Ameerul Momineen Syndrome???

15TH CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT OR SHARIAT BILL

The government of Nawaz Sharif introduced the 15th Constitutional Amendment Bill in the National Assembly, on August 28, 1998, that was immediately passed by the NA body concerned. The original version that was placed before the parliament in August was a virtual outline for establishment of theocratic fascism. It would have given the prime minister powers, first, to enforce what he thought was right and to prohibit what he considered was wrong in Islam and Shariat, irrespective of what the constitution or any judgment of the courts said; secondly, to make future amendments to the constitution with unprecedented ease, by a simple parliamentary majority of those present and voting; and, thirdly, to punish any state official (which obviously included any member of the judiciary or the armed forces) for what he regarded as dereliction of duty in that respect. A revised draft, since passed by the Lower House by the requisite two-thirds majority, dropped the latter two provisions. But even the first one that it retains provisions that would give the prime minister all the powers he needs to do his will.

The CA-15 adds a new Article 2B in the constitution: (1) The Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Holy Prophet (PBH) shall be the supreme law of Pakistan. Explanation: In the application of this clause to the personal law of any Muslim set, the expression “Quran and Sunnah” shall mean the Quran and Sunnah as interpreted by that sect. (2) The Federal Government shall be under an obligation to take steps to enforce the Shariat, to establish Salat, to administer Zakat, to promote amr bil ma’roof and nahi anil munkar (to prescribe what is right and to forbid what is wrong), to eradicate corruption at all levels and to provide substantial socio-economic justice, in accordance with the principles of Islam, as laid down in the Holy Quran and Sunnah. (3) Nothing contained in the Article shall affect the personal law, religious freedom, traditions or customs of non-Muslims and their status as citizens. (4) The provisions of this Article shall be effective notwithstanding anything contained in the constitution, any law or judgment of any court.

The addition of Article 2B in the constitution which says that Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Holy Prophet (PBH) shall be the “supreme law” of Pakistan, overrides all law. The clause (2) will give the federal government wide executive powers. Under clause (4) whatever the government wants to do, it will do in the grab of Shariat which cannot be challenged. What alarmed wide sections of public opinion was the fear that with no consensus amongst even the religious parties as to what the supremacy of the Shariat implied, the government was opening a Pandora’s box which would lead to further schisms in a society already reeling under the pressure of sectarian strife.

The National Assembly, on Oct. 9, 1998, passed the 15th Constitutional Amendment bill with 151 votes. 16 votes were cast against it while the main ally of the ruling Pakistan Muslim League, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), remained absent from the session. Though the government managed to scuttle the dissent from within the ruling party by brining an amended draft, it could not win over the support of independents, Jamiat-I-Ulema Islam and five minority members. The house voted a revised draft, delivered to the opposition parties only one day before the vote, hence it was not properly debated neither by the National Assembly nor by the people at large. The concession offered by the government, by deleting the proposal to rewrite Article 239, regarding constitutional amendments through simple majority, was seen an eyewash.

With its overwhelming majority in the National Assembly, it was not a problem for the government to have the amendment passed there but it was another matter in the Senate where the ruling party lacked the requisite majority. The Senate resolved not to accord to the bill when presented for vote. The prime minister responded by going about castigating that body, urging people to force the hands of the senators, and calling on mullahs to run all critics of the bill to earth. Nawaz Sharif called at public forums that it was the duty of the public to force the erring members of the Senate to pass the so-called Shariat Bill. He argued that the Senate, an indirectly elected house, had no justification for opposing the Shariat bill and that the passage of the bill by the National Assembly, elected directly, reflected the national aspirations.

THE SHARIAT ENFORCEMENT ACT 1991

As the National Assembly passed the 15th constitutional amendment, or the so-called the Shariat Bill, an Act for the enforcement of Shariat has already been in force in the country since June 18, 1991 with almost similar provisions except that the Act does not amend the Constitution whereas the CA-15 seeks to amend the Constitution by adding Article 2B in it. The Shariat Enforcement Act was introduced as a bill by the then government of Nawaz Sharif in 1991 in the two houses of parliament and was passed with a simple majority.

Earlier, the Senate had passed another Shariat Bill called “The Enforcement of Shariat” as a private members bill on May 13, 1990 during the first government of Benazir Bhutto with two-thirds majority in the Upper House with the aim of maintaining law and order and Islamic equality in the society. The Bill, as an ordinary bill, was moved by Qazi Abdul Latif and Maulana Samiul Haq in the Senate. After its adoption by two-thirds majority in the Senate, the bill was transmitted to the National Assembly for adoption. But President Ghulam Ishaq Khan dissolved the then National Assembly and the bill lapsed with the dissolution of the assembly.

After the lapse of the Shariat Bill of Qazi Abdul Latif and Maulana Samiul Haq, the then government of Nawaz Sharif introduced the Enforcement of Shariat Bill in the two houses of parliament in 1991. The bill was adopted by simple majority and it duly became an Act after its assent by the president. The Shariat Act was notified in the Gazette of Pakistan on June 18, 1991 and since then it has been in force. Section 4 of the Act seeks interpretation of all laws in the light of Shariat. Section 5 puts parliament under obligation to formulate a code of conduct for the government. The Act also seeks establishment of commissions for Islamization of educational and economic systems and media in addition to elimination of corruption, bribery and obscenity and ensuring an order based on “Amr Bil Ma’roof and Nahi Anil Munkar.”

CONSTITUTIONAL ARTICLES RELATED TO ISLAM

Besides the Shariat Act of 1991, the following articles of the constitution are related to the implementation of Islamic principles in the country:

Preamble: “It is will of the people of Pakistan to establish an order wherein the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance, and social justice as enumerated by Islam shall be fully observed and wherein Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in accordance with the teachings and requirements of Islam as set out in the Holy Quran and Sunnah”‘

Article 2: Islam shall be the state religion of Pakistan.

Article 2A: The principles and provisions set out in the Objectives Resolution are made a substantive part of the Constitution and shall have effect accordingly.

Article 31: Steps shall be taken to enable the Muslims of Pakistan individually and collectively to order their lives in accordance with the fundamental principles and basic concepts of Islam and to provide facilities whereby they may be enabled to understand the meaning of life according to the Holy Quran and Sunnah.

The State shall take steps to make teaching of the Holy Quran compulsory and to promote unity and observance of Islamic moral standards and secure the proper organization of Zakat, Ushr, Auqaf and Mosques.

Article 227: Provides that all existing laws shall be brought in conformity with the injunctions of Islam as laid down in the Holy Quran and Sunnah and no law shall be enacted which is repugnant to such injunctions of Islam.

Article 228: Provides for the constitution of the Council of Islamic Ideology while Article 230 prescribes the functions of the Islamic Council. This council has been functioning since 1985.

The main objection against the 15th Amendment is that it is totally unnecessary. There is nothing in the constitution, which forbids any government from enforcing true Islamic principles or spreading the true spirit of Islam. The so-called Shariat Bill 1998 has only deepened the religious divide and brought an already fragile federation under further strain.

ISLAMIZATION

The NWFP government, on Jan. 16, 1999, promulgated Islamic laws in the Malakand Division and Kohistan districts of Hazara Division. Malakand Division consists of Swat, Buner, Chitral and Dir districts. The Islamic laws were introduced through the Nifaz-i-Nizam-i-Shariat Regulation and Nizam-i-Adl Ordinance 1999 by Lt. Gen. Arif Bangash, the Governor of NWFP. The new regulation will replace the Provincial Administered Tribal Areas (PATA) regulations that were introduced in the area at the time of these areas at the time of merger with Pakistan. The Ismaeli community of Chitral, that forms about 35 per cent of the total population, has vigorously protested against the introduction of Islamic regulations.

Tanzeem-I-Islam chief Dr. Israr Ahmad resigns (April 13, 1999) from the chairmanship of the Ulema Committee set up by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to restore sectarian peace to the country. His resignation came in the wake of a rift in the committee after its meetings. The 10-member committee suggested two bills to combat sectarian violence. On of the proposed laws envisaged severe punishment to any person or sect, which publishes or propagates anything against the Khulfai Rshideen and Ahle Bait.

The Council of Islamic Ideology declares (May 11, 1999) lucrative prize schemes launched by major nationalized and private banks as un-Islamic and said these schemes fell into the category of Riba and gambling. The CII informed the Ministry of Finance that the Crorepati Scheme of the Habib Bank and the Maala Maal Price Scheme of the Muslim Commercial Bank were un-Islamic and instigated the people to become millionaires overnight.

Nineteen years after the Zakat and Ushr Ordinance was promulgated by General Ziaul Haq and nine years after the Sindh High Court had struck down its Zakat provisions as manifestly discriminatory, the Supreme Court upheld (March 9, 1999) the Sindh High Court judgement and rejected the appeal of the federal government. The Supreme Court ruled that members of all “Fiqhs” were entitled to exemption from Zakat deduction from their holdings, and the government had no power to reject the declaration on the ground that he/she did not belong to Fiqh-e-Jafria.

The Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) decides (May 6, 1999) to submit a reference to the president to direct the Supreme Judicial Council for removal of a Sindh High Court judge for passing remarks against a Quranic law of inheritance. In an inheritance dispute case, Justice Shafiq Usmani remarked that law of inheritance as pronounced in verses No. 11-14 of Al Nisa was mutable and liable to amendment. According to the judge, the reason behind the concept of immutability of these laws was only male chauvinistic attitudes.

A man condemned to death for murder by an ‘Islamic Court’ in Orakzai Agency was publicly executed by his brother and uncle on Dec. 13, 1998.

RIBA OR INTEREST

The Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court, on Feb. 24, 1999, dismissed the application of the government to withdraw its appeal against the Federal Shariat Court (FSC) judgment declaring interest-based banking as un-Islamic. The government had filed an application in the Supreme Court in June 1997 seeking withdrawal of its appeal against FSC judgment.

The government informed the Shariat Appellate Bench that it had already approached the FSC for seeking its guidelines to modify the existing banking system on the Islamic lines. The five-member bench, headed by Justice Khalilur Rehman Khan, observed that the court could not delay the proceedings any more as the appeals were pending in the Supreme Court since 1992. Justice Khan said: “We have to see what is Riba. The matter of concern not only to Pakistan but to the whole of Muslim Ummah.” The court directed the Foreign Office to make arrangements for inviting six experts on Islamic banking from different Islamic countries.

During the hearing, the SC was informed that even if it upheld the verdict of the FSC, declaring interest as Riba, it could not eliminate interest-based transactions from the country as there were a number of laws, which were not considered by the court. Dr. Waqar Masood, an economist, who was invited to assist the court on the complex economic issues, presented a list of 25 laws, which were not considered by the FSC judgment.

Justice Khaliflur Rehman Khan observed that time had come to change the system and those mere discussions on its failure would not help. He said no body wanted to pay taxes and it was high time to change the system. “We cannot go on clamoring that the system has failed; we have to change it.”

SUPREME COURT UPHOLDS RIBA VERDICT

On 23 December 1999, the Supreme Court outlawed ‘interest’ in every form and called by whatever name and laid down elaborate guidelines for a completely interest-free economy by June 2001, after dismissing government and bank appeals against a 1992 Federal Shariat Court judgment.

The transactions declared un-Islamic and, therefore, unconstitutional include mark-up, murabaha, bai’ muajjal (deferred sale) and any so-called interest-free modes insofar as elements of Riba (usury and interest) have crept into them.

