TRUTH AND SOME FACTS BEHIND KARACHI KILLINGS:

Watch this video OF GEO TV:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FL77I1HE57E

Rehman Daket Part 1 of 4

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5n22mtV_UZE&feature=related

Rehman Daket Part 2 of 4

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xJzwT9AA-_8&feature=related

Rehman Daket Part 3 of 4

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B91sOpQgH_o&feature=related

Rehman Daket Part 4 of 4

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IfrI2eQtHhw&feature=related

During the Government of Arbab Ghulam Rahim:

Read this news: KARACHI: Rehman Dakait escapes from police custody: Official connivance suspected By S. Raza Hassan August 23, 2006 Wednesday Rajab 27, 1427
http://www.dawn.com/2006/08/23/local2.htm

KARACHI: Lyari wonders how Rehman Dakait lost politicians’ love By Imran Ayub Thursday, 13 Aug, 2009 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/karachi-lyari-wonders-how-rehman-dakait-lost-politicians-love-389

Now read this 2 year old story “under Musharraf Govt”

KARACHI: The rise and fall of Lyari Task Force By Arman Sabir The former Sindh IG Jahangir Mirza acknowledged the arrest of gangster Rahman Dakait only after his retirement. He said the outlaw’s arrest and subsequent escape was not brought to his knowledge while he was in office. May 10, 2007 Thursday Rabi-us-Sani 22, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/10/local4.htm

KARACHI: Question mark over killing of Lyari ‘gangster’
By S. Raza Hassan Tuesday, 11 Aug, 2009
http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/karachi-question-mark-over-killing-of-lyari-gangster-189

KARACHI: Gangster Arshad Pappu arrested By S. Raza Hassan October 12, 2006 Thursday Ramazan 18, 1427 Arshad Pappu’s arrest materialised early Wednesday morning when sleuths of the Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI) accompanied by police, raided an apartment building in Lyari. http://www.dawn.com/2006/10/12/local4.htm

KARACHI: Lyari ‘gangster’ seeking role in politics By S. Raza Hassan January 14, 2009 Wednesday Muharram 16, 1430 http://www.dawn.com/2009/01/14/local1.htm

Lyari criminals run under the patronage and shelter of Zulfiqar mirza and Nabil Gabol Beheaded MQM Amir worker after Abduction

REPLY TO THE ABOVE:

Here is the clue:

Investigators told Dawn that identity cards from the premier intelligence agency cited the suspects “ranks” as “sources”. They added, however, that the intelligence agency in question described the cards as being fake.Police said that entry cards for the Malir Cantonment area were also recovered from their possession. KARACHI: Attack on JSQM convoy: Surviving ‘assassin’ being grilled By S. Raza Hassan Sunday, 26 Jul, 2009 | 01:39 AM PST [DAILY DAWN] http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/karachi-attack-on-jsqm-convoy-surviving-assassin-being-grilled-679

More Clues:

Imran mediating between Haqiqi factions Friday, May 09, 2008 By M Waqar Bhatti http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=14581

Efforts to end Aamir-Afaq rivalry fail By Mazhar Tufail Sunday, April 20, 2008
http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=14216

Now read what Dr Shahid Masood and Irfan Siddiqui wanted to do in Karachi: GEO TV/JANG GROUP’s Message of Hate for Pakistan.
http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/11/geo-tvjang-groups-message-of-hate-for.html

This is because of this:

Proposed powers for Rangers draw criticism By Imran Ayub Thursday, 07 Jan, 2010
http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/16-proposed-powers-for-rangers-draw-criticism-710-hs-01

The Rangers have been in the metropolis for over two decades now. Their performance can be described as patchy at best; they have also been criticised for standing aside when a deteriorating law and order situation has caused trouble to flare in the city. The Rangers’ commercial activities have also drawn censure. Police reform and de-weaponising Karachi are the key to peace in the metropolis, not sweeping powers for the Rangers. Sweeping powers Dawn Editorial Wednesday, 06 Jan, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/news/pakistan/metropolitan/19-sweeping-powers-hh-03

“QUOTE”

Brutes and Beasts – Haqiqi Ali Chishti October 26, 2009
http://www.chowk.com/articles/16554

“UNQUOTE”

Even more clues [8 year old article from Monthly Newsline September 2001 Issue] Karachi’s Gang Wars By Ghulam Hasnain

“QUOTE”

Both the rangers as well as Shoaib’s armed guards fired at Bholoo’s supporters, who they feared might force Shoaib’s arrest after lawyers told Shoaib that his bail may not be confirmed. The seven ranger personnel led by Major Abdul Majeed of Janbaz Force in Thatta and Major Tariq Hameed of Karachi, are now facing a court martial. They were reported to be regular visitors at mujra performances at Shoaib’s den. On the day of the shooting at the City Court, the team of rangers apparently left their headquarters on some pretext to accompany Shoaib for his protection.
http://www.newsline.com.pk/NewsSept2001/coverstory1.htm

