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Book Review: Maleeha Lodhi Juggling a Dream – By Dr. Ayesha Siddiqa

posted by Nighat | September 14, 2011 | In Blogs Cross posted, Original Articles

 

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Maleeha Lodhi’s edited volume is one of the few books that Pakistan military’s Inter-Services Public Relations’ head Maj. General Athar Abbas recommends to his visitors. The value of this book for Pakistan’s armed forces and establishment is that it presents Pakistan as ‘beyond a crisis state’. The basic thesis of the volume is that there are many things which are not right about the country but that in itself does not qualify it as a failed or failing state. The seventeen contributors have come together in this volume to present the generally unsung successes of Pakistan or to make it look like a normal state, like any other.

Having gone through the book from cover to cover a reader can get a bit lost. There are some chapters which tend to stand alone as Ahmed Rasheed’s on Afghanistan. Broadly, the seventeen chapters can be divided into five discussion themes: (a) presenting an alternative narrative, (b) history of Pakistan’s birth (c) debate on the changing nature of civil- military relations, (d) opinion by Pakistani expatriates on technical issues such as improving governance, economic development, solving problems of energy generation, and improving quality of youth through education, and (e) military-strategic issues such as nuclear security, military strategy, relations with India, and debate on Afghanistan. The book is a great example of an edited volume since it does not burden a reader with a long introduction and conclusion. Moreover, it neatly brings together three kinds of authors: (a) those who have a big name and hence market value such as Ahmed Rasheed, Ayesha Jalal, Akbar S. Ahmed, Ishrat Husain and Mohsin Hamid, (b) writers with technical expertise or a bent of mind which is sympathetic to the military establishment like Muneer Akram, Riffat Hussain, Brig. (retd) Feroz Hassan Khan, Shuja Nawaz snd Meekal Ahmed, and (c) young writers who are meant to bring a fresh perspective, for instance, Moeed Yusuf and Ziad Haider. The book is wanting in terms of a solid debate on youth, women, and relations with the US, India and the Muslim world. The chapter on youth and education by Moeed Yusuf or Riffat Hussain’s contribution on analysing a couple of decades of India-Pakistan peace initiatives does not fulfill the purpose.

Irrespective of how sympathetic one feels with Lodhi’s agenda of improving Pakistan’s image, the task could have been done in a more sophisticated manner than, for instance, by Mohsin Hamid’s suggestion that the country must be taken seriously because it is the 6th largest country in the world and has more non-Muslims living in it than the total population of Toronto and Miami. Even more non-serious is the suggestion that honour killings can be ignored because better things happen as well such as men dressing up as transvestites and doing a television show. All states and societies have inherent contradictions. But one behaviour pattern cannot be deemed as representing the overall attitude of a society. Pakistan’s problem is not that it will physically dissolve. At this juncture, it is physically secure with all external and internal stakeholders interested in keeping the state alive. However, it is also a fact that all players want to dominate and capture the state including the militants.
 
So, the narrative in this book does not really explain the direction which the country is taking, nor does it analyse the impact of the growing latent radicalism in Pakistan on the future of its people and the region as a whole. It is even more difficult to sympa- thize with Akbar S. Ahmed’s assertion in the book that the historical confusion regarding the state’s ideology, which dates back to its birth, is nothing more than strategic vagueness that was meant to gel different people and schools of thought together. The confusion created due to the lack of clarity of the country’s earlier and later leadership has pushed the country in a direction where it has become a nest of militancy and latent- radicalism. What is required, as suggested in Ziad Haider’s excellent analysis, is an alternative narrative. However, neither Haider nor any other contributor to this volume has mulled over the issue of an alternative religious, political and social discourse that may take the country out of its current logjam.
 
Pakistan’s fundamental problem is that the state defines citizenship on the basis of a citizen’s putative relationship with religion and the central establishment. This leaves out millions of non-Muslims or members of minority ethnic communities from a sense of representation. Those that choose to protest their rights like the East Pakistanis or Baluch are then brutally butchered in the name of national security. This volume chooses to focus on religion related violence. This category of violence cannot be stopped because the problem of the religiosity of the state becomes compounded with another issue of a powerful military bureaucracy, an institution which tends to use all measures including religion and violence to gain its military-strategic objectives. According to Zahid Hussain, some of the militant groups were connected with the military due to the role they played in the possible resolution of the Kashmir issue or in helping GHQ Rawalpindi deal with India.
           
Whether it is the urge for strategic depth in Afghanistan or India in general the state’s strategic goals have been critical in changing social ethos and framed the attitude of the middle class. It is not the modern and liberal socioeconomic category that Lodhi imagines it to be. Had the editor gone more than skin-deep in digging into the character of the middle class, she and other contributors to this volume may have found that the bulk of the middle class is, in fact, radicalized or not liberal at all. The fact that people do not generally vote for the religious parties does not indicate the character of the society. Pakistan’s electoral politics responds to patronage politics and not to ideological politics. Maleeha Lodhi clearly shuns the feudal and patronage tendencies of the country’s political system and links it with the traditional elite. However, such analysis lacks depth and fails to present the correct picture that feudalism in Pakistan has actually morphed into different shapes and penetrated various institutions including the military and civil bureaucracy. So, it does not make any difference if, as Shuja Nawaz writes in his chapter on the military, the armed forces have become more diverse in terms of their ethnic composition or are increasingly from urban areas.
 
A number of authors in this book use highly superfluous and unscientific methodology to explain different social norms. In fact, there is little analysis on how the military visualizes itself or its role in the country’s power politics. The GHQ does not intend to empower the political leadership. Hence, Saeed Shafqat’s notion that the extension given to the Army Chief General Ashfaq Pervez Kiyani indicates a level of confidence of the political leadership in its own capacity to deal with the military, appear comical. Shafqat’s piece is certainly in a more academic style than many other chapters in this volume as it experiments with the concept of elite negotiation to explain the current coexistence between the political forces and the military. Pakistan’s military bureaucracy is known for making partnerships with civilian stakeholders which eventually make the organization last longer than, perhaps, its counterparts in the Middle East. The story of the coexistence between civil and military narrated by Shafqat does not do justice in explaining the real malaise of Pakistan’s political system.
 
It would have been a good idea to have a chapter dedicated to understanding Pakistan military’s preoccupation with India. In this regard the chapter by Muneer Akram, who is a senior Pakistani diplomat, on strategic issues is refreshing. It clearly explains that the establishment has moved away from its fear that India wants to destroy Pakistan. It is rare in the works on strategy to come across a clear perspective on the military’s perception on India as in the chapter mentioned here.
           
Equally good are the chapters on energy security and bureaucratic restructuring. Though a bit dense Ishrat Hussain’s chapter on administrative restructuring is another good contribution which will help any Pakistani government in improving governance. If asked to summarize the book, it is an expression of the desires of many Pakistanis to emerge as a successful country. Whether this dream will get fulfilled is a million dollar question which sadly doesn’t get answered in this book.

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Nighat

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  1. Nabeela

    You have hinted that GHQ doesnot want ot empower political leadership. Well what are your views on famous briefing by Kiyani to all political party heads in 2008 to lead the way forward on policy issues?

    -
  2. Rehman Khan

    Maleeha Lodhi and her services to the Deep State

    http://pakistanblogzine.wordpress.com/2011/10/17/maleeha-lodhi-and-her-services-to-the-deep-state/

    Related posts: LUBP Archive on Maleeha Lodhi

    Dr. Maleeha Lodhi became the Pakistani Ambassador to the US, from 1994–1997 and then during 1999-2002. Because of deep trust in her loyalty by the Deep State, she was allowed to work as an Ambassador to the US by such diverse heads of the state as PM Benazir Bhutto, PM Nawaz Sharif and General Musharraf. She is currently a special adviser to the Jang Group/Geo, a position she shares with another key asset, Najam Sethi.

    Here are some quick excerpts from various resources put together to highlight Dr. Lohdi’s vital services to the deep state.

    …….

    The United States has long debated how hard it can push Pakistan to attack militant strongholds in the tribal area. Washington, however, depends on Pakistan as a major supply route into Afghanistan. American officials also want to monitor as closely as they can Pakistan’s burgeoning nuclear weapons arsenal.

    The decision to hold back much of the American military aid has not been made public by the Pakistani military or the civilian government. But it is well known at the top levels of the military, and a senior Pakistani official described it as an effort by the Americans to gain “leverage.”

    A former Pakistani diplomat, Maleeha Lodhi, who served twice as ambassador to the United States, said the Pentagon action was short-sighted, and was likely to produce greater distance between the two countries.

    “It will be repeating a historic blunder and hurting itself in the bargain by using a blunt instrument of policy at a time when it needs Pakistan’s help to defeat Al Qaeda and make an honorable retreat from Afghanistan,” Ms. Lodhi said of the United States.

    Washington imposed sanctions on Pakistan in the 1990s, and in the process lost influence with the Pakistani military, Ms. Lodhi said. Similarly, the Obama administration would find itself out in the cold with the Pakistani Army if it held up funds, she said.

    (Source: http://criticalppp.com/archives/53056 NYT July 2011)

    ……..

    As India pulls away from us economically and diplomatically, we won’t be able to strategically compete with them. But because India is the enemy, our boys will need to find a way of competing.

    But how? There are essentially two routes, flagged by Rifaat Hussain in his chapter in Maleeha Lodhi’s new book.

    The first, soft, option is to try and put our own house in order: look inwards, reform, fix the security situation, get the economy going again. The quickest route to economic revival would be to trade with India. The second option: double down on the jihad option to ‘balance’ India’s growing power. It’s a tried and tested strategy, it’s low-cost, we already have the infrastructure and to ramp it up would take minimal effort.

    Source: http://criticalppp.com/archives/47396 Dawn, April 2011

    ……..

    In France, President Nicholas Sarkozy, former President Jacques Chirac and former Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin were under intense pressure to come up with real facts on the Agosta submarine deal and how certain funds were diverted to be used to fund an election campaign. Another twist to the story is the raid on Amir Lodhi’s house. Amir Lodhi, an absconder, is the brother to Ambassador Maliha Lodhi. Lodhi was the broker of the Agosta submarine deal by the DNIF, the French intelligence which provided details of the payments made to a top politician in Pakistan, who was paid between October and December in 1994.

    Source: http://criticalppp.com/archives/41658 TFT, March 2011

    …

    Recently, GEO, under pressure to maintain a substantial grant from Voice of America (VoA) has gotten Najam Sethi as well as Dr. Maleeha Lodhi on board to provide a pseudo liberal veneer and to balance the virulent anti-American screeds of their jingoistic jihadi journos like Ansar Abbasi, Hamid Mir and Kamran Khan. Apparently, the Jang Group, one of the oldest news houses of the sub continent, has converted into a gossip mongering enterprise run by a dynasty of three generations of opportunists.

    http://criticalppp.com/archives/40784 LUBP February 2011

    …….

    Even before the latest signing, news filtering in from within the Jang Group indicated that head honcho Mir Shakilur Rahman had begun to exert more control over the editorial content of Jang and The News. Apparently of particular concern for him were the over-the-top anti-Western diatribes of some of his correspondents such as Ansar Abbasi and all such potentially ‘controversial’ news pieces are regularly first vetted by him.

    Add to that the appointment (announced December 16) of former The News editor and Pakistan’s ambassador to the US, Dr. Maleeha Lodhi, as the Jang Group’s ‘Special Adviser International Affairs.’ According to the official announcement, she will “lead efforts to establish new platforms for global discourse and enhance the Group’s global engagement and international profile.” Basically, what that means is that she will lead the public relations effort for the Jang Group, especially with the US.

    But what I had really wanted to comment on was this unprecedented front-page write-up on December 17 in The News and Jang (unfortunately a poor translation) by Geo News Managing Director Azhar Abbas. Abbas has never written for the Jang Group publications since he first began heading Geo and also has probably not written anything since he left his reporting days behind at least a decade ago. But what makes the piece even more intriguing is its between-the-lines condemnation of the machinations of elements within the military intelligence services which, according to the piece, are back to their old tricks of attempting to manipulate public opinion in favour of hawkish positions through the media, as well as its plea for providing space to liberal voices.

    For the Managing Director of the largest television news channel to make these accusations and plea publicly is surely worth noting. It also is worth remembering that Abbas’ elder brother, Athar Abbas, is a serving major general in the army and head of the military’s Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), which surely shows the sensitivity that Geo’s Abbas was willing to breach with his piece. Our information indicates, however, that the piece was directly instigated and approved by the top echelons of the Jang Group (could Lodhi’s joining have something to do with it?), which should also give people an idea of how the group is attempting to make a break with its ambivalent past.

    Source: Cafe Pyala, Dec 2010

    ….

    . In that article though, there were a few responses that stuck out at me:

    “Maliha Lodhi, Pakistan’s former ambassador to the UK and US saying that “There is acknowledgement in private about mistakes made in the past. But it is not translating into a long term strategic plan”.“

    To this I say “Of Course!” Pakistan needs a long term strategic indigenous plan, because dammit, its not like that the religiously fanatic folk aren’t thinking long term.
    Returning back to what Azhar Abbas said:

    “Our policy on the drone attacks is very clear and I don’t think there is any change in the policy, though for public consumption the government and the establishment will continue to oppose the attacks in the media,” said Mushahid Hussain.

    Lodhi is even more critical of this style of policy. “No government can afford to have a covert policy of cooperation and overt position with the public, which is at odds with that policy,” she said.

    Source: http://criticalppp.com/archives/34174 LUBP Dec 2010

    ….

    Maleeha Lodhi’s edited volume is one of the few books that Pakistan military’s Inter-Services Public Relations’ head Maj. General Athar Abbas recommends to his visitors. The value of this book for Pakistan’s armed forces and establishment is that it presents Pakistan as ‘beyond a crisis state’. The basic thesis of the volume is that there are many things which are not right about the country but that in itself does not qualify it as a failed or failing state. The seventeen contributors have come together in this volume to present the generally unsung successes of Pakistan or to make it look like a normal state, like any other.

    Source: http://criticalppp.com/archives/57464 LUBP Dec 2011

    ….

    A view from a pro-Pakistan army website (PKKH):

    I think Maleeha Lodhi has been excellent where ever she went. She speaks like a confident diplomat.
    Don’t send someone there who stands behind the US officials with their hands behind their back, like I saw Mr. Qureshi in his recent tour. When these people are addressing their Pakistani audience they leave the impression that they know everything. But when they are behind their Masters they stand like an obedient servant. I guess that is what they are.
    We need self confident aggressive personality not and obedient servant.

    Source: https://pakistankakhudahafiz.wordpress.com/2009/10/17/haqqani%E2%80%99s-firing-imminent/#more-6689 PKKH Oct 2009

    ….

    Maleeha Lodhi writes:

    Diplomatic efforts have helped in the past week to defuse the latest crisis to rock Pakistan-US relations. Although the immediate tensions have dissipated these developments have reaffirmed the tenuous quality of the relationship.
    This was the third crisis in a rollercoaster year which started with the protracted row over the Raymond Davis affair and was followed by the bigger blow to relations delivered by the May 2 covert US raid in violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty. [wow, violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty by US raid not by OBL’s presence in the garrison town, Ms Lodhi?]

    Source: http://www.columnspk.com/crux-of-the-crisis-by-dr-maleeha-lodhi/ 4 October 2011

    ….

    Shaheen Sahbai’s interview with an ex-ISI official (1999):

    WASHINGTON: It is rare that any ISI operative, even a retired one, speaks out to the media. But Colonel Shuja Khanzada did so, five years after he was booted out by the political government and the army top brass did not come to his rescue.

    His interview came after allegations in the Pakistani media that attempts were being by the then Benazir Bhutto Government to get the F-16’s money back from the United States to rush into buying new French Mirage planes through intermediaries, who would obviously make money.

    This interview was recorded in late 1999 by Shaheen Sehbai on a long distance call to Attock, in Pakistan, where Mr Khanzada lived on his farms after resigning from the Pakistan Army as a Colonel in 1994.

    SS: So what was your experience with her (Maleeha Lodhi as an ambassador to the USA)?

    SK: When she came to America, We had a good relationship. She said, I have heard a lot of praises from your DG ISI and I’ll be needing your help. I assured her full support. We were really close. She would discuss anything with me and I could discuss anything with her and we were going fine. After some time I could make out things. Let me tell you a couple of things before that. In the last few months of Nawaz Sharif , there was a lot of pressure on the Americans, they wanted to undo Nawaz Sharif. That time Nawaz Sharif was very stable, the economy was picking up and he was doing an overall good job. We were going very strong in Kashmir. We were dominating Kashmir. The allegations of state-sponsored terrorism leveled by the Americans was a big pressure on Nawaz Sharif govt and the DG ISI who was then General Javaid Nasir. Now, in the meantime, Benazir came to America and she had come to Atlanta for CNN anniversary where she was the chief guest. She was accompanied by Zardari. I was told to go and receive her in Atlanta and be a protocol officer to her. When I went there to Atlanta, I went to receive her and got all arrangements for car etc ready, I saw that Mark Siegel was there also who was one time a lobbyist. When he saw me he was very upset and asked me what was I doing there. I told him I have come to receive the Leader of the Opposition. She said she would go with them. She had a number of other people to receive her.

    A number of other (inaudible) on the committee were all there to receive her. She was more inclined to go to them than us. But we were staying at Omni Shoreham hotel . There at least we would have our breakfast with Benazir and Zardari. So I could make it out that she was getting a terrific reception in America. And she had been given appointments by all the people in the State Department, she had been even given appointment by the CIA chief and she kept insisting to me that her visit will solve a lot of problems. We’ll get the F-16s and we’ll do this and the state-sponsored terrorism charge will go. But I said at what cost. I hope it is not at the cost of nuclear program or Kashmir. She said no no, not at all. That was the main thing. Americans wanted to bring her over for that particular purpose. Roll back, one, and Kashmir, two and that she had agreed to totally. Then she came to Washington, met people. She met the CIA people. Khalid Hasan (journalist) was there, Zaidi (journalist) was there. Dr Fai (Kashmiri lobbyist) was there, I kept telling them these things. I said this is what I feel is happening. Whenever she comes, there will be a roll back. I told Dr. Fai to step up his campaign so that they don’t get the impression that you are involved in the same issue. Now the (Nawaz Sharif) government was dismissed and finally she came over there, everything changed. Now, over the period of time, I felt that there is a roll back going on and the front at Kashmir was getting cold and this is not in the interest of Pakistan. Our security was being jeopardized because of this. Dr (Maleeha) sahiba was trying to get around for F-16s deal so that Pressler Amendment is repealed. I was of the opinion that there were two remaining installments of F-16s and there would have been big kickbacks in that. This lady (inaudible) was of Pakistan. We would have got F-16s, Pressler Amendment would go, and so hell with others things.

    SS: Did you ever get any hard evidence that there were kickbacks or they were looking for kickbacks or they were working for kickbacks?

    SK: Let me tell you something, General Kakar was then the Chief of the Army Staff and he was visiting US along with Gen (Khwaja) Ziauddin, Gen. Ali Quli Khan and Gen Jehangir Karamat. When they were coming, the Pakistani community and the Embassy were under the impression that he is coming as an envoy of Benazir Bhutto and probably he is going to talk to the Americans regarding (Nuclear Program) roll back or freeze whatever it may be. When (Gen.) Kakar arrived, I saw him. He was under tremendous pressure when he landed. He was coming for the first time as he had become the new (army) chief. He did not know what is going to transpire between him and the Americans. I gave him a short brief. I said you are here and you are going to assist a roll back or freeze. He said what, I said yes, this is the fix. He said, on my dead body. I said you are coming to the embassy tomorrow to address the officers, clarify this point too. He said yes I will. When he came to the embassy next day, in his address to the officers, he said, roll back and freeze on my dead body, no question! We will go ahead with our nuclear program, we will not compromise on anything. After he left, next day, the Pakistani papers gave front page headlines quoting (Gen.) Kakar. Dr (Maleeha) got very furious over that. She said who leaked this to the newspapers. Then Zahoor Malik (a diplomat handling the media) was made the target and Ghazanfar (another diplomat in economic section) was made the target. (a reporter/columnist) was called to the embassy, … (another journalist) was called to the embassy and asked why this (had happened). She called me and asked who has done it. I asked her was there a secret about that. There was no secret.

    SS: How many people were there when he made that speech?

    SK: The whole embassy was sitting there.

    SS: Then what was the secret?

    SK: That’s right what was the secret. She never wanted this to go to the papers. She thought we will keep it under wraps. There was a lot of fuss on that in the Embassy. It turned into a crisis. She literally sacked Ghazanfar, she sacked Zahoor Malik. But I took a firm stand on the issue. I said don’t make it into a big fuss, leave it alone. We should actually be very proud that the General made that statement. Peoples sagging morale was restored and our grim faces were now OK. She was really very furious and there my relations turned very sore with her though I wanted to mend it. I said I talked to you having the interest of Pakistan in mind but she was not listening to anything. She was trying to find excuses to sack me. I even went to her to clarify things that I just wanted to do what was in the best interest of Pakistan. And when I talked to (General) Kakar that this thing has leaked he was very happy and said it was great. I’m no politician, I’m no man to get credit for these things but what I said I meant it. That completely changed the scenario.

    SS: Why do you think she was doing that?

    SK: What were they going to give to the Americans? If Benazir was to come for the second time and the Americans were going to push her into Pakistan the second time as the Prime Minister, it was clear on the cards. We knew that. Nawaz Sharif was on his way out. I spoke to (Gen) Javaid Nasir (then DG ISI) for one hour on telephone, and told him what was going on and told him that you people (Nawaz Sharif Government) should start packing up now. At a reception in Georgetown hosted by (Benazir supporter) Abdullah Riar, Senator Barbara Mikulski, member of select committee, opened her speech before 400 people saying “Prime Minister of Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto”, and then said I am very sorry for the slip of the tongue. There was the indication right there, that she(BB) is coming. Americans wanted to bring her over for the main purpose of roll back and to end the Kashmir dispute. Americans were feeling very very itchy on the Kashmir issue. They said all the terrorism across the border is being done by you guys. So, what would they give in return, nuclear issue and this, we had nothing else in Pakistan to give.

    SS: Do you believe Maleeha was actively working for that agenda?

    SK: She was the fastest friend of Benazir, she was closest to Benazir , she and Benazir had the same thinking line. They were every time together. She was the confidant. She flew to London to get my posting done immediately. From London, the moment she came back from London, there was a signal lying that I should be transferred to Pakistan within 24 hours

    SS: And who did that, Benazir or who?

    SK: I was heading to New York when I was told by my PA that I had been posted back to Pakistan. I immediately called the CGS (Chief of General Staff), (General) Jehangir Karamat was the CGS. (Gen) Ali Quli was the DGMI and none of these officers knew about it. My DG ISI, Gen. Javaid Kazi also claims that he didn’t know about it. It was all done by the prime minister and the establishment division.

    SS: Could they do that without informing you or telling you?

    SK: That is the sore point on which I’m still very very upset. That was the only time I needed the army to stand by me, what the hell is this. This is the wrong procedure. It should have been done by GHQ not by you, right. Everybody kept quiet on that issue. I said at least give me 3-4 days so I can pack up. In 24 hours I can come if you send a special plane. I m a disciplined person , I never wanted to create any fuss, nothing of that sort. With good memories, I just left the embassy, immediately. (In Pakistan) the first person who called me was General Kakar, he called me immediately and I went to him. He said I’m really sorry for what has happened to you. I have given my mind to Benazir but I can’t help. I told him in the army we stand by one another, I was not a thief or robber. I did not do anything wrong. There are no character failings in me. I was working for Pakistan day in and day out. In 27 years of service, how professional an officer I have been. You guys let me down. He said I’ m very sorry. Prime minister ordered in writing and I could not help. But we will take care of you. I said what care you have totally destroyed me. Then I went to (Gen) Jehangir Karamat, (Gen) Ali Quli. Everybody said we have given our mind but It has happened now , what can we do. That was a very very sad point in my career and my life. We gave so much to the army nobody stood by me. I told Kakar, had General (Mirza Aslam) Beg been there, or General (Asif Nawaz) Janjua been there, how dare they pull me out from there, I would have seen that. Or if somebody like Musharraf had been there, how could anybody put their hands on me and pulled me out. I am working for my country here and they know how hard I worked all these 12 years in ISI.

    SS: While you were there, did you ever find anything involving Maleeha or her brother in any of the affairs?

    SK: Her brother came here regularly and she visited him in New York regularly. He lived in NY. In this F-16 case, there were two installments left. They were doing their best to get the F-16s and pay the two installments. I told Maleeha on her first day that these people (Americans) would pull a lot of weight, a lot of their lobbyists would come to you telling you to pay the remaining installments, and will quote you the rules and regulations that the installments have to be paid. That’s a different thing that the State Department has put a ban (on the delivery). (Previous Ambassador) Abida (Hussain) put her foot down and told the (US) Government that there is no question of any installments. I told Maleeha that she will have to stop these installments and that we are not going to pay.

    SS: Did (former prime minister) Moeen Qureshi not stop the payments of installments?

    SK: Yes he did but now the government had changed and they could have resumed it. Now Benazir was in power. On that issue she (Maleeha) would not talk to me and always asked me to forget about it. She said that is for me to look after. I felt that she and her brother were (Inaudible)… They were going to get the installment (Inaudible)….. the sub-marine deal and all that sort of things. There was another thing. At that time there were wheat shipments under PL-480 (to Pakistan). The Food and Agriculture Attache in the (Pakistan) Embassy, one Mr. Qazi, came to me and said something wrong is going on. He was an honest officer and is now Commissioner of Hyderabad. He said over the years shipments were being done by Pakistan (National) Shipping Corporation. PNSC was getting their money and every thing was going fine. But Qazi said Dr. Maleeha wants to change the system and wants to give it to some Greek Shipping company. He said he had written a letter to the Food and Agriculture Ministry not to do it as there will be lot of kickbacks and commissions. Why should Dr (Maleeha) be doing that if a system is going on without anything wrong. Her brother was also….. as hundreds of thousands of dollars were involved in commissions. I wrote a letter to the ISI headquarters to stop it immediately as it was not in the interest of Pakistan. People will get money in it. These things were going on but she went to London and sacked me.

    SS: Whenever anything like this happened, you would inform your headquarter that this was going on?

    SK: Yes I would let them know, of course.

    Source: http://antisystemic.org/satribune/www.satribune.com/archives/july27_02_02/isi_whistle_blower.htm (from Aamir Mughal’s blog: http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2011/09/lie-with-general-r-musharraf-maleeha.html)

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    Posted on October 17, 2011 at 10:48 pm in Original Article | RSS feed | Respond | Trackback URL | Edit this entry.

    Tags: Deep state, maleeha lodhi, Najam Sethi
    4 Comments to “Maleeha Lodhi and her services to the Deep State”

    Raza
    October 18, 2011 at 6:09 am (Edit)
    I long suspected that Maleeha Lodhi is a clone of Shireen Mazari. Thanks for giving words to my thoughts.
    Reply

    admin
    October 18, 2011 at 6:15 am (Edit)
    joshuatwhite Joshua White
    Maleeha Lodhi, with perhaps the clearest articulation of the Pak establishment’s views on Bonn+10. via @vali_nasr. http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=71984&Cat=9&dt=10/11/2011
    Flawed road map
    Dr Maleeha Lodhi
    Tuesday, October 11, 2011
    Pakistan’s national poet Muhammed Iqbal once described Afghanistan as the ‘heart of Asia’. Interestingly this is the name adopted for a new diplomatic initiative that is ambitious in its sweep but confused in its emphasis and flawed in its approach and sequencing. Led by Afghanistan and Turkey the plan is being driven by the US and its key Nato allies who want to unveil this at a regional conference in Istanbul on November 2.
    Reply

    admin
    October 18, 2011 at 6:16 am (Edit)
    But the Pakistani foreign policy elite continues to push for “an all inclusive government in Kabul” that would “necessarily require” Mullah Omar’s Quetta Shura and the Haqqani network to be part of that arrangement.
    The raison d’être for sticking to this policy is evidently provided by the U.S., which wants to reach out to the Taliban on the one hand and insists on Islamabad going after the Haqqani network on the other. While this has given currency to the fear on the streets that the U.S. wants to undermine Pakistan from inside and outside by making even the Afghan Taliban its avowed enemies, the policy elite see it as a bid by Washington to minimise Islamabad’s role in the negotiations. As Pakistan’s former Ambassador to the U.S., Maleeha Lodhi, put it: “What does the U.S. want us to do? Deliver bodies to the negotiating table!”
    Tightrope act on the Durand Line
    ANITA JOSHUA
    http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/article2529095.ece
    October 2011
    Reply

    admin
    October 18, 2011 at 6:18 am (Edit)
    But the lack of leadership in the region – evidenced by the absence of any central institution in the Arab world and the ineffectiveness of the Arab League – is complicating and prolonging wrenching transitions.
    Among other trends these momentous developments signal the diminution of America’s clout in the Middle East, much like the 1950s marked the dwindling of British influence in that region. The task of managing the transition falls to the region itself, as it should, even if this is clouded by the present lack of direction.
    Leaderless in an age of anxiety
    Dr Maleeha Lodhi
    Tuesday, October 18, 2011
    http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=72985&Cat=9&dt=10/18/2011

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    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Razarumi met a top anchor a few months ago who said don’t use PIA for international travel bcse ppl just sarround you for autograph & answs

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Darveshh no…no..u find IDP’s all over give me one name from other cities who is any different of course ppl like AkbarZaidi an exception

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Razarumi our tv anchors like Veena Malik if she is represents epitome of cheap popularity – no substance but enough to attract attention

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Darveshh fikri sardi tu ab sarey mulk mein hey Islamabad is just an intellectual freezer

    Darveshh Darvesh
    @iamthedrifter A friend once facetiously remarked upn being asked abt weather in Islamabad: Mausam khooshgawar,magar fikri sardi bohat hai

    Retweeted by iamthedrifter

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Darveshh we have abundance of mediademics (media persons in the garb of academics or university staff posing as scholars and media ppl)

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Darveshh analysts and media ppl can later borrow from those results

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Darveshh when scholarship begins to find answers for policymakers it kills itself scholarship shld aim to answer larger research Qs

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Darveshh the word scholarship and scholars has to be redefined along with their role

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Darveshh also watch tv progs – all channels: the number of independent commentators is depleted very fast now ISPR approved list dominates

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Darveshh someone once said: there are intellectuals, then there are intectuaaals and others are intelcatuls

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @shahidsaeed @Razarumi newspaper writing biggest set back to scholarship ppl write in papers and think its deep analysis

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Razarumi @shahidsaeed sadly some of the best scholars of this country never lived in Pk

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Razarumi @shahidsaeed but this is the real test of genuine scholarship that it produces results not necessarily effected by pop opinion

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Darveshh trickiest to judge are from the liberal glitterati – too slippery to catch in first glance cover comes off with deeper analysis

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @shahidsaeed @Razarumi and then they get upset if someone calls them pro-mil thats what I call sad

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @shahidsaeed @Razarumi do a test: all the great pro-mil ANALYSTS today first built their reputation by posing as being independent

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @crucafix18 going down the drain where? external defeat and isolation can make systems even more elusive – they can become Nazi Germany like

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @Razarumi agreed and sadly many even go behind the backs to be on the right side of the GHQ while keeping semblance of independence

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @crucafix18 how can you fight the system – we hardly have scholars, info is centrally controlled and media largely on GHQ’s side

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @crucafix18 A bit like PIA Shaver: put some feed give some heat and out comes an analyst with gd looks, gd Ebglish & ability to throw names

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    even indt analysts & commentators are wary of straying from the officially heldline – good piece by Abbas Nasir in tday’s Dawn

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @crucafix18 I’d be damned if you can show a single think-tank in Isloo that is independent of GHQ/ISI/ISPR/SPD

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @crucafix18 the word analyst has a ring of sobriety & seriousness it doesn’t matter if most are like put through GHQ incubators

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    yeeeh! hurrah! even Bilawal B. Zardari has a future dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?pa…\123\story_3-12-2011_pg7_13

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @crucafix18 its fun to see analysts built by the army jumping up and down and getting red in the face when called pro-military

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    @crucafix18 the pnt is that it must have done something wrong to get this treatment from even those that claim to be its best frnds

    iamthedrifter Ayesha Siddiqa
    my heart cries for the Pak Mil bcse even those that thrive on its largesse are ashamed to be publicly considered as pro-military

    ………..

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