Any amount, big or small, over and above the principal in a loan or barter transaction, whether obtained for consumption or for commercial or productive activity, is prohibited by the Holy Quran, a Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court comprising Justices Khalilur Rehman Khan, Munir A. Sheikh, Wajihuddin Ahmed and Maulana Muhammad Taqi Usmani (member) held unanimously.

Justice Ahmed, however, expressed his reservations in a separate 98-page note about some of the findings and conclusions of the 716-page majority judgment authored by Justice Khan and concurred with by Justices Sheikh and Usmani (who also wrote a 277- page elaborative note). The order of the court is spread over 106 pages.

The domestic inter-government borrowings as well as the borrowings of the federal government from the State Bank shall be interest free. The federal finance ministry was ordered to form a task force to find out ways to convert the domestic borrowings into project-related financing and to establish a mutual fund that may finance the government on that basis.

The units of the mutual fund may be purchased by the public and they will be tradable in the secondary market on the basis of net asset value. The certificates of the existing bonds and savings schemes shall be converted into the units of the proposed mutual fund.

As for foreign borrowings, serious efforts shall be made by the government to relieve the nation of the burden of foreign debt as soon as possible and to renegotiate the existing loans. Foreign financial assistance, if necessary, should henceforth be sought and accepted on the basis of Islamic modes of financing.

The judgment called for a phased repeal or amendment of the interest-based provisions of the Civil Procedure Code, the Land Acquisition Act, the negotiable Instruments Act, the Co-op Societies Act, the Insurance Act, the State Bank of Pakistan Act, the Banking Companies Ordinance, the Banks Nationalisation Act, the recovery laws and other enactments. The Interest Act and the money lending laws and rules shall, however, cease to have effect on March 31, 2000.

FSC orders changes in 4 sections of Muslim Family Laws Ordinance

The Federal Shariat Court, on Jan 5, 2000, declared some articles of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961 as un-Islamic and directed the President of Pakistan to take steps to amend the Family Laws on share of orphan in grandfather’s property, registration of Nikah, polygamy and divorce to bring provisions in conformity with the injunctions of Islam.

The court delivered its judgment in 38 petitions challenging Sections 4 (share of orphan in the heritage of grandfather), 5 (registration of nikah), 6 (polygamy) and 7 (divorce) of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance. The hearing of petitions regarding controversial sections of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance was continuing since 1993.

The Section 4 of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance was declared repugnant to the injunctions of Islam as direct inheritance out of grandfather’s heritage is not provided for the orphan in Islam. The existing provision in the law held repugnant to the injunctions of Islam shall cease to have effect from the 21st of March 2000. Section-4 had redressed this manifest unfairness by giving them their deceased parent’s share. In striking it down, the court has taken the orthodox view that grandchildren are not among the prescribed hierarchy of legal heirs of their grandparents and, consequently, cannot inherit from them by right.

But the court, too, could not ignore the traumatic situation which had necessitated section-4 in the first place. Islam lays great stress on the protection of orphans by society. This being the injunction for any orphan, it is a travesty of justice to inflict deprivation on those within the family. To prevent that, the Federal Shariat Court has devised a twofold recipe. It has counseled grandparents to leave behind a will in favour of orphaned grandchildren (not exceeding the entitlement of their deceased parent). Realising that there may not be a will by the grandparents, the court has advised the government to enact a law to the effect that such a will “shall be deemed to have been created”.

The court decided that polygamy, restricted under section 6, was within the injunctions of Islam. However, Islamic injunctions lay all the emphasis on “Adal” (equity) and fair play by the husband towards his wives. The court held that misuse of the permission granted by Almighty Allah to have more than one wife, could be checked by adopting suitable measures. The court proposed the setting up of an Arbitration Council to be approached by aggrieved wife or her guardian in case there was a complaint of injustice.

The FSC held that Section 7 of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance was violative of the Islamic injunctions to the extent that divorce should tend to take effect till the expiry of 90-day notice provided in the section. The court held that Islamic injunctions should be fully respected and there was no need to maintain provision of 90 days notice. The court further held that the period of Iddat could be clearly derived from the “Ayaat” of the Holy Quran which catered for situations of all types.

Under section-7(3), a divorce did not take effect until 90 days after a written notice thereof was delivered by the husband to the chairman of the local Arbitration Council. The Shariat Court was actuated by the possibility of the husband pronouncing divorce but not informing the chairman–thus keeping the divorcee in “suspended animation”. With the elimination of section-7(3) divorce has been given instant effect–even if orally or improperly pronounced. Also nullified is the intercession of the council, and the mandatory moratorium.

The Shariat Court has upheld section-5, which makes registration of marriages compulsory and violation thereof punishable with three months in jail and/or a thousand rupees fine (in fact, the court has recommended enhancement of this punishment). Thus, compulsory registration of marriages but not of divorces is seen as a contradiction created by the court decision.

Hegemony of the Ruling Elite in Pakistan By Abdus Sattar Ghazali

شدت پسندی میں مدارس کا کردار
آخری وقت اشاعت: پير, 11 جنوری, 2010, 19:22 GMT 00:22 PST
http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/2010/01/100110_punjab_ijaz2_zee.shtml

اعجاز مہر
بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، اسلام آباد

پاکستان میں شعیہ، بریلوی اور دیوبندی سمیت پانچ مکاتب فکر کے رجسٹرڈ مدارس کی تعداد بیس ہزار کے قریب ہے: محمد حنیف جالندھری

گزشتہ چند ماہ سے پنجابی طالبان کا بڑا چرچہ ہور ہا ہے اور اس میں جنوبی پنجاب کا ذکر بڑھ چڑھ کر ہوتا رہا ہے۔ سرائیکی پٹی میں شدت پسند پنجابی طالبان کے تعلق کے بارے میں حقائق جاننے کے لیے نامہ نگار اعجاز مہر نے بھکر، لیہ، ڈیرہ غازی خان، راجن پور، مظفر گڑھ اور ملتان میں جاکر مختلف شعبہ ہائے زندگی کے لوگوں سے بات کی اور ایک خصوصی سیریز ترتیب دی ہے۔ جنوبی پنجاب میں شدت پسندی حقیقت اور افسانہ کے نام سے مرتب کردہ اس سیریز کی یہ دوسری قسط دینی مدارس کا شدت پسندی میں کردار اور مدارس کی فنڈنگ کے بارے میں ہے۔(ایڈیٹر)

پاکستان میں اسلامی تعلیم دینے والے مدارس کی تعداد ہر سال بڑھ رہی ہے۔ پاکستان میں شعیہ، بریلوی اور دیوبندی سمیت پانچ مکاتب فکر کے رجسٹرڈ مدارس کی تعداد اتحادِ تنظیمات مدارس کے ایک سرکردہ رہنما مولانا محمد حنیف جالندھری کے مطابق بیس ہزار کے قریب ہے۔ جس میں بیس لاکھ کے قریب طلبا و طالبات زیر تعلیم ہیں۔ انہوں نے بتایا کہ مدارس میں طلبا اور طالبات کی تعداد تقریباً برابر ہی ہے۔

پاکستان میں اسی کی دہائی میں جب ریاستی سرپرستی میں جہاد افغانستان شروع ہوا تو کئی مدارس نے اس میں کلیدی کردار ادا کیا۔ بعد میں کشمیر جہاد میں لڑنے کے لیے بھی زیادہ تر لوگ مدارس سے ہی ملتے رہے۔ لیکن موجودہ پاکستانی طالبان نے جب پرتشدد کارروائیوں کا آغاز کیا تو اس میں بھی بعض مدارس کی طرف ہی انگلیاں اُٹھتی ہیں۔

جنوبی پنجاب میں زیادہ تر مدارس جمیعت علماء اسلام فضل الرحمٰن گروپ کے ہیں:تاج محمد لنگاہ

پاکستان سرائیکی پارٹی کے رہنما تاج محمد لنگاہ کہتے ہیں کہ جنوبی پنجاب میں زیادہ تر مدارس جمیعت علماء اسلام فضل الرحمٰن گروپ کے ہیں۔ ’جو طالبان افغانستان ہیں اور جو طالبان پاکستان ہیں وہ جے یو آئی سے ہیں۔ سپاہ صحابہ اور ان کا لشکر جھنگوی، ختم نبوت تحریک جو احمدیوں کی جانی دشمن ہے وہ اور جیش محمد یہ سب جے یو آئی ہیں۔ سرائیکی خطہ جو ہے وہ تنظیمی حساب سے جے یو آئی کا گڑھ ہے جو وہاں سے (صوبہ سرحد اور فاٹا) بھرتی کرنے کے لیے آدمی آتا ہے اُسے وہ چٹھی دیتے ہیں۔‘

لیکن مدارس کے ذریعے شدت پسندوں کی بھرتی کے تاثر کو جے یو آئی کے مقامی رہنما اور بھکر کے ایک بڑے مدرسےکے مہتمم مولانا صفیع اللہ رد کرتے ہیں۔ ’مدارس کے خلاف الزام تو لگتے ہیں لیکن ثبوت نہیں پیش کیا جاتا۔ تشدد مدارس میں موجود نہیں ہے اور نہ ہی ایسی کوئی تعلیم دی جاتی ہے۔‘ جب انہیں سوات کے مولاناا فضل اللہ اور طالبان رہنما بیت اللہ محسود کی طرف توجہ مبذول کروائی کہ ان کا تعلق بھی تو مدارس سے ہے تو مولانا صفیع اللہ نے کہا کہ یہ دونوں ایک سازش کا نتیجہ ہیں انہوں نے مدارس کی بنیاد پر کوئی قدم نہیں اٹھایا۔

تاج محمد لنگاہ مولانا صفیع اللہ کے موقف کو چیلینج کرتے ہوئے بتایا کہ ملتان کے قریب مسہ کوٹھہ میں واقع ایک مدرسے نے سات سو بچے ملا عمر کے ساتھ لڑنے کے لیے افغانستان بھیجے اور جے یو آئی کے بلوچستان کے دو وزیر اس مدرسے کی انتظامیہ کا شکریہ ادا کرنے آئے۔

مدارس میں جہاد کی تربیت نہیں دی جاتی البتہ مدارس سے جہاد کے لیے بچے چنے جاتے ہیں، مدارس کے استاد لڑکوں کو جہاد کی طرف لے جانے میں کلیدی کردار ادا کرتے ہیں۔ جس طرح تبلیغی جماعت والے راہ ہموار کرتے ہیں اس طرح مدارس بھی لڑکے تیار کرتے ہیں اور پھر جہادی نیٹ ورکس جا کر اپنا بیج بوتے ہیں
ڈاکٹر عائشہ صدیقہ
مدارس کے شدت پسندی میں ملوث ہونے کے بارے میں سیاسی امور کی تجزیہ کار ڈاکٹر عائشہ صدیقہ کہتی ہیں کہ مدارس میں جہاد کی تربیت نہیں دی جاتی البتہ مدارس سے جہاد کے لیے بچے چنے جاتے ہیں، مدارس کے استاد لڑکوں کو جہاد کی طرف لے جانے میں کلیدی کردار ادا کرتے ہیں۔ جس طرح تبلیغی جماعت والے راہ ہموار کرتے ہیں اس طرح مدارس بھی لڑکے تیار کرتے ہیں اور پھر جہادی نیٹ ورکس جا کر اپنا بیج بوتے ہیں۔

تاج محمد لنگاہ کہتے ہیں کہ سرائیکی علاقے میں اہل حدیث مسلک کا بھی مضبوط نیٹ ورک ہے۔ ان کے مطابق اہل حدیث کو سعودی عرب والے پیسے دیتے ہیں اور یہ بہت امیر ترین لوگ ہیں۔ ’اہل حدیث باضابطہ سعودی عرب کی ایک سیاسی جماعت ہے۔۔۔ بھٹو دور میں یہ سوشلزم کے خلاف کام کرتی تھی اب جمہوریت کے خلاف کام کرتی ہے۔ ان کے پاس اسلحہ بھی ہے۔‘

ڈیرہ غازی خان میں طالبات کے لیے اہل حدیث کا ایک بہت بڑا مدرسہ ہے۔ ایک بڑے کمپلیکس نما عمارت میں اٹھارہ سو طالبات کی تعلیم، رہائش اور خوراک کا بھی اہتمام ہے۔ اس مدرسے کی انتظامیہ کی رکن عامصمہ نورین نے بتایا کہ ان کے مدرسے کا الحاق حکومتی بورڈ سے ہے اور تمام سائنسی مضامین کے ساتھ ساتھ دینی تعلیم بھی دی جاتی ہے۔ ’ہمارے ہاں بچیوں کی پڑھائی کسی حکومتی یا نجی سکول سے کم نہیں۔ نتیجہ بھی بہت اچھا آتا ہے۔‘

اہل حدیث اور سلفی مکتب فکر سے کشمیر جہاد میں سرگرم کالعدم لشکرِ طیبہ کی نظریاتی وابستگی بھی اِسی مسلک سے ہے۔ لیکن سلفی مدارس کی انتظامیہ کالعدم تنظیم لشکر طیبہ سے لاتعلقی ظاہر کرتی ہے۔ تاہم وہ سیاسی طور پر مسلم لیگ نواز سے جڑے ہونے کی تصدیق کرتے ہیں۔

ڈیرہ غازی خان میں اہل حدیث کا ایک بہت بڑا طالبات کا مدرسہ ہے

حکومت نے مدارس میں جدید تعلیم کے اصلاحات بھی متعارف کروائے ہیں۔ لیکن محمد حنیف جالندھری کہتے ہیں کہ اکثر مدارس نے حکومتی امداد کے بنا ہی دنیاوی تعلیم کا اہتمام کیا ہے۔ انہوں نے ملتان میں واقع اپنے مدرسے خیرالمدارس کے بارے میں بتایا کہ وہاں کپڑے سلائی کرنے، کمپیوٹر، الیکٹریشن اور دیگر فنی کورسز بھی کروائے جاتے ہیں۔

پاکستان میں بیس ہزار سے زیادہ مدارس میں بیس لاکھ کے قریب طلباء و طالبات زیر تعلیم ہیں اور انہیں مفت تعلیم، کھانا اور رہائش فراہم کی جاتی ہے۔ ایسے میں مدارس پر اٹھنے والے اربوں روپے کے اخراجات کے متعلق بھی سوال اٹھتے ہیں کہ آخر اتنی بڑی رقم ان کے پاس آتی کہاں سے ہے؟۔ اس بارے میں عائشہ صدیقہ کہتی ہیں کہ مدارس کے لیے فنڈنگ کا کوئی مسئلہ نہیں ہے۔ ان کے مطابق زکوۃ کے علاوہ بیرون ملک سے انہیں بڑا پیسہ ملتا ہے اور رمضان میں مولوی حضرات جہاز بھر بھر کر سعودی عرب اس کام کے لیے بھی جاتے ہیں۔ ’مدارس کو ملنے والے پیسے کی جانچ پڑتال کا کوئی قانون ہے اور نہ کوئی حکومت ان سے پوچھ سکتی ہے۔‘ ڈاکٹر عائشہ نے بتایا کہ قانون کے مطابق کہیں بھی مسجد اور مدرسہ اکٹھا نہیں کھولا جاسکتا اور بہاولپور کے ایک افسر نے اس پر عمل کرانے کے اقدامات کیے تو ان کا تبادلہ ہوگیا۔

مدارس کے لیے فنڈنگ کا کوئی مسئلہ نہیں ہے۔ زکواۃ کے علاوہ بیرون ملک سے انہیں بڑا پیسہ ملتا ہے اور رمضان میں مولوی حضرات جہاز بھر بھر کر سعودی عرب اس کام کے لیے بھی جاتے ہیں۔مدارس کو ملنے والے پیسے کی جانچ پڑتال کا کوئی قانون ہے اور نہ کوئی حکومت ان سے پوچھ سکتی ہے۔‘ ڈاکٹر عائشہ نے بتایا کہ قانون کے مطابق کہیں بھی مسجد اور مدرسہ اکٹھا نہیں کھولا جاسکتا اور بہاولپور کے ایک افسر نے اس پر عمل کرانے کے اقدامات کیے تو ان کا تبادلہ ہوگیا
ڈاکٹر عائشہ صدیقہ
پاکستان میں آج کل جو جہاں چاہے مدرسہ کھول کر بیٹھ سکتا ہے اور اس طرح کی صورتحال پر کئی لوگوں کو اعتراض بھی ہے۔ مظفر گڑھ کے ایک سماجی کارکن اور کاروباری شخص شیخ راشد کہتے ہیں کہ نئے مدارس کے قیام کے لیے حکومت سے منظوری لینے کو لازم بنایا جائے۔ ’جہاں جس مولوی کا دل کرتا ہے وہ گلی محلے میں مدرسہ کھول کر بیٹھ جاتا ہے اور پھر بچوں سے بھیک منگواتا ہے۔ ایسے مدرسے پھر غلط کاموں میں بھی پڑ جاتے ہیں۔ لہٰذا حکومت اور وفاق المدارس مشترکہ طور پر بورڈ بنائیں کہ جو مدرسے کھولے اس سے پوچھیں کے ان کے پاس وسائل ہیں یا نہیں۔

لیکن محمد حنیف جالندھری کہتے ہیں کہ ان کے مدرسے کا تیس لاکھ تک ماہانہ خرچہ ہے جو وہ مخیر حضرات سے ملنے والی زکوۃ اور صدقات سے پورے کرتے ہیں۔ انہوں نے بیرونی یا حکومتی امداد ملنے کی نفی کی۔ انہوں نے بتایا کہ مدارس کے قیام کے لیے سوسائٹی ایکٹ ہے لیکن اس پر عمل نہیں کیا جاتا۔

مدارس کو ایک ضابطہ کار میں لانے کے لیے قانون کی عملداری سے شاید کچھ بہتری آئے لیکن کچھ دانشوروں کا خیال ہے کہ شدت پسندی کے خاتمے کے لیے وسیع تر اقدامات کی ضرورت ہے۔ ایسی ہی رائے ہے سرائیکی خطے کے ایک دانشور محمود نظامی کی جو کہتے ہیں کہ اس کے لیے نظریاتی جنگ کی ضرورت ہے۔ ’مسلمان ممالک کا المیہ یہ ہے کہ وہ شدت پسندی کے خلاف نظریاتی جنگ کے لیے تیار نہیں۔ پاکستان میں مسئلہ دہشت گردی کا ہے اور پنجاب حکومت چھاپے قحبہ خانوں پر مار رہی ہے۔ اس سے تو انتہا پسندی کو فروغ ملے گا۔ویسے بھی مسلم لیگ نواز شریف کا بڑا حلقہ مذہبی لوگوں کا ہے اور وہ ظاہر ہے کہ اپنے ووٹرز کو ناراض نہیں کرنا چاہیں گے۔‘

کاروباری شخص شیخ راشد

پاکستان میں یہ حقیقت ہے کہ بیشتر مدارس کا شدت پسندی سے کوئی تعلق نہیں ہے۔ لیکن کچھ مدارس ایسے ضرور ہیں جو جہادیوں کی تیاری، شدت پسندوں کو کسی نہ کسی طور پر سہولیات فراہم کرنے میں ملوث سمجھے جاتے ہیں۔ بعض تجزیہ کار کہتے ہیں کہ شدت پسندی میں ملوث کچھ ایسے مدارس بھی ہیں جنہیں قومی سلامتی سے متعلق کچھ ریاستی اداروں کی پشت پناہی حاصل ہے۔ ان کا کہنا ہے کہ جب تک پاکستان کی سیاسی قیادت اور سکیورٹی اسٹیبلشمینٹ متفقہ طور پر شدت پسند گروہوں کے خلاف کوئی ٹھوس اور واضح پالیسی پر عمل پیرا نہیں ہوگی اس وقت تک شدت پسندی کا مکمل خاتمہ ممکن نہیں۔

اگلی قسط میں آپ یہ تفصیل پڑھیں گے کہ پنجابی طالبان ہیں کون۔ کیا ان کا تعلق جنوبی پنجاب یا سرائیکی علاقے سے ہے یا اصل مسئلہ کچھ اور ہے؟!

LeT commander furious at JuD chief By Amir Mir Thursday, January 15, 2009

http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=19630

LAHORE: Chief operational commander of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LT) Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi, arrested on December 10 by the Pakistani authorities in the wake of the Mumbai attacks, is furious at the Jamaat-ud-Daawa (JuD) leadership’s decision to publicly disown him in his hour of trial instead of trying to bail him out.

According to circles close to the Pakistani authorities, involved in grilling Lakhvi to ascertain whether the LT is actually involved in the Mumbai mayhem, the commander is extremely hurt by a recent statement from a JuD spokesman that both the arrested Lashkar leaders Zakiur Rehman and Zarar Shah never had any link with either Hafiz Mohammad Saeed or the JuD.

In a bid to shield Saeed, JuD spokesman Abdullah Muntazir told the Times of India on January 9, 2008: “In any case, Lakhvi and Zarar, the two men India is talking about, were never associated with the JuD, which has always been into charity work only.”

It had been conveyed by Hafiz Saeed himself in the wake of the Mumbai terror strikes, the spokesman said, adding there were elements in the Pakistan government that wanted to target religious organisations. Circles close to Hafiz Saeed say there was nothing new in the JuD spokesman’s stance as its leadership had repeatedly denied any link with them.

But a former LT office-bearer — now a part of the JuD — confirmed on condition of anonymity that Lakhvi was extremely upset over the U-turn taken by his former close associates and complains they had abandoned him at a time when he desperately needed their backing.

Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi, alias Abu Waheed Irshad Ahmad, comes from the Okara district of the Punjab province. Ajmal Amir Kasab, the lone Mumbai attacker caught alive by the Indian authorities, belongs to the same area.

Born on December 30, 1960 to the lower middle class family of Hafiz Azizur Rehman in Chak No. 18 of Rinala Khurd in Okara, Lakhvi is considered to be a close associate of Hafiz Saeed and has been named by Ajmal Kasab as his trainer as well as the planner of the Mumbai carnage. While Pakistan has already turned down an Indian demand for Lakhvi’s extradition despite American pressure, the JuD has deemed it fit to disown him.

In 1988, Abu Abdur Rahman Sareehi, a Saudi national and allegedly a close associate of Osama bin Laden, founded in Afghanistan’s eastern province of Kunar an organisation which recruited Afghan youths and Pakistanis from the Bajaur Agency to fight Soviet occupation troops in the Central Asian country.

Sareehi, the brother-in-law of Zaki Lakhvi, is believed to have contributed a hefty amount of Rs10 million to the construction of the Muridke headquarters of the Lashkar-i-Taiba, called the Markaz Daawa Wal Irshad, way back in 1988. The organisation flourished in Kunar and Bajaur areas as thousands of youths from Pakistan belonging to the Deobandi Salafi school of thought instantly joined its camps set up in Afghan provinces of Kunar and Paktia, both of which had a sizable number of Ahle Hadith (Wahabi) followers of Islam, besides hundreds of Saudis and Afghans.

International media reports say Zaki Lakhvi was one of the main trainers at the Kunar camp of anti-Soviet militants. As the Lashkar had joined the Afghan jihad at a time it was winding down, the group did not play a major part in the fight against the Soviet forces, which pulled out in 1989.

However, the participation of the Lashkar cadres in the Afghan jihad helped its leaders, particularly Hafiz Saeed and Zaki Lakhvi, win the trust of the Pakistani establishment. The insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, beginning in 1989, came at an appropriate time to provide an active battleground for the Lashkar fighters when its leadership was made to divert its attention from Afghanistan and devote itself to the jihad in Kashmir, where it gained fame.

As Lakhvi was subsequently made the supreme commander of the military operations in Jammu and Kashmir, his prime responsibility was to identify young men and indoctrinate them in jihad.

In an April 1999 interview to an English daily from Muzzaffarabad, Lakhvi said: “We are extending our Mujahideen networks across India and preparing the Muslims of India against India. When they are ready, it will be the start of the break-up of India.” A few months later, at the three-day annual congregation of the LT held at its Muridke headquarters, 30 kilometres from Lahore, Lakhvi justified the launching of fidayeen missions in Jammu and Kashmir.

He continued: “Following Pakistani withdrawal from the Kargil heights and the Nawaz-Clinton statement in Washington, it was important to boost the morale of the Kashmiri people… These fidayeen missions have been initiated to teach India a lesson as they were celebrating Pakistani withdrawal from Kargil. And let me tell you very clearly that our next target would be New Delhi.” Incidentally, the Indian parliament was attacked later on December 13, 2001.

Subsequently, the US State Department declared the Lashkar a terrorist outfit, followed by a similar decision by the Musharraf regime. The LT later renamed itself as Jamaat-ud-Daawa (JuD) in a bid to separate its military actions in Kashmir from its religious undertakings in Pakistan. While stepping down as the Lashkar ameer at a press conference in Lahore on December 23, 2001, Hafiz Saeed appointed Maulana Abdul Wahid Kashmiri as his successor. But Lakhvi was retained as the supreme operational commander of the LT.

However, differences soon erupted between Saeed and Lakhvi over distribution of the organisation’s assets, prompting the latter to revolt against Saeed and launch his own splinter group with the name of Khairun Naas (KuN). Their animosity grew to the extent that some of the Zaki-led rebel group members — largely consisting of LT fighters — reportedly took oath to assassinate Hafiz Saeed.

According to Saeed’s aides, he first came under fire from Zaki when he decided to launch JuD and separated the LT infrastructure from the Jamaat. Lakhvi, being the chief operational commander of the LT, disapproved of the decision, saying it was meant to put the JuD in control of all the funds collected locally and abroad. He was of the view that as heavy donations were being collected in the name of the Kashmir jihad from all over Pakistan as well as abroad, the JuD leadership had no right to the money because it was only a preaching organisation.

Sources close to Lakhvi revealed many of the dissident aides to Saeed were basically annoyed at his second marriage with a fallen mujahid’s 28-year-old widow. Saeed was 58 at the time of his marriage and had justified his act by saying the wedding was only meant to provide shelter to the widow of the fighter, who had lost his life in Jammu and Kashmir and had left behind two kids.

However, a year later, Saeed and Lakhvi were made to mend fences and the two were the best of friends at the time of the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks. But Zaki Lakhvi had already moved the LT headquarters from Muridke to Muzaffarabad by then. In July 2006, the Indian authorities alleged that Azam Cheema, a LT operative accused of being the ring leader in the 2006 bombing of the Mumbai rail network [that killed over 200 people] was trained and sent to the Indian port city by Lakhvi.

The Mumbai police commissioner then claimed that an arrested militant, Abu Anas, has confessed to being the bodyguard of Lakhvi. In May 2008, the US Treasury Department announced freezing the assets of four LT leaders including Lakhvi. In October, 2007, Lakhvi’s 20-year-old son Mohammad Qasim was reportedly killed in an encounter with the security forces at the Gamaroo village in Jammu and Kashmir’s Bandipora area.

In the aftermath of the Mumbai attacks, the Indian authorities alleged Zaki Lakhvi, usually based in Muzaffarabad, had moved to Karachi in August 2008, the port city from where LT militants set off, so he could direct operations. The sole survivor of the Mumbai attacks, Ajmal Kasab, apparently told police Lakhvi had helped indoctrinate all the attackers.

On December 3, 2008, India finally named him as one of four major planners behind the Mumbai terror attacks. And that he had allegedly offered to pay the Kasab family Rs150,000 for his participation in the assaults. On December 7, 2008, the Pakistani security forces arrested Lakhvi after raiding the JuD headquarters in Muzaffarabad.

The Indian dossier handed over to Pakistan on January 5 includes transcription of intercepted telephonic conversation between the Mumbai attackers and Lakhvi. However, circles close to the arrested LT chief operational commander reject the Indian dossier as a pack of lies and insist Lakhvi has nothing to do with the Mumbai strikes.

thanks, Omar.

@ Naureen

Before suggesting anyone else to get a brain, get a pair of eyes. Did you read this part of the post:

Waqas Akram also got unexpected support from a member of Rana Sanaullah’s own party Rashid Akbar Niwani who described how the police of his district Bhakkar are helpless to arrest this militant leader. He even went so far as to say that “This is ‘Azaab-i-Elahi’ (divine torment) we are nurturing” As Raja Asghar notes in his report, Niwani was himself wounded in a suicide attack at his home which might explain his bold stance against his own party member.

Also please Rana Sanaullah’s own statement regarding this allegation:
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=20102\24\story_24-2-2010_pg13_8

Replying to a question about his contacts with a banned religious organisation based in Jhang, Sanaullah said all members of the Jamaatud Dawa and the Sipah-e-Sahaba were not terrorists. He said several Sipah-e-Sahaba members were registered voters in Jhang, and “I met their leader, Muhammad Ahmad Ludhianvi, twice to secure votes for the upcoming by-elections”. He said his political opponents had also met Sipah-e-Sahaba members while campaigning for the
by-elections.

Resurgence of terror groups in Punjab alarms NA By Ahmad Hassan Wednesday, 24 Feb, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/front-page/19-resurgence-of-terror-groups-in-punjab-alarms-na-420-hh-06

ISLAMABAD: Concerns were again expressed in the National Assembly on Tuesday over the resurfacing in Punjab of banned militant religious organisations whose members were openly brandishing firearms and banners openly.

Members urged the federal government to take action to curb the organisations which appeared to be functioning without being effectively deterred by the provincial administration.

Former information minister Sherry Rehman, PML-Q’s Sheikh Waqas Akram and PPP’s Nadeem Afzal Chan severely criticised the Punjab government for allowing the banned groups to carry out their activities. They said the groups were not only influencing by-elections but also using various occasions, including the Kashmir Solidarity Day, to promote their nefarious designs.

Speaking on a point of order, Ms Rehman severely criticised the way banned sectarian and jihadi groups were being allowed to run amok in Punjab.

She said it was not only the issue of sectarian groups being patronised for an election campaign, but also of how they were holding rallies all over Lahore, brandishing weapons and promoting terrorist dogma with impunity.

“The federal government should urgently seek to assist the Punjab government if they lack the capacity to book such criminals, as we saw Lahore rocked by bone-chilling blasts last year,” she said.

“They must be made to cease and desist with all the might of the state. Nobody can silence parliament and nobody should be allowed to ignore the law of the land,” she said.

In recent weeks, a number of banned outfits, including the Sipah-i-Sahaba and Lashkar-e-Taiba, have been seen operating under new names. They have stepped up their activities, mainly in Punjab.

PML-N Chief Whip Aftab Sheikh shared the concern of fellow legislators and assured the house that he would talk to the Punjab administration to convey their apprehensions.

It appears that PML-N is punch of criminals, thieves, rapists, and terrorists.

This is case of a fox guarding a hen’s nest. This sounds scary and the results of this on the future of Pakistan look dreadful. We must and I stress WE MUST promote liberal and secular forces in Pakistan to be the decision makers. This will ensure us a smooth ride in future.

shame on you waqas akram, killer of your sister,s boyfriend, purchasing votes
with money, your dirty father sh akram and you.
every body has right yo meet any body and like you drink, eat ham meat\
and fuck prostitutes. evert body is free to meet any body,
waqas akram is a real son of bitch

——-

Warning by administrator of LUBP:

IMRAN, Refrain from obscene language. If you claim to represent an Islamist stance or party, then at least respect Islamic norms and etiquettes.

Good work,. and mr Amir mughal is good writer kindly give him space in ur site mr Admin, and my suggetion is that kindly axcept that ban too large comments on the web site,

PML-N is a bunch of criminals. Provincial law minister Rana Sanaullah visited Jhang on February 21 in connection with bye-election in PP-82. During his visit, law minister met with the chief of a banned organisation and took him to the election campaign in an official vehicle of the Punjab government with police escort headed by a Deputy Superintendent Police (DSP). Rana Sanaullah had no interest in the said constituency (PP-82), as it was a rural constituency from where PML-Q had fielded no candidate, however, PPP and PML-N were contesting the elections in that constituency. This means PML(N) could do anything for getting votes, instead of campaign against militants they are getting favours. As long as these black sheep remain, we can’t be rid of menace of terrorism and extremism completely. We urge these political parties not to put the lives of people in danger for the sake of some votes.

It is quite obvious that Terrorism can not flourish with out the support of Government bodies. The leaders like Rana sanaullah are the real terrorists and murderers.
Even PPP is not lacking behind in this regard, as the bomb blasts in early 2010 in karachi,in which many shias were killed,were linked with the PPP Ministers.

Saray PML-N walay kafir r terrorist hain,rana sana ullah wajib ul qatal hain rana sana ullah soower ki awolad hain,sipah e sahaba k najayaz harami awolado tum log musalman kab se ho gaye ho tum logo ko Islam k matlab malom hain? Rasool Allah S.A.W.W ne akhri waqt main kiya farmaya ta k main 2 cheezain chor k ja raha hoon aik Quran e Pak r dosra Ahle Baith A.S,tum haramio ne aik ko bhi nahe liya hain,kafir kafir sipah e sahaba kafir,haramio tareekh parh lo tum logo ko pata chal jaye ga k tumharay pehle sahaba ko tum logo k dosray sahaba ne qatal kiya ta sirf r sir iqtidar ki waja se QK tumharay pehle sahaba ko yeh pata chal gaya ta k Hazrat Imam Ali A.S haq pe ta.lanat ho tum kafiro pe.Quran e Pak main hain k jis ne aik insan ko qatal kiya goya uss ne puri insaniyat ka qatal kiya kiya r tum dehshat gardo ne kitne masoom momineen ko mar dala hain,tum logo ka imam yazeed soowar momineen e islam ko khatam na kar saka tu tum jaheel harami kaha se khatam karo ge. Labaik Ya Hussain A.S,hussainiyat Zindabad Allah ki lanat ho Ahle Baith A.S k dushmano pe beshuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuummmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrr

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