“UNQUOTE”

Clues:

“QUOTE”

Dawood had three prominent operators in Karachi – Shoaib Khan, Ibrahaim Bholo and Shahanshah Khalid. Initially, all three worked well together, but in time they began to feud. Bholo was kidnapped and killed, according to some reports by Shoaib Khan over differences over a drug deal in South Africa. Khalid and Khan continue their gang warfare.
Dawood: ‘War on terror’ takes a strange turn
By Syed Saleem Shahzad Oct 22, 2003
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/EJ22Df07.html

“UNQUOTE”

Even more startling clues which will shake you like earthquake:)

“QUOTE”

Dawood “Bhai” (brother), as he is fondly remembered, is the biggest patron of gambling in cricket. The Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) tries to be vigilant in obstructing this evil, but it is hard when the “big fishes” – including PCB chairman Lieutenant-General Tauqir Zia – feel free to visit Dawood Ibrahim in his nonexistent housing. The Military Intelligence (MI) unit reported to Musharraf that Shoaib Khan had been seen in the Askari apartment building in Karachi, where army officers are housed, along with the provincial chief of Inter-Services Intelligence (Sindh), who is a serving brigadier along with other police officials. There they reportedly enjoy “live shows” and gamble. An invisible hand in Pakistani politics
By Syed Saleem Shahzad Mar 19, 2003 http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/EC19Df01.html

“UNQUOTE”

Now read this news:

“quote”

Investigators said about 32 FIRs were lodged against the deceased at various police stations. They added during his youth, Shahanshah befriended underworld don Shoaib Khan but after the murder of Ibrahim Bholoo, a business partner of Shoaib, Shahanshah had developed differences with Shoaib and left his group. It was suspected that accomplices of Shoaib Khan might have killed Shahanshah. Bilawal House security chief gunned down in Karachi Wednesday, July 23, 2008 By Salis bin Perwaiz http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=16142

“unquote”

This too is important to know behind the scene maneuvering:

“QUOTE”

SP Aslam was called from Jacobabad, Sindh, in 2004 to Karachi and given a unit called the Industrial Crime Unit (ICU). He was first entrusted with the high-profile assignment of getting hold of elusive and all-powerful underworld don, Shoaib Khan. Aslam, along with his team, managed to arrest Shoaib Khan from Lahore and brought him back to Karachi, where he died in jail. Aslam also killed wanted criminal Siddiq Bucha, an aide of Shoaib Khan in a police encounter. After succeeding in these major assignments, Aslam would get a job that at least seven fellow police officials had failed to succeed in. Lyari, which had become the city’s biggest hub for smuggling, kidnapping and drug-pushing, and a battleground for a violent gang war between two groups – lead by Rehman Dakait and Arshad Pappu, – was a pressing problem for the authorities. SP Aslam finally gets his man Tuesday, August 11, 2009 By By our correspondent Karachi
http://www.thenews.com.pk/print1.asp?id=192492

“UNQUOTE”

Purpose of pasting links was not at all an effort to put salt on someones wounds.

A senior police official told DawnNews that Lyari gangsters are trying create friction between the Baloch and Urdu speaking communities and the main agenda of the violence to sow their influence in the area. Seven people killed in Karachi violence Thursday, 07 Jan, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/news/pakistan/metropolitan/06-seven+people-killed-in-karachi-violence-rs-01

I don’t consider US Diplomat’s visit to 90 as a guaranty or a warning [Read Daily Jang’s Main page 2nd news Anne W Peterson has also said that “she [US] has complete trust on Zardai and Gilani” http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/jan2010-daily/07-01-2010/main.htm Thursday, January 07, 2010, Muharram 20, 1431 A.H] – [My humble opinion is this that USA cannot be trusted because when they have interest they even arrange visit for Taliban to brief US State Deptt. Unocal – Halliburton Oil Pipeline .

US Diplomats and USA tolerated worst State Operation on MQM from 1992 to 1999 and that is not enough, go through these two important links rather save the text for quote [internet links are often dead] First is prepared by US Homeland Security and Second was by Amnesty International [quoting US State Deptt. and JANE’S DEFENCE]

Pakistan: Information on Mohajir/Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Altaf (MQM-A)

Query:

Provide information on the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Altaf (MQM-A) in Pakistan. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,USCIS,,PAK,,414fe5aa4,0.html

Response:

SUMMARY

The Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Altaf (MQM-A) has been widely accused of human rights abuses since its founding two decades ago. It claims to represent Mohajirs— Urdu-speaking Muslims who fled to Pakistan from India after the 1947 partition of the subcontinent, and their descendants.

In the mid-1990s, the MQM-A was heavily involved in the widespread political violence that wracked Pakistan’s southern Sindh province, particularly Karachi, the port city that is the country’s commercial capital. MQM-A militants fought government forces, breakaway MQM factions, and militants from other ethnic-based movements. In the mid-1990s, the U.S. State Department, Amnesty International, and others accused the MQM-A and a rival faction of summary killings, torture, and other abuses (see, e.g., AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1996). The MQM-A routinely denied involvement in violence.

BACKGROUND

The current MQM-A is the successor to a group called the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) that was founded by Altaf Hussein in 1984 as a student movement to defend the rights of Mohajirs, who by some estimates make up 60 percent of Karachi’s population of twelve million. At the time, Mohajirs were advancing in business, the professions, and the bureaucracy, but many resented the quotas that helped ethnic Sindhis win university slots and civil service jobs. Known in English as the National Movement for Refugees, the MQM soon turned to extortion and other types of racketeering to raise cash. Using both violence and efficient organizing, the MQM became the dominant political party in Karachi and Hyderabad, another major city in Sindh. Just three years after its founding, the MQM came to power in these and other Sindh cities in local elections in 1987 (AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1997, Feb 1999; HRW Dec 1997).

The following year, the MQM joined a coalition government at the national level headed by Benazir Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), which took power in elections following the death of military leader General Zia ul-Haq. This marked the first of several times in the 1980s and 1990s that the MQM joined coalition governments in Islamabad or in Sindh province. Meanwhile, violence between the MQM and Sindhi groups routinely broke out in Karachi and other Sindh cities (AI 1 Feb 1996; Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

In 1992, a breakway MQM faction, led by Afaq Ahmed and Aamir Khan, launched the MQM Haqiqi (MQM-H), literally the “real” MQM. Many Pakistani observers alleged that the MQM-H was supported by the government of Pakistan to weaken the main MQM led by Altaf Hussein, which became known as the MQM-A (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). Several smaller MQM factions also emerged, although most of the subsequent intra-group violence involved the MQM-A and the MQM-H (AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1999; Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

Political violence in Sindh intensified in 1993 and 1994 (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). In 1994, fighting among MQM factions and between the MQM and Sindhi nationalist groups brought almost daily killings in Karachi (U.S. DOS Feb 1995). By July 1995, the rate of political killings in the port city reached an average of ten per day, and by the end of that year more than 1,800 had been killed (U.S. DOS Feb 1996).

The violence in Karachi and other cities began abating in 1996 as soldiers and police intensified their crackdowns on the MQM-A and other groups (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). Pakistani forces resorted to staged “encounter killings” in which they would shoot MQM activists and then allege that the killings took place during encounters with militants (U.S. DOS Feb 1996). Following a crackdown in 1997, the MQM-A adopted its present name, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, or United National Movement, which also has the initials MQM (HRW Dec 1997).

MQM-A leader Hussein fled in 1992 to Britain, where he received asylum in 1999 (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). The MQM-A is not on the U.S. State Department’s list of foreign terrorist organizations (U.S. DOS 23 May 2003).

While the multifaceted nature of the violence in Sindh province in the 1980s and 1990s at times made it difficult to pinpoint specific abuses by the MQM-A, the group routinely was implicated in rights abuses. In 1992 after the Sindh government called in the army to crack down on armed groups in the province, facilities were discovered that allegedly were used by the MQM-A to torture and at times kill dissident members and activists from rival groups. In 1996, Amnesty International said that the PPP and other parties were reporting that some of their activists had been tortured and killed by the MQM-A (AI 1 Feb 1996).

The MQM-A and other factions also have been accused of trying to intimidate journalists. In one of the most flagrant cases, in 1990 MQM leader Hussein publicly threatened the editor of the monthly NEWSLINE magazine after he published an article on the MQM’s alleged use of torture against dissident members (U.S. DOS Feb 1991). The following year, a prominent journalist, Zafar Abbas, was severely beaten in Karachi in an attack that was widely blamed on MQM leaders angered over articles by Abbas describing the party’s factionalization. The same year, MQM activists assaulted scores of vendors selling DAWN, Pakistan’s largest English-language newspaper, and other periodicals owned by Herald Publications (U.S. DOS Feb 1992).

The MQM-A has also frequently called strikes in Karachi and other cities in Sindh province and used killings and other violence to keep shops closed and people off the streets. During strikes, MQM-A activists have ransacked businesses that remained open and attacked motorists and pedestrians who ventured outside (U.S. DOS Feb 1996; Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

The MQM-A allegedly raises funds through extortion, narcotics smuggling, and other criminal activities. In addition, Mohajirs in Pakistan and overseas provide funds to the MQM-A through charitable foundations (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

Since the September 11, 2001 terror attacks on the United States, the MQM-A has been increasingly critical of Islamic militant groups in Pakistan. The MQM-A, which generally has not targeted Western interests, says that it supports the global campaign against terrorism (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

This response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RIC within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.

References:

Amnesty International (AI). HUMAN RIGHTS CRISIS IN KARACHI (1 Feb 1996, ASA 33/01/96), http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA330011996?open&of=ENG-PAK [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

Human Rights Watch (HRW). WORLD REPORT 1998, “Pakistan” (Dec 1997), http://www.hrw.org/worldreport/Asia-09.htm#P823_214912 [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

Jane’s Information Group (Jane’s). JANE’S WORLD INSURGENCY AND TERRORISM-17, “Muthida [sic] Qaumi Movement (MQM-A)” (14 Feb 2003), http://www.janes.com [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). “Foreign Terrorist Organizations” (23 May 2003), http://www.state.gov/s/ct/rls/fs/2003/12389.htm [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1998, “Pakistan” (Feb 1999), http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1998_hrp_report/pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1996, “Pakistan” (Feb 1997), http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1996_hrp_report/pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1995, “Pakistan” (Feb 1996), http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1995_hrp_report/95hrp_report_sasia/Pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1994, “Pakistan” (Feb 1995), http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1994_hrp_report/94hrp_report_sasia/Pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1991, “Pakistan” (Feb 1992).

U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1990, “Pakistan” (Feb 1991).

Attachments:

Jane’s Information Group (Jane’s). JANE’S WORLD INSURGENCY AND TERRORISM-17, “Muthida [sic] Qaumi Movement (MQM-A)” (14 Feb 2003), http://www.janes.com [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]

Human Rights Crisis in Karachi

Amnesty International continues to urge the Government of Pakistan to adopt measures to stop the large-scale human rights violations which are regularly reported from Karachi, the capital of Sindh. The organization has received reports of hundreds of cases of unlawful detention, torture, deaths in custody, extrajudicial executions and “disappearances”, mainly in Karachi, but also in other cities of the province. According to official figures, some 1,770 people were killed in Karachi in 1995; these include members of different political parties, law enforcement personnel and apolitical residents of Karachi, including women and children. While law enforcement personnel appear to be responsible for some of these human rights violations, there is strong evidence that armed opposition groups have also perpetrated torture, hostage-taking and killings in Karachi. Amnesty International continues to appeal to armed opposition groups to refrain from abusing the fundamental rights of people in Karachi to life and the security of the person, to end hostage-taking, torture and arbitrary killings. The organization again calls on these groups to observe minimum standards of humanitarian law which forbid such abuses. The high rate of political killings over the last months is strong evidence of the failure of the government’s strategy to protect political activists, journalists and ordinary residents of Karachi from human rights abuses. Indeed, in some cases, those in authority appear to have condoned abuses by some armed opposition groups. Amnesty International believes that the government must act consistently and lawfully to end human rights abuses by armed opposition groups and send a clear signal that all those responsible for such abuses will be brought to justice. The human rights abuses perpetrated by armed opposition groups may never be used by law enforcement personnel as an excuse to ignore national and international human rights safeguards and to commit human rights violations themselves, to torture, kill or to “disappear” people described by the government as “terrorists”. Amnesty International calls on the Government of Pakistan to set up independent and impartial inquiries into every single report of unlawful detention, torture, death in custody, extrajudicial execution and “disappearance” and to ensure that every member of the law enforcement agencies found to be responsible for such human rights violations is brought to justice. Only if the self-perpetuating cycle of violence, in which human rights abuses continue to be perpetrated without punishment and in which impunity facilitates further violations, is broken, can people in Karachi again live in safety and dignity and enjoy their fundamental rights. The present paper first describes the political context in which human rights abuses are committed in Karachi; it then documents reported cases of arbitrary arrest, torture, deaths in custody, extrajudicial executions, “disappearances” allegedly committed by law enforcement personnel and the human rights abuses allegedly perpetrated by armed opposition groups. It also focuses on the lack of protection given to people reporting human rights abuses in Karachi and the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of human rights abuses. The concluding section sets out Amnesty International’s concerns and its recommendations to the government and to armed opposition groups. The appendix contains an analysis of the government’s responses to a statement issued by Amnesty International on the human rights situation in Karachi in August 1995.

Human Rights Crisis in Karachi
While law enforcement personnel appear to be responsible for some of these human rights violations, there is strong evidence that armed opposition groups have also perpetrated torture, hostage-taking and killings in Karachi. Amnesty International continues to appeal to armed opposition groups to refrain from abusing the fundamental rights of people in Karachi to life and the security of the person, to end hostage-taking, torture and arbitrary killings. The organization again calls on these groups to observe minimum standards of humanitarian law which forbid such abuses.

The high rate of political killings over the last months is strong evidence of the failure of the government’s strategy to protect political activists, journalists and ordinary residents of Karachi from human rights abuses. Indeed, in some cases, those in authority appear to have condoned abuses by some armed opposition groups. Amnesty International believes that the government must act consistently and lawfully to end human rights abuses by armed opposition groups and send a clear signal that all those responsible for such abuses will be brought to justice.

The human rights abuses perpetrated by armed opposition groups may never be used by law enforcement personnel as an excuse to ignore national and international human rights safeguards and to commit human rights violations themselves, to torture, kill or to “disappear” people described by the government as “terrorists”. Amnesty International calls on the Government of Pakistan to set up independent and impartial inquiries into every single report of unlawful detention, torture, death in custody, extrajudicial execution and “disappearance” and to ensure that every member of the law enforcement agencies found to be responsible for such human rights violations is brought to justice. Only if the self-perpetuating cycle of violence, in which human rights abuses continue to be perpetrated without punishment and in which impunity facilitates further violations, is broken, can people in Karachi again live in safety and dignity and enjoy their fundamental rights.

The present paper first describes the political context in which human rights abuses are committed in Karachi; it then documents reported cases of arbitrary arrest, torture, deaths in custody, extrajudicial executions, “disappearances” allegedly committed by law enforcement personnel and the human rights abuses allegedly perpetrated by armed opposition groups. It also focuses on the lack of protection given to people reporting human rights abuses in Karachi and the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of human rights abuses. The concluding section sets out Amnesty International’s concerns and its recommendations to the government and to armed opposition groups. The appendix contains an analysis of the government’s responses to a statement issued by Amnesty International on the human rights situation in Karachi in August 1995.

1. Introduction
Amnesty International continues to urge the Government of Pakistan to adopt measures to stop the large scale human rights violations which are regularly reported from Karachi, the capital of Sindh, the southernmost province of Pakistan. The organization has received reports of hundreds of cases of unlawful detention, torture, deaths in custody, extrajudicial executions and “disappearances”, mainly in Karachi, but also to some extent in other cities of Sindh such as Hyderabad, Mirpurkhas and Sukkur. According to official figures, some 1,770 people were killed in 1995 in Karachi alone, Pakistani media speak of over 1,990 killings (around 700 in 1994). The victims include apolitical residents of Karachi, including women and children, law enforcement personnel and members of political parties.

Deaths in custody and extrajudicial killings are reported from other parts of the country as well; there have been reports of several so-called “encounter” killings (extrajudicial executions after which police declare that the victims have been shot dead in armed clashes) in Punjab in the last few months and the media in Pakistan have extensively covered the recent death of a young Christian in police custody in Hyderabad. However, nowhere have deliberate and arbitrary killings reached as massive a scale as in Karachi.

While law enforcement personnel appear to be responsible for some of these human rights violations, there is strong evidence that armed opposition groups have also perpetrated torture, hostage-taking and killings in Karachi. The organization continues to appeal to armed opposition groups to refrain from abusing the fundamental right of people in Karachi to life and the security of the person, to end hostage-taking, torture and deliberate and arbitrary killings. The organization again calls on these groups to observe minimum standards of humanitarian law which forbid such abuses.

Amnesty International believes that the human rights abuses perpetrated by armed opposition groups may never be used as an excuse by government law enforcement personnel to ignore national and international human rights safeguards and to commit human rights violations themselves, to torture, kill or to “disappear” people described by the government as “terrorists”.

The high rate of political killings over the last months is strong evidence of the failure of the government’s strategy to protect political activists, journalists and ordinary residents of Karachi from such abuses. Indeed, in some cases those in authority appear to have condoned abuses by some armed political groups.

Amnesty International has carefully monitored the Pakistani press, verified reports as far as possible with lawyers and human rights activists on the ground and spoken to a large number of victims and victims’ families during a visit to Pakistan in December 1995. Many concerned residents in Karachi have directly approached Amnesty International to communicate their experiences, observations and fears. On the basis of the material so collected, Amnesty International once again urges the Government of Pakistan to set up impartial and independent inquiries into every single report of unlawful detention, torture, death in custody, extrajudicial execution and “disappearance” and to ensure that everyone alleged to have been responsible for human rights violations is brought to justice. Only if the self-perpetuating cycle of violence, in which human rights abuses continue to be perpetrated without punishment and in which impunity facilitates further violations, is broken, can people in Karachi again live in safety and dignity and enjoy their fundamental rights.

The present paper first describes the political context in which human rights abuses are committed in Karachi; it then documents reported cases of arbitrary arrest, torture, extrajudicial executions, “disappearances” and incommunicado detention of political activists allegedly committed by law enforcement personnel and the human rights abuses allegedly perpetrated by armed opposition groups. It also focuses on the lack of protection given to people reporting human rights violations in Karachi and the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of human rights abuses. The concluding section sets out Amnesty International’s concerns and recommendations to the government and to armed opposition groups. The appendix contains an analysis of the government’s responses to a statement issued by Amnesty International in August 1995.

Members of Amnesty International in Pakistan do not participate in research on their own country in accordance with rules applicable to Amnesty International’s membership worldwide. They have neither supplied information on human rights abuses in Karachi nor have they assisted in verifying it.

2. The political context of human rights abuses in Karachi
The ongoing conflict in Karachi has involved mainly two factions of the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM, literally National Movement of Refugees), the federal and the provincial governments of different complexions, and to a much lesser extent some other ethnic and religious groupings. Mohajirs (literally: refugees) who are Urdu-speaking Muslims who migrated to Pakistan, mainly Karachi and Hyderabad, during and after the partition of British-India in 1947, and their descendants, quickly advanced in the bureaucracy, business and the professions but felt disadvantaged in relation to ethnic Sindhis by a quota system that secured access to universities and civil services. The earliest political organization of Mohajirs, the All Pakistan Mohajir Student Organization (APMSO) founded in 1978 by Altaf Hussain, evolved into the MQM in 1984. Ethnic and religious divisions in Sindh were exacerbated during the years General Zia-ul Haq was in office (1977 to 1988, of these 1977 to 1985 under martial law) as he used them to suppress and divide democratic opposition to his rule. Ethnic strife between Mohajir and Sindhis who had initially jointly opposed the influx of Punjabis and Pathans into Sindh, rapidly increased in Karachi and Hyderabad from the mid-1980s. The MQM, led by Altaf Hussain, meanwhile consolidated its hold on the Mohajir community.

In November 1987, the MQM won local body elections in Karachi, Hyderabad and other urban centres in Sindh. Following the death of General Zia in August 1988, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) won the general elections in November 1988; short of an absolute majority, the PPP entered a cooperation agreement with the MQM which enabled it to form the government. In Sindh, the PPP held a majority only in rural areas while the MQM enjoyed a majority in the urban areas. The PPP-MQM alliance in Sindh broke up in October 1989, after which the MQM lent its support to the PPP’s opponents, the Pakistan Muslim League. In early 1990, political violence in urban Sindh increased rapidly; the MQM organized a series of rallies and strikes while the PPP federal government responded with mass arrests and a sweeping “Operation Clean-up” to seize unauthorized arms. In May 1990, the law enforcement agencies raided the Pucca Qila area of Hyderabad, inhabited mainly by Mohajirs, after cutting off essential supplies for three days. In the ensuing clashes some 100 people, mostly Mohajirs, died, including women and children who had protested against the stoppage of water supplies. Ethnic violence flared up after this incident throughout Sindh; calm only returned gradually after the army was called in and curfew was imposed.

In general elections in October 1990, following the dismissal of the PPP government in August, the MQM again emerged as the third strongest party in the country. It entered an alliance with the Pakistan Muslim League of Nawaz Sharif both at the federal level and in Sindh.

In the early 1990s, a small faction of the MQM, the MQM Haqiqi (literally: the “real” MQM, short MQM(H), led by Afaq Ahmed, left the main body of the MQM, the MQM (A for Altaf). According to many commentators in Pakistan, this faction was supported by successive federal governments and the military to weaken the main MQM.

Responding to chronic unrest in the province, the Sindh Government in mid-1992 called in the army to assist police in restoring law and order. While the operation was in the first few weeks concentrated on the rural areas of Sindh, its focus shifted from 19 June 1992 to Karachi and Hyderabad where the army claimed it sought to eliminate “terrorists” of any political group. The MQM(A) viewed the operation as an attempt to wipe out the party altogether. Raids on MQM(A) strongholds were believed to have been conducted with the help of the MQM(H) and frequently MQM(H) members were reported to have abducted, tortured and killed people in the presence, with the connivance and perhaps with the participation of members of the law enforcement agencies. Torture cells allegedly maintained by the MQM(A) were discovered in which party members were alleged to have tortured and sometimes killed dissidents and members of other parties. At this stage, 12 of 15 MQM(A) members in the National Assembly and 24 of 27 MQM (A) members of the Sindh Provincial Assembly resigned in protest against the army operation.

The MQM(A) boycotted general elections in October 1993 claiming systematic intimidation by the army. It participated in provincial elections in Sindh a few days later and secured 27 seats while the PPP with 56 seats won an outright majority. The MQM(H) did not gain any parliamentary seats either at the federal or the provincial level.

In late November 1994, the army was withdrawn from law enforcement duties in Sindh; however the paramilitary Rangers were reinforced and specially trained police were inducted.

The killings, abductions and “disappearances” reported in the last months from Karachi have occurred in the context of an ongoing struggle between the two factions of the MQM and a government campaign to restore law and order, implemented by police and the paramilitary Rangers. While in 1994, fighting between Shia and Sunni political groups also led to deliberate and arbitrary killings, these have considerably reduced in recent months. Ordinary criminals also appear to use the prevailing atmosphere of fear and intimidation to pursue their own criminal ends and to commit abductions and killings in the shadow of political violence.

The government holds the MQM(A) responsible for most of the human rights abuses perpetrated in Karachi, while conversely the MQM(A) has declared that the government is attempting to crush the MQM(A) as an organized political force by unlawfully detaining its workers, torturing and extrajudicially killing them, forcing them to change their political allegiance and perpetrating crimes for which the MQM(A) is then held responsible. Despite mutual accusations, the government and the MQM(A) in July 1995 began talks to reach a political solution to end the crisis in Karachi. The MQM(A) has presented a charter of 18 demands, including the unconditional withdrawal of criminal charges against its workers, and the holding of a census and local body elections in Sindh. The government’s 21 conditions include demands that the MQM(A) publicly renounce violence, surrender illicit arms and wanted activists.

While these proposals and counter-proposals are being negotiated, the daily violence in the streets of Karachi continues unabated. Many people fear to leave their homes and to send their children to school; armoured personnel carriers patrol the streets in embattled parts of Karachi and paramilitary Rangers man sandbag bunkers at important road junctions. Cultural and recreational activities in Karachi have come to a standstill. Doctors and psychologists have told Amnesty International that the incidence of psychosomatic diseases and suicides as a result of tension and fear are on the rise in Karachi.

The monthly political journal Newsline has begun to publish a “Death File”, listing daily killings in Karachi: Randomly chosen entries, the first for 4 August , the second for 6 August read:

“A former student activist was killed on main University Road. Police found mutilated bodies in the boot of a car in Gulbahar with a note attached … saying ‘Revenge for Farooq Dada’s murder”. The corpse of a policeman’s son, who had been kidnapped earlier, was found in a gunny bag in Nishtar Road. The corpse of a Haqiqi activist was found in New Karachi and a bullet-riddled corpse was found in Azizabad. Two corpses were also found near Usmaabad Memorial Hospital. Another bullet-riddled body was found in Orangi Town. Daily toll: 8; monthly toll since 24 July: 107″.

“Two MQM workers were killed in Federal B area. The corpse of an Haqiqi activist was found in the Old Exhibition Area. Three bullet-riddled bodies were found in Orangi Extension. Two bullet-riddled bodies were found in Mominabad. A five-year-old boy was shot dead by a stray bullet in Rasheedabad. The body of a young electrician was found in Karimabad and another corpse was found inKorangi. A 35-year-old man who had earlier been kidnapped, was killed in Khawaja Ajmer Nagri. Daily toll: 12, monthly toll since 24 July: 128”.

The present deterioration of the human rights situation is attributed by observers to several factors. The government has expressed its determination to restore law and order in Karachi and in this context has called upon police to use “ruthlessness” and to shoot “terrorists” on sight (see below government statements on the human rights situation). The police appear to have been tempted to use harsher, and sometimes unlawful methods in dealing with armed opposition groups who have targeted law enforcement personnel, killing some 195 in 1995. A government official told Amnesty International in December 1995 that police who are often recruited from the rural areas, “have been given a gun but don’t understand human rights or the urban situation. If one of their colleagues is killed then it becomes a matter of honour to kill the attacker”. Amnesty International was also told that the slowness of the judicial process (in mid-1995 some 23,000 cases were reportedly pending in the Sindh High Court) and the ease with which criminal suspects can obtain bail to return to the criminal underground or buy witnesses, as well as the lack of witness protection measures, has led police officers to take the law into their own hands.

Armed opposition groups may be resorting to more violent means as many of their leaders are dead, in hiding or in detention. Many commentators, not necessarily sympathetic to the MQM, have pointed out that the human rights violations and the harassment to which Mohajirs and MQM members are subjected, alienate them further and may drive young Mohajirs to extremism. An article in the daily Dawn of 7 July 1995 describes how Esa, a student wearing a black shirt to peacefully protest against the operation in Karachi, was picked up, beaten and abused by Rangers at his university in Karachi; he said, “while being beaten I told them that one day I will take my revenge”.

The government’s heavy-handed searches of troubled neighbourhoods in which many innocent citizens are humiliated, arrested and made to pay bribes to be released, has antagonized Mohajirs. Amnesty International has been told by many Mohajirs in Karachi that having seen their relatives blind-folded, beaten and often taken away to unknown places of detention has left them bitter; some women have reported that they are encouraging their sons to avenge arbitrary killings of family members by law enforcement personnel. “Ruthless and indiscriminate use of force and extra-judicial killings have swelled the ranks of Karachi’s frustrated and angry youth who will continue to supply recruits to the militants” (Newsline, August 1995). Altaf Hussain has warned that the MQM may not be able to control its members: “I warn that if the government is not stopped from pushing the Mohajir nation to the wall, then a time may come when people will lose their patience and take the law in their hands, and a civil war may arise” (Financial Times, 16 October 1995). Some observers have told Amnesty International that the MQM leadership may already have lost control over some of the militant youth groups of the party. But links of communication would seem to exist; some former prisoners have told Amnesty International that during their detention they were told by fellow prisoners belonging to the MQM that they continued to receive instructions directly from London, where Altaf Hussain lives.

The present levels of human rights abuses would not have been possible without a glut of arms in the city. Pakistan’s position as a frontline state in the Cold War confrontation in Afghanistan meant that it became a conduit for millions of dollars worth of sophisticated weapons; once the Soviet forces withdrew, many of these weapons found their way into the open markets in Pakistan at a fraction of their original cost, enabling every group to acquire as much armament as it thought necessary. A study published by the Centre for Defence Studies, University of London, observes that “violence across Karachi reached unprecedented levels prior to the intervention of the army in 1992. Modern weapons, such as assault rifles, were carried openly by party activists from all quarters, especially during political demonstrations, and large stockpiles were accumulated by the warring factions in open defiance of the authority of the state. … Several pundits from Karachi agree that the dramatic increase in violence and polarisation dates from 1985/86, the time when weapons from the Afghan pipeline began to find their way into commercial channels. … Modern and relatively sophisticated arms, especially the Kalashnikov, began to appear throughout the region in the mid-1980s … Ammunition is also freely available in rural and urban areas and sold by the kilo.”[1]

Armed political groups have used increasingly heavy weapons in Karachi. Since May 1995, rocket launchers have been used which fire rocket-propelled grenades; according to some estimates there are around 100,000 automatic assault weapons in the hands of armed groups.

3. Human rights violations in Karachi and other urban centres of Sindh
In its report of June 1995 on the situation in Karachi, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) said that it had found the residents of Karachi

“traumatized by the terror to an extent beyond anything HRCP had noticed during its earlier Sindh probes. Unlike the previous experience, when witnesses had been willing to go on record publicly, many of those interviewed in Karachi were reluctant to disclose in its entirety what they had gone through or what they knew about the plight of their fellow-citizens. Nearly all of them were extremely bitter about the violent tactics of the different political factions and the lawlessness they alleged the law-enforcing and intelligence agencies were indulging in. Their anger at having been deprived of their basic rights — to security of life, to the right of peaceful economic activity, to the protection of law, to a fair judicial redress of grievances, and to participation in democratic governance — was matched only by their feeling of utter despondency.”

Amnesty International agrees with this description. When an Amnesty International delegation visited Karachi in December 1995, people told it that they feared for their lives from attacks by militants, and that their trust in the law enforcement agencies to protect them and in the judiciary to provide redress, was severely eroded. They were particularly reluctant to report human rights abuses perpetrated by armed political groups. Many people only dared do so from the perceived security of their party’s offices. Amnesty International is aware that such reports may not be entirely objective. It has in fact come across instances in which victims of human rights violations were incorrectly described as members by a particular party in order to create the impression that that party was the target of violations or abuses by another group or the government. However, Amnesty International also contacted a large number of people through non-party channels to obtain independent testimonies.

In the highly politicised climate of Karachi, the truth is difficult to establish with certainty by any human rights organization and Amnesty International therefore reiterates its call to the Government of Pakistan to set up independent and impartial judicial investigations of every reported human rights violation with a view to bringing perpetrators to justice.

3.1. Arbitrary arrests
The practice of arresting family members of wanted men to put pressure on them to surrender or to punish them, documented in the past by Amnesty International, was reported to persist. For instance, Shazia Farooq, the widow of Farooq Putney who was killed on 2 August 1995 in an alleged “encounter” with police, was arrested on the same day; seven months pregnant, she was allegedly taken to Islamabad and her whereabouts remained unknown for several weeks. She was later declared by official sources to be held in “protective custody”. On 12 August 1995, the Crime Investigation Agency (CIA) arrested two MQM workers against whom they claimed charges were pending, along with their wives and a brother-in-law from their home in Pathan Colony in Karachi. The women were released after several days.

The wife and six-week-old baby son of an MQM fugitive were detained in Nazimabad for two days in August to force him to surrender. Similarly the father-in-law of a wanted person, Ali Mohammad Sonara, vice-president of the PPP (SB) of Benazir Bhutto’s brother Murtaza Bhutto, was arrested on 25 June 1995 and detained for several weeks; according to the PPP(SB), 65-year-old Mohammad Umer had not been involved in any criminal offence and was detained without charge solely to force his son-in-law to surrender.

Hundreds of residents have reportedly been arbitrarily arrested during cordon-and- search operations in Karachi in the past months. During such raids, reportedly conducted without search warrants and without declaring curfew, homes were ransacked and looted and the young men of the locality rounded up. Most were released within a few hours or days, if there were no charges against them. Legal safeguards relating to detention and interrogation were usually not observed: arrests were not recorded and remand was not obtained from magistrates. An elderly man told Amnesty International that several hundred people in his locality in North Nazimabad were rounded up in August and taken in trucks to the local Rangers headquarters. They had to wait for several hours before they were made to walk before a window in which masked informers scrutinized the detainees. Most were released in the evening.

Family members were usually not informed of the whereabouts of people taken away during raids; when habeