifically forbidding the practice of takfir. Since then, over 500 Islamic scholars worldwide have adopted the ruling. In The Amman Message, the participating scholars issued a unanimous ruling, known as the “Three Points of the Amman Message.” In it, they took the following actions:
1. They specifically recognized the validity of all 8 Mazhabs (legal schools) of Sunni, Shi’a and Ibadhi Islam; of traditional Islamic theology (Ash’arism); of Islamic Mysticism (Sufism), and of true Salafi thought, and came to a precise definition of who is a Muslim.
2. Based upon this definition, they forbade takfir (declarations of apostasy) between Muslims.
3. Based upon the Mathahib, they set forth the subjective and objective preconditions for the issuing of fatwas, thereby exposing ignorant and illegitimate edicts in the name of Islam.
While it is undoubtedly a welcome development, the The Amman Message is just one step, and its effect on the Takfiri ideology and violent operations of al-Qaeda, Taliban, LeJ-ASWJ etc will be limited unless the message is propagated and enforced at multiple levels (media, curricula, parliament, society etc) by the respective States.
Compiled from various sources:
http://www.criticalthreats.org/al-qaeda/basics/takfirism
http://mondediplo.com/2007/07/03takfirism
http://armiesofliberation.com/archives/2009/09/03/takfirism-lets-kill-everybody-who-disagrees/
http://longwaranalysis.com/category/takfirism/
http://news.charlesayoub.com/index.php/article/27224/Tunisia%20President%20Calls%20for%20Outlawing%20Takfirism
Wikipedia
Baloch Jundullah-LeJ terrorists kill Shia judge, guard, driver in Quetta
Sectarian violence suggests Sunni and Shia are killing each other which is both misleading and inaccurate.
Takfirism or Takfiriat (in Urdu) are better terms.
Another victory by Salafist Takfiris in Mali.
مالی کے اہم شہر پر شدت پسندوں کا قبضہ
آخری وقت اشاعت: اتوار 2 ستمبر 2012 , 00:05 GMT 05:05 PST
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افریقہ کے ملک مالی میں اسلامی شدت پسندوں نے ملک کے وسط میں واقع اہم شہر دواینتزا پر قبضہ کر لیا ہے جس کے بعد ان کا کنٹرول ملک کے شمالی علاقوں تک ہو گیا ہے۔
عینی شاہدین کے مطابق اتحاد اور جہاد کی تحریک نامی تنظیم نے شہر کی ملیشیا سے مختصر سی لڑائی کے بعد شہر کا کنٹرول سنبھال لیا۔
اسی بارے میں
ٹمبکٹوکی تاریخی زیارت گاہ پر حملہ
مالی: اداروں، آئین کو بحال کرنے کا اعلان
ٹمبکٹو کے محاصرے کا دعویٰ
متعلقہ عنوانات
دنیا, افریقہ
اس اہم شہر پر قبضہ کرنے کے بعد شدت پسند حکومت کے کنٹرول میں جنوب مغربی علاقے کے اور قریب آ گئے ہیں۔
واضح رہے کہ شدت پسندوں نے مارچ میں سیاسی بحران کے بعد مالی کے شمالی علاقوں پر کنٹرول حاصل کر لیا تھا۔
دواینتزاشہر کے رہائشیوں کے مطابق گاڑیوں پر شدت پسند شہر میں ہفتے کی صبح داخل ہوئے۔
اسلامی رہنما عمر حماہا نے امریکی خبر رساں ایجنسی اے پی کو بتایا کہ شدت پسندوں نے شہر کا محاصرہ کر لیا تھا اور مقامی ملیشیا کو متنبہ کیا کہ وہ ہتھیار پھینک دیں۔
’ملیشیا نے فون کر کے مدد کے لیے کہا لیکن جب ان کو یہ واضح ہو گیا کہ کوئی مدد کے لیے نہیں آ رہا تو انہوں نے ہتھیار ڈال دیے۔‘
رہائشیوں کے بقول ملیشیا کے کچھ اہلکار بھاگ گئے جبکہ باقیوں کو شدت پسندوں نے تحویل میں لے لیا ہے۔
ی7اد رہے کہ اس سال جولائی میں مالی کے تاریخی شہر ٹمبکٹو کی معروف مسجد پر عسکریت پسندوں نے حملہ کیا تھا۔
علاقے کے لوگوں نے بی بی سی کو بتایا تھا کہ نامعلوم مسلح افراد نے پندرہویں صدی کی تعمیر شدہ سدی یحییٰ کی تاریخی مسجد کا دروازہ توڑ دیا۔
اس سال کے شروع میں مبینہ طور پر القاعدہ سے منسلک انصار داعین گروہ نے شہر پر قبضہ کر لیا تھا۔
اس گروہ نے اس سے قبل بھی شہر کی کئی زیارت گاہوں تباہ کیا اور اس سلسلے میں ان کا یہ کہنا ہے کہ یہ اسلام کے منافی ہیں۔
انصار داعین کے ترجمان سانڈا آولڈ بمانا نے بی بی سی کو بتایا تھا کہ ہماری تحریک نے اس سلسلے میں اپنے تقریباً نوے فیصد اہداف پورے کر لیے ہیں اور ایسی تمام زیارت گاہوں کو برباد کردیا ہے جو شریعت کے خلاف ہیں۔
انھوں نے کہا تھا کہ شریعت زمین سے پندرہ سنٹی میٹر یا چھ انچ سے زیادہ ابھری ہوئی قبروں کی اجازت نہیں دیتی۔ ثقافتی وراثت کے امریکی ادارے یونیسکو کے مطابق سدی یحییٰ کی مسجد کا ٹمبکٹو کی تین اہم مساجد میں شمار ہوتا ہے۔
http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/world/2012/09/120901_mali_douentza_control_rh.shtml
Mali Islamists take strategic town of Douentza
Militant Islamists in northern Mali are accused of committing war crimes
Militant Islamist rebels have seized the strategic central Malian town of Douentza, extending the area they control in the north of the country.
Witnesses said fighters of the Movement for Unity and Jihad group took the town after a brief stand-off with the local self-defence militia.
The move brings the militants closer to the government-held south-west.
The militants overran all of northern Mali after a military coup threw the country into turmoil in March.
Residents of Douentza, about 800km (500 miles) north-east of the capital Bamako, said a convoy of pick-up vehicles carrying bearded men entered the town early on Saturday.
Islamist leader Oumar Ould Hamaha told the Associated Press news agency that the attackers had encircled the town and asked the local militiamen to surrender.
“They tried to make phone calls to ask for reinforcements, but when they saw that no-one was coming to help them they laid down their arms,” he said.
Residents said some of the militia’s members had fled, while others were now were being held by the Islamists.
Regional fears
Together with secularist Tuareg rebels, the Islamists rapidly overran the northern half of Mali after the March coup, but have since ended the alliance and are now largely in sole control of the area.
They have been accused of war crimes and attempting to impose a literal interpretation of Islamic Sharia law, prompting fears the region could become a regional hub for al-Qaeda-linked militancy.
Islamist fighters in the historic city of Timbuktu have demolished several Sufi shrines and mosques – regarded as idolatrous by the hard-liners – prompting international fears for the future of the Unesco world heritage site.
Under regional pressure, the coup leaders in Bamako have since handed over power to a series of shaky civilian governments, but stability remains elusive.
A new unity government formed late in August promised to spearhead initiatives to end the instability in the north.
The regional body Ecowas wants to send 3,000 troops to Mali to help restore order.
In August, Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan warned that a military intervention in northern Mali was inevitable if talks with the Islamists fail.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-19454080
how many sunnis killed by revolutionary guards and Quds force at Kurdistan and Balochistan(iranian) since 1979 ??
#SunniGenocide
how many Peoples of Iran (mujahideen e khalq) killed by revolutionary guards and Quds force since 1979 ??
#ShiaGenocide because mujahideen e khalq all are shia !
پاکستان سنی تحریک نے ٹارگٹ کلنگ کے خلاف احتجاجی تحریک کا اعلان کردیا
اسلام ٹائمز۔ پاکستان سنی تحریک نے ایک ماہ میں صرف کراچی میں 10 کارکنان و رہنماؤں کی شہادت کو حکومت کی ناکامی قرار دیتے ہوئے 7 مرحلوں پر مبنی احتجاجی تحریک 4 ستمبر سے شروع کرنے کا اعلان کردیا، جو 28 اکتوبر بروز جمعہ آل پارٹیز کانفرنس پر ختم ہوگی، تاہم اس پر بھی اگر ٹارگٹ کلنگ ختم نہ ہوئی تو پھر کارکنوں کو مکمل آزادی دے دی جائے گی کیوں کہ ہم حکومت کے ناکام ہونے پر ’’ را ‘‘ یا ’’ موساد ‘‘ سے مدد طلب کرنے سے تو رہے۔ روزانہ مذہبی اور سیاسی کارکن ٹارگٹ کلنگ کا نشانہ بنتے ہیں مگر ٹارگٹ کلنگ ختم نہیں ہوتی کیونکہ ریاست نے کالا چشمہ پہن رکھا ہے جنھیں کچھ دکھائی نہیں دیتا۔ ہزاروں گھر اجڑ گئے مگر ناکام حکومت چین کی بانسری بجا رہی ہے۔ ان خیالات کا اظہار پاکستان سنی تحریک کے مرکزی رہنما محمد شکیل قادری نے پریس کانفرنس سے خطاب کرتے ہوئے کیا۔ اس موقع پر ان کے ہمراہ ترجمان پی ایس ٹی و رکن رابطہ کمیٹی فہیم الدین شیخ، محمد آفتاب قادری بھی موجود تھے۔
محمد شکیل قادری کا کہنا تھا کہ نام نہاد اسلام کے ٹھیکیدار خیبرپختونخواہ میں ناکامی اور وہاں آپریشن کے بعد بلوچستان کا رخ کرچکے ہیں۔ ان دہشت گردوں نے بلوچستان میں علماء اہل سنت کا نشانہ وار قتل شروع کردیا ہے جس کی جتنی مذمت کی جائے کم ہے۔ افسوس کہ بلوچستان حکومت بھی ان دہشت گردوں کے خلاف کارروائی نہیں کررہی، ان انتہا پسند دہشت گردوں نے متعدد جید علماء اہل سنت جن میں مولانا عبدالعلیم حبیبی، علامہ محمد قاسم، علامہ افتخار حبیبی، علامہ عبدالکبیر قمبرانی، علامہ گل حسن کو شہید کردیا۔ انہوں نے وفاقی اور بلوچستان حکومت سے مطالبہ کیا کہ وہ قاتلوں کو فوری گرفتاری کریں بصورت دیگر سخت احتجاج کا لائحہ عمل طے کریں گے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ کراچی میں علماء اہل سنت اور کارکنان کی ٹارگٹ کلنگ کا پی ایس ٹی کی اعلیٰ قیادت نے سنجیدگی سے نوٹس لے لیا ہے، اب مزید ظلم برداشت نہیں کیا جائے گا اپنے کارکنوں کو صبر و برداشت کی تلقین کرتے اور جنازے اٹھاتے تھک چکے ہیں۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ پہلے مرحلے میں 4 ستمبر کو ملک بھر کے پریس کلبوں کے باہر پر امن احتجاجی مظاہرہ ہوگا۔ دوسرے مرحلے میں 10 ستمبر بروز منگل اہم شاہراہوں چوک و بازاروں میں احتجاجی مظاہرے ہوں گے۔ تیسرے مرحلے میں 16 ستمبر بروز اتوار ملک بھر میں احتجاجی ریلیاں نکالی جائیں گی۔ چوتھے مرحلے میں 21 ستمبر بروز جمعہ اہم شاہراہوں پر ملک بھر میں دھرنے ہوں گے۔ پانچویں مرحلے میں 29 ستمبر بروز ہفتہ سے 6 اکتوبر تک کراچی سمیت ملک بھر میں پریس کلبوں کے باہر علامتی بھوک ہڑتال ہوگی۔ چھٹے مرحلے میں 14 اکتوبر سے 21 اکتوبر کو دہشت گردی کے خلاف عوام میں شعور و آگاہی پیدا کرنے کے لیے گلی محلوں میں کارنر میٹنگز یوسی سطح پر کی جائے گی۔ ساتویں مرحلے میں 28 اکتوبر کو آل پارٹیز کانفرنس بلائی جائے گی جس کے بعد پہیہ جام ہڑتال کی کال کا اعلان کریں گے۔ شکیل قادری نے کہا کہ اگر اس احتجاجی تحریک پر حکومت اور ریاستی اداروں نے کان نہ دھرے تو پھر کراچی میں تنظیمی سرگرمیاں معطل کرکے کارکنان کو آزاد چھوڑ دیں گے کیوں کہ حکومت ناکام ہوچکی ہے اور ریاست نے کالا چشمہ پہن رکھا ہے۔
ایک سوال کے جواب میں انہوں نے کہا کہ قاتل باہر سے نہیں آئے مگر وہ نہ جانے کس کے ایجنڈے پر کام کر رہے ہیں۔
پی ایس ٹی نے شہر بھر میں ٹارگٹ کلنگ کی مذمت کی ہے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ ہم نے 15 اگست کی پریس کانفرنس میں یہ بات باور کرادی تھی کہ اگر ٹارگٹ کلنگ نہ رکی اور دہشت گرد گرفتار نہ ہوئے تو اجلاس بلا کر آئندہ کے لائحہ عمل کا اعلان کریں گے کیوں کہ 7 اگست کو لانڈھی میں کالعدم انتہا پسندوں نے ممتاز عالم دین و پی ایس ٹی علماء بورڈ کے رکن علامہ محمد سلیم عباس نقشبندی، ڈسٹرکٹ ویسٹ کے کنوینیر آفتاب چشتی، رنچھوڑ لائن کے سیکٹر انچارج حافظ عارف قادری سمیت 10 کارکنان کو شہید کردیا مگر ہم نے صبر کا دامن تھامے رکھا بلکہ ہماری امن کی بھیک مانگنے کو انتہا پسند دہشت گردوں نے ہماری کمزوری تصور کیا اور ہمارے کارکنوں کی شہادت پر حکمرانوں و انتظامیہ اور پولیس تک نے رابطہ اور نہ ہی تعزیت کی۔ جیسے پی ایس ٹی کو لاوارث سمجھتے ہوں کہیں ایسا نہ ہو کہ لاوارث تصور کرنے والوں کو ہم لاوارث سمجھنے لگیں اور وہ ہم سے رابطہ کرنے کے لیے ہمیں ڈھونڈتے رہیں۔
http://islamtimes.org/vdcbs8b8zrhb99p.kvur.html
Takfiris are killing Shias, Ahmadis, Barailvis alike.
تحریر: سید محمد ثقلین
کراچی، بلوچستان، خیبر پختونخوا، گلگت بلتستان اور جنوبی پنجاب میں ایک منظم طریقے سے اہل تشیع کی نسل کشی کی جا رہی ہے، ہندو اور کرسچن آبادی کو زبردست دھمکیوں اور ہراساں کئے جانے، زبردستی مذہب بدل لینے پر مجبور کیا جا رہا ہے، احمدی فرقے کے لوگوں کو بھی زبردست مذہبی جبر کا نشانہ بنایا جا رہا ہے، یہ سب کون لوگ کر رہے ہیں؟ اس سوال کا جواب بہت آسانی کے ساتھ دیا جاسکتا ہے۔ لشکر جھنگوی سے لیکر دیگر فرقہ پرست عسکریت پسند تنظیمیں یہ سب کر رہی ہیں۔ تحریک طالبان پاکستان بھی اس جرم میں شریک ہے اور ان فرقہ پرست عسکریت پسندوں کی سب سے زیادہ حمایتی پاکستان کی مذہبی و سیاسی جماعتیں ہیں۔
اہل سنت و الجماعت کو لیجئے، یہ جماعت سپاہ صحابہ کا نیا نام ہے، سپاہ صحابہ پاکستان پر پابندی لگائے جانے کے بعد یہ نام رکھا گیا اور آج یہ چاروں صوبوں میں آزادی کے ساتھ کام کر رہی ہے، اس کا ایک رہنما جس نے سینکڑوں شیعوں کے قتل کا اعتراف کیا ہے، لیکن پھر حکومت اور عدلیہ کی ملی بھگت سے آج دندناتا پھر رہا ہے۔ جہاں جاتا ہے وہیں فساد شروع ہو جاتا ہے، بجائے اس کو لگام دینے کے حکومت نے اس کو فول پروف سکیورٹی فراہم کی ہوئی ہے، اس جماعت کا منشور اس ملک کے اندر رہنے والے اہل تشیع کو کافر و مرتد قرار دلوانا ہے، یہ جماعت اہل تشیع کو واجب القتل قرار دیتی ہے اور اس کے رہنماء اور کارکن شیعہ برادری کے خلاف زبردست منافرت پھیلانے کا کام کرتے ہیں، اب تو یہ بطور سیاسی جماعت کے الیکشن کیمشن میں بھی رجسٹرڈ ہوچکی ہے۔
دوسری جماعت، جماعت اسلامی پاکستان ہے، جو کہ ابھی تک اپنی حدود مقرر نہیں کر پائی، ایک طرف تو اس کا امیر اتحاد اور وحدت کی بات کرتا ہے، جبکہ اُسی جماعت کا اسٹوڈنٹس ونگ پنجاب یونیورسٹی میں اہل تشیع نوجوانوں کو نماز جماعت سے روکتا ہے۔ اُن کو وہاں مذہبی آزادی سے روکتا ہے تو دوسری طرف جماعت اسلامی دفاع پاکستان کونسل میں شامل تکفیری جماعتوں کے ساتھ گہرے مراسم رکھتی ہے، یہ جماعت عسکریت پسندوں کے خلاف کسی بھی طرح کے فوجی آپریشن کرنے کی سخت مخالفت کرتی ہے اور اس جماعت کے تربیتی مراکز سے فارغ ہونے والے کئی عسکریت پسند جنوبی اور شمالی وزیرستان میں موجود ہیں۔
جماعت الدعوہ پاکستان بھی ایک کالعدم تنظیم ہے، لیکن یہ بھی چاروں صوبوں میں آزادی سے کام کر رہی ہے، اس تنظیم کا نصب العین پورے ملک کو وہابی اور سلفی مسلک پر لانا ہے، جو اس کے نزدیک حقیقی اسلام ہے، یہ جماعت بھی شیعہ، احمدی، بریلوی، کرسچن، ہندوں کے خلاف سخت نفرت پھیلا رہی ہے، یہ مزارات کے سخت خلاف ہے اور مذہبی کلچرل سرگرمیوں کو سرے سے ختم کرنا چاہتی ہے۔ اسی طرح سے فلاحی کاموں کی آڑ میں الرشید اور الاختر ٹرسٹ جیسے فرقہ پرست ادارے نفرت پھیلا رہے ہیں۔
اس طرح کے تمام گروپس تحریک طالبان پاکستان سمیت دیگر عسکریت پسند لوگوں کی مذمت نہیں کرتے اور یہ بھی نہیں مانتے کہ پاکستان میں موجودہ قتل و غارت گری میں ان گروپوں کا ہاتھ ہے، ایسے گروہ یہ بھی تسلیم نہیں کرتے کہ پاکستان کے قبائلی علاقے فرقہ پرست عسکریت پسندوں کی پناہ گاہیں ہیں، یہ عسکریت پسندی اور نجی لشکروں کو اخلاقی اور مذہبی جواز فراہم کرنے میں کسی سے پیچھے نہیں رہتے، ان جماعتوں کے حامی اپنی اپنی کام کی جگہ پر ان فرقہ پرست عسکری گروپوں کے وجود اور افعال کا دفاع کرنے کی کوشش کرتے رہتے ہیں اور یہ ریاست پر دباو ڈالتے ہیں کہ وہ ان گروپوں سے آہنی ہاتھوں سے نہ نمٹے، ان جیسی جماعتوں اور گروہوں نے پاکستان میں دہشت گردی اور عسکریت پسندی کو جاری و ساری رکھنے کے لئے ہر گوشہ زندگی میں اپنے آدمی پیدا کر رکھے ہیں۔
ایسے لوگوں کی کمی نہیں ہے، جو پاکستان میں ان فرقہ پرست عسکریت پسندوں کو مظلوم دکھانے کی کوشش کرتے ہیں اور وہ ان کے خلاف صف آراء ہونے والے لوگوں کو فوری طور پر امریکی ایجنٹ اور لبرل قرار دے دیتے ہیں، اس عمل میں دائیں بازو کے لوگ تو شریک ہیں ہی، خود لیفٹ کے لوگ بھی شامل ہو جاتے ہیں اور وہ بہت دور کی کوڑی لاتے ہیں۔ طالبان اور ان کے حامیوں کے خلاف کسی بھی طرح کی جدوجہد ان کو سامراج کی حمایت لگتی ہے، وہ عمران خان اور دفاع کونسل پاکستان کو انقلابی رجحان کا ترجمان قرار دینے لگتے ہیں۔ اب بھلا عمران خان اور بھٹو میں کیا مماثلت؟ یہ ٹھیک ہے دونوں اشرافیہ کا پس منظر رکھتے تھے، لیکن بھٹو ایوب شاہی چھوڑ کر آیا تو وہ رجعت پسندی کے نعروں اور رجحانات کے ساتھ نہیں کھڑا تھا اور نہ ہی وہ سیکولرازم اور روشن خیالی کو رد کر رہا تھا لیکن عمران خان کا کوئی ایک اسٹینڈ بھی روشن خیالی والا نہیں ہے، وہ تو دہشت گردوں اور انتہاء پسندوں کے افعال کا جواز تلاش کرتا ہے۔
طبقاتی تجزیہ کی رٹ لگانے والے نجانے کیوں رجعت پرستی کے ساتھ مل جانے کو روشن خیالوں اور ترقی پسندوں سے مل جانے سے بہتر خیال کرتے ہیں، ایک صاحب گلگت، بلتستان میں اہل تشیع کے قتل عام کی وجہ نادرن انفنٹری میں شیعہ مسلم کی اکثریت کا ہونا اور ان کا قبائلی علاقوں میں جا کر آپریشن کرنا سمجھتے ہیں۔ اب ان صاحب سے یہ سوال بھی تو کیا جاسکتا ہے کہ پھر کراچی اور کوئٹہ میں یا جنوبی پنجاب میں اہل تشیع کی نسل کشی کیوں کی جا رہی ہے؟ مسیحوں کے قتل میں کون سا جذبہ ملوث ہے؟ میرے لئے حیرانی کا سبب ہوتی ہے یہ بات کہ یہ لوگ طالبان، القاعدہ، لشکر جھنگوی اور ان کے دوستوں کی نفرت انگیز آئیڈیالوجی کو ذرا بھر ڈسکس نہیں کرتے، انتہاء پسندی اور رجعت پسندی ان کے نزدیک صرف و صرف سامراجیت کا رزلٹ ہے اور کچھ بھی نہیں ہے۔
یہ تجزیہ کار انتہاء پسندوں کے طبقاتی پس منظر پر تو بہت زیادہ وقت صرف کرتے ہیں، لیکن ان انتہاء پسندوں کا جو موقف اور نظریات ہیں ان کے خلاف جدوجہد کرنے والوں کو گالی دینے میں اس قدر وقت صرف کرتے ہیں کہ مذہبی بنیاد پر جبر کرنے والوں کو ولن بنانے کی بجائے سارا غصہ ان لوگوں پر نکالتے ہیں جو ان کی انتہاء پسندی کے نظریات کا رد کرتے ہیں اور سماج کو یرغمال ہونے سے روکنے کی کوشش کرتے ہیں۔
یہ ایسے لوگ ہیں جو لڑائی اور جدوجہد کے کسی بھی میدان میں مظلوموں کے ساتھ کھڑے ہونے کا ڈھونگ رکھتے ہیں، مگر جو ظلم کرنے والے ہوتے ہیں ان کے خلاف کھڑے نہیں ہوتے، بلکہ کسی کے ظلم کو کسی اور سے منسوب کر دیتے ہیں۔ مثال کے طور یہ لوگ طالبان، سپاہ صحابہ، جماعت الدعوہ، لشکر جھنگوی جیسے گروہوں کے خلاف کوئی مظاہرہ نہیں کرتے، نہ ان کے خلاف مضمون لکھتے ہیں، نہ ان کے لیڈروں کے خلاف آواز اٹھاتے ہیں، لیکن اس کے برعکس یہ جمہوری حکومت اور اس میں روشن خیال لوگوں کو الٹا اس قتل و غارت گری کا ذمہ دار قرار دے ڈالتے ہیں۔
کتنی عجیب بات ہے کہ بابو سرٹاپ، چلاس، کوئٹہ، کراچی میں اہل تشیع کے قتل عام اور نسل کشی کا ذمہ دار زرداری، مہدی شاہ، قائم علی شاہ اور اسلم رئیسانی قرار پائیں اور طالبان، لشکر جھنگوی سپاہ صحابہ وغیرہ کا نام بھی نہ لیا جائے۔ حیرانگی کا امر یہ ہے کہ قبائلی علاقوں میں ڈرون حملوں میں مارے جانے والے فرقہ پرست دہشت گردوں کی لاشوں کو دیکھ کر بھی یہ سوال نہیں کیا جاتا کہ یہ سارے بدنام دہشت گرد وہاں پہاڑوں میں جا کر کیا کر رہے ہیں؟
بعض لیفٹ والے عوامی ملیشیاء کے قیام کی بات کرتے ہیں، لیکن آج تک بائیں بازو کے کسی گروپ نے ایسی ملیشیاء نہیں بنائی، نہ افغانستان میں اور نہ ہی پاکستان میں، جو دہشت گردوں اور انتہاء پسندوں سے پرامن شہریوں کو بچائے۔ اس کے برعکس یہ لوگ تو انارکی پر خوش ہوتے ہیں اور ان کو طالبان سے یا لشکر سے کوئی شکوہ نہیں ہوتا، جبکہ یہ خود بھی طالبانی انتہاء پسندی کا شکار بن جاتے ہیں۔
http://www.islamtimes.org/vdcgnq9q7ak9yw4.,0ra.html
Hadith about khawarij- Shaykh-ul-Islam Dr Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ItdtAPIiP5U
Dr.Tahir ul Qadri Fatwa- Terrorists Suicide Bombers are Khawarij
Dr Qadri warns Pakistan, USA, Saudi Arabia to stop funding and supporting Salafist-Deobandi Takfiris
http://youtu.be/wPY2x8u06Mc
CNN AMANPOUR FATWA (HQ) by TAHIR UL QADRI Against Terrorism and Suicide Bombings
http://youtu.be/JrhUqPAL82s
Traits of the Khawarij and their followers
http://youtu.be/fk10VdJaABw
Why Asif Jalali,Irfan Shah,Hanif Qureshi & other Takfiri Molvies are against Dr. Tahir ul Qadri?
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PSp4zfUNIFk
Debate of Takfir (Apostasy) – Part 1
http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2012/03/debate-of-takfir-apostasy-part-1.html
Postcolonial insanity Abbas Zaidi Journal of Postcolonial Cultures and Societies ISSN No. 1948-1845 (Print); 1948-1853 (Electronic) http://www.jpcs.in/admin/upload/1688410488Postcolonial%20insanity.pdf
The rise of violent sectarianism Excerpt By Raza Rumi Sectarian violence March 02-08, 2012 – Vol. XXIV, No. 03 http://www.thefridaytimes.com/beta2/tft/article.php?issue=20120302&page=7
Run for your life By Pervez Hoodbhoy Published: March 4, 2012 http://tribune.com.pk/story/345377/run-for-your-life/
BAAGHI: More kicks than half pence! —Marvi Sirmed Monday, March 05, 2012http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2012%5C03%5C05%5Cstory_5-3-2012_pg3_2
Sufi Muhammad & Takfiri Ideology – 1 (Salim Safi 3 May 2009 GEO TV)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OVx13hKBC5w
Takfiri Deobandi-Salafi terrorists of LeJ-ASWJ-Taliban arrested by a few honest soldiers:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v4rYmTfRGLU
Understand this that Khawarij is NOT a sect. It is a mentality of anarchy and chaos. They are Takfiris (mostly radicalized Salafis and Deobandis) who call Muslims as Kafirs and apply the verses of Quran on Muslims which have come for non-Muslims.
They would call Muslim leaders as Kafirs, Muslim state as Kafir, and Muslim sects particularly Sufis and Shias as Kafir.
They would be extremely religious with long beards and praying all night and fasting all day but they would be the “dogs of hell”.
In Muslims history, Khawarij Takfiris have come from various sects in various times at various places. Sectarian differences and religious disagreements are present all over the Muslim world in entire history but they cannot be called Khawarij until they wage a war on the entire Muslim ummah and start to kill and slaughter the Muslims due to religious differences. Sects or munazra type sectarian groups can be deviant, sinful, confused, “Gumrah” but to call them Khawarij, certain very strict conditions have to be met. This is critical to understand.
In the past, Khawarij killed Hazrat Ali (RA); demolished shrine of Hazrat Fatimah (RA). Today men like Ayman al Zawahiri, Ahmad Ludhianvi and Hakeem ullah mehsud are doing the same.
Today, they are the TTP, LeJ, ASWJ, DPC in Pakistan.
They call Quaid e Azam as Kafir, Allama Iqbal as Kafir. Pakistan as Kafiristan and are on a mission to destroy or take over Pakistan and slaughter fellow Muslims and fellwo Pakistanis. Khawarij are the most dangerous weapon in the hands of enemies of Pakistan and Islam.
But who are the TTP, LeJ, ASWJ, DPC etc and from where they have emerged? This is critical to understand.
Within the Muslims, there are many sects. Shias and Sunnis are two large ones but there are many sub sects within them also. For example in Pakistan, we have Asna Ashari Shias, Ismaili Shias, Ahl Hadees sect, Deobandis, Barelvis, Sufis etc.
Within Sunnis, Pir Jamaat Ali Shah, ameer e millat was a Faqeeh of Ahl sunnat wal Jamaat and the entire Muslim nation followed him to support Quaid e Azam. Raja sahib Mehmood abad and many top Muslim league leaders were Shias and supported the Pakistan movement also. Muslim league was formed by Sir Agha Khan, who was an Ismaili.
We do not approve of sectarian divides within Muslims but mentioning this just to explain our point.
When Pakistan was created all Muslims from all sects supported Pakistan strongly except a political party Jamiat e Ulama e Hind from Deobandi school. Deobandis are more inclined towards Salafi-Wahhabi ideology. They decided to side with the Congress and were thus called as Congressi Muslims in history. These are historical facts and cannot be denied. Till this day, despite the slaughter of thousands of Muslims in Kashmir, Gujarat etc, the Congressi Mullahs of Deoband India still support Congress. Allama Iqbal had fiercely attacked the deobandi leader Maulvi Hussain Ahmed Madni and taunted him harshly that they are following the path of “Abu Lahab”. Again, this entire episode is part of Kalam e Iqbal and cannot be denied.
Within the Deobandi school, two groups were created. One tiny group was pro-Pakistan and supported Quaid e Azam. Other, majority group, which held the Deoband Darul Uloom, was anti-Pakistan and remain at war with Muslims to this day. However, despite their support to Quaid-e-Azam, Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi and Maulana Shabbir Ahmed usmani remained deeply anti-Sufi and anti-Shia. Allama shabbir Ahmed Usmani was the evil mind behind Objectives Reolution and also claimed to see Rasul Allah (sm) in his dream and Rasul Allah (sm) called Quaid e Azam as his soldier, what a fraud.
Deobandi Ulama are never Pakistan’s friends. Jamaat e Islami also opposed Pakistan in the beginning and was a part of masssacres of Bengali people in 1971.
These mullahs of Deoband who came to Pakistan and even though they still live in Pakistan, they have never accepted Pakistan as a state for Muslims. They always speak against Pakistan’s ideology, against Allama Iqbal, call Quaid e Azam as Kafir and have now been armed by Suadi-Salafi-Takfir financiers to wage war against Pakistan. They were here for the last 65 years but never had weapons, training camps and bases to start their war against Pakistan and Muslims. Now they have and thus we see this ruthless war against all Muslims – against all sects, against all Pakistanis and against Pak army.
Taliban, LeJ, ASWJ, SSP, Jundullah are anti-Pakistan deobandi-wahhabi Takfiri gangs waging a war against Muslims and are the Khawarij of today. Their brothers and friends are present in political parties of Pakistan (Jamaat Islami, Difa Pakistan Council, PTI etc), in government, in media and in many deobandi scholars of Pakistan (Rafi Usmani, Taqi Usmani, Ludhianvi etc). Their militant arm is TTP but they also have many political, religious and government arms who silently spread venom and poison against Pakistan’s ideology.
The Khawarij of today are threatening all Muslims who are opposed to suicide bombings and war against Pakistan. Majority of deobandis in Pakistan are NOT khawarij but are too afraid to speak against these takfiri Fasadis. A few moderate scholars from deoband who spoke against Takfiri Deobandis and suicide bombings have been assassinated by these Kharjis. Great scholars of Ahl-Sunnat and Barelvis, Ahl-Hadees and Shias who have spoken against TTP have also been killed. Maulan Hasan Jan (Deobandi), Sarfraz Naeemi (Sunni Barelvi), Saleem Qadri (Barelvi), Hasan Turabi (Shia) etc.
All sects in Pakistan have spoken passively and weakly against suicide bombings but no one dares to call Taliban, LeJ, ASWJ as Khawarij, except Dr. Tahir ul Qadri but then he had to leave the country for security reasons. It is the most serious responsibility of Pakistani Deoband Ulama to speak against Taliban, LeJ, ASWJ and call them Khawarij. In a religious environment divided between sects, it is important that the scholars who belong to the sect of the TTP must speak out loudest.
Pakistani Deoband ulama must also condemn the Congressi Mullahs of India of JUH and ask them to do tauba for , for supporting slaughter of Muslims at opposing Pakistan , as Allama Iqbal had said clearly that they were following the path of Abu Lahab.
Khawarij and Takfiris of LeJ-ASWJ-Taliban are the biggest threats for all Muslims of all sects. It is NOT a sectarian issue. It is an issue of a fitnah which have risen in Pakistan and incidentally this gang of killers belong to Deobandi school. In Libya, Syria and other places, these Khawarij are in the shame of Salafis also. So, again, we say, it is NOT a sectarian issue. It is a religious issue of a deviant dangerous Takfiri ideology which is attacking all Muslims today in Pakistan.
Ulama of Deoband have the most highest responsibility as TTP and their likes in Pakistan belong to Deoband school of who have always opposed Pakistan. There are political terrorists in Pakistan also like PTI, DPC, JI etc but they are terrorists but NOT Khawarij. Rasul Allah (sm) had clearly given definition of Khawarij which only applies to TTP-LeJ today. The so called Al-Qaeda and TTP are the same gangs of Khawarij. Understand this clearly and fight against them or be killed at their hands.
May Allah have mercy upon our souls and protect us from the Fitnah of Khawarij. May Allah protect Pakistan, Muslims and Pak army from their sharr. May Allah guide Pakistan army to stop protecting Jihadi-sectarian Takfiris. Amen.
They came into the room one by one, heads bowed, wrists crossed in front of them as if they were used to wearing handcuffs. In one of Syria’s most feared military prisons, they told their extraordinary story of helping the armed opponents of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. One was French-Algerian, a small, stooped man in his forties with a long beard; another Turkish, with what looked like a black eye, who spoke of his training at a Taliban camp on the Afghan-Pakistan border. A Syrian prisoner described helping two suicide bombers set off a bloody explosion in central Damascus, while a mufti spoke of his vain efforts to unite the warring factions against the Syrian government.
Given the unprecedented nature of our access to the high-security Syrian prison, our meetings with the four men – their jailers had other inmates for us to interview – were a chilling, sobering experience. Two gave unmistakable hints of brutal treatment after their first arrest. It took 10 minutes to persuade the prison’s military governor – a grey-haired, middle-aged general in military fatigues – and his shirt-sleeved intelligence officer to leave the room during our conversations. Incredibly, they abandoned their office so that we could speak alone to their captives. We refused later requests by the Syrian authorities for access to our tapes of the interviews.
Two of the men spoke of their recruitment by Islamist preachers, another of how Arab satellite channels had persuaded him to travel to Syria to make jihad. These were stories that the Syrian authorities obviously wanted us to hear, but the prisoners – who must have given their interrogators the same accounts – were clearly anxious to talk to us, if only to meet Westerners and alert us to their presence after months in captivity. The French-Algerian wolfed down a box of chicken and chips we gave him. One of the Syrians admitted he was kept in constant solitary confinement. We promised all four that we would give their names and details to the International Red Cross.
Mohamed Amin Ali al-Abdullah was a 26-year-old fourth-year medical student from the northern Syrian city of Deir el-Zour. The son of a “simple” farming family in Latakia, he sat in the governor’s brown leather chair in a neat striped blue shirt and trousers – given to him, he said, by the authorities – and told us he had encountered “psychological problems” in his second year. He twice broke down in tears while he spoke. He said he had followed medical advice as a student but also accepted psychological help from a “sheikh” who suggested he read specific texts from the Koran.
“This was a kind of entrance to my personality and from time to time the second man gave me disks about the Salafist cause, mostly of speeches by Saudi sheikhs such as Ibn Baz and Ibn Ottaimin. Later, he gave me videos that rejected all other sects in Islam, attacking the Sufis, attacking the Shia.” The “sheikh” was imprisoned for a year but later joined Mohamed as a roommate in Damascus. “Then he used to show me videos of operations by jihadi people against Nato and the Americans in Afghanistan.”
When the uprising began in Syria last year, Mohamed said, he was advised by the “sheikh” and two other men to participate in anti-regime demonstrations. “When Friday prayers were over, one of us would stand in the middle, among the crowd, to shout about injustice and the bad situation; the other four would go to the corners and shout ‘Allahu Akbar’ [God is great] to encourage the crowd to do the same.”
Around this time, Mohamed said, he was introduced to a Salafist called “Al-Hajer” who asked him to help in his movement’s “medical and logistic support – to hide men wanted by the authorities and to find safe houses”. Al-Hajer began frequenting Mohamed’s home, “and he offered me a kind of allegiance, where you shake hands with this man and tell him that you acknowledge him as a leader whom you will obey, and will follow jihad and will not question him”. Al-Hajer brought strangers to Mohamed’s home.
“They took me into their circle. I left my mind ‘outside’ at this period and then I recognised that this group was al-Qa’ida. On 10 April this year, one of these people asked me to go with him in a car. I went to a place where I saw cylinders 2.5m high, with cases to fill them up with explosives. There were about 10 people there. I don’t know why they asked me there – maybe to drag me into involvement. There was a Palestinian and a Jordanian who were to be suicide bombers and three Iraqi citizens. We left in a car in front of the two bombers. I don’t know where they were going to bomb, but 15 minutes after I arrived back home, I heard the explosion and two minutes later there was a much stronger explosion. The catastrophe came for me when I watched the television and saw the bomb had gone off in a crowded street in the Bazzaz district; there were houses crushed in the bombings and all the inhabitants [targeted] were middle class and poor people. I was so sorry.”
Later, one of the Salafists asked Mohamed to visit his mother in hospital – because he was a doctor and the Salafist would be recognised – but the Syrian Mukhabarat intelligence service was waiting for him. “I said very frankly to them: ‘I am happy to be arrested – better than to get involved in such a group or have a role in wasting more blood.’ I don’t know how I got involved with these people. I put myself in a kind of ‘recycle bin’. Now I want to write a book and tell people what happened to me so that they should not do as I did. But I have not been given pencil and paper.”
Mohamed saw his father, a schoolteacher, his mother and a sister two months ago. Was he mistreated, we asked him. “Just one day,” he said. “It was not torture.” We asked why there were two dark marks on one of his wrists. “I slipped in the toilet,” he said.
Jamel Amer al-Khodoud, an Algerian whose wife and children live in Marseille and who served in the French army in the 1st Transport Regiment, was a more subdued man, his 48 years and his rather pathetic tale of a search for jihad – encouraged by al-Jazeera’s coverage of Muslim suffering in Syria, he said – leaving him a somewhat disillusioned man. Born in Blida, he had emigrated to France, but though a fluent French speaker, he found only a life of odd jobs and unemployment, until, “after a long hesitation, I decided to go to Turkey and help the Syrian refugees”.
He was, he said, a “moderate Salafist”, but in the Turkish refugee camps had met a Libyan sheikh, many Tunisians and a Yemeni imam “who gave me lessons in jihad”. He crossed the Syrian border with a shotgun, and with other men had attacked military checkpoints and slept rough in abandoned houses and a mosque in the mountains above Latakia. Trained on French weapons, he had never before fired a Kalashnikov – he was allowed to fire three bullets at a stone for target practice, he said – but after several miserable weeks of discovering that a jihad in Syria was not for him, he resolved to walk back to Turkey and return to France. “What I saw on television I didn’t see in Syria.”
Captured by suspicious villagers, he was taken to a city (probably Aleppo) and then by helicopter to Damascus. Why didn’t he choose Palestine rather than Syria for his jihad, we asked. “A Palestinian friend told me his people needed money more than men,” he replied. “Besides, that is a difficult border to cross.” When I asked him if he had been treated badly in captivity, he replied: “Thank God, I am well.” To the same question, he repeated the same answer.
A Syrian imam – of the Khadija al-Khobra mosque in Damascus – with a lean, dark face, told us of his meetings this year with four Syrian “militant groups” in the city which had different nationalist and religious aims, of how he tried to unite them, but discovered that they were thieves, killers and rapists rather than jihadis. Or so Sheikh Ahmed Ghalibo said. Sprinkling the names of these men throughout his conversation, the sheikh said he had been appalled at how the groups had liquidated all who disagreed with them, merely on suspicion, “cutting the bodies up, decapitating them and throwing them in sewage”. He said he had witnessed seven such murders; indeed, the disposal of corpses in sewage has been a common occurrence in Damascus.
Knowing that he was a mufti at the al-Khobra mosque and apparently aware that he had met the four extremist leaders, the Syrian security police arrested Ahmed Ghalibo on 15 April this year. He told us he had made a full confession because “these militants are not a ‘Free Army'”, insisted he had received “very good treatment” from his interrogators, condemned the Emir of Qatar for stirring revolution in Syria, and said he believed he would be released “because I have repented”.
Cuma Öztürk comes from the south-eastern Turkish city of Gaziantep, and crossed into Syria after months of training, he said, in a Taliban camp on the Afghan-Pakistan border. He could not speak Pashtu – or Arabic – but had left behind his pregnant wife Mayuda and their three-year old daughter in Gaziantep to travel to Damascus. He spoke only vaguely of jihad but said he had been asked to set up a “smuggling” trail from Turkey to the Syrian capital which would also involve moving men across the border. He was arrested when he visited Aleppo for his mother-in-law’s funeral. “I regret all that happened to me,” he said mournfully; he was receiving good treatment “now”. He asked us to let the Turkish authorities know of his presence in the prison.
When our four and a half hours of interviews were over, we appealed to the Syrian prison governor to give his inmates greater access to their families, a request which his tired smile suggested might be outside his remit. We also asked for a pen and paper for Mohamed al-Abdullah and we spoke – however fruitlessly – of the need for international law to be applied to those in the prison. The inmates shook hands with the governor in friendly fashion, although I noticed that little love seemed lost between them and the shirt-sleeved intelligence man. Each prisoner returned to his cell as he had arrived at the governor’s office – with his head bowed and his eyes on the floor.
Robert Fisk: Syria’s road from jihad to prison
For the first time, a Western journalist has been granted access to Assad’s military prisoners
http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/fisk/robert-fisk-syrias-road-from-jihad-to-prison-8100749.html
Hi Abdul Nishapuri,
Thanks for posting this. As someone who are not from the region, this piece helps me to differentiate most of previous works on religious sectarianism vs. takrifism.Out of curiosity, is the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Sipah-e-Sahaba connected to the TTP? If it does, then what is the proof to evaluate their connection?
Thanks.
Takfirism, not sectarianism, is right construct to describe and fight Shia genocide in Pakistan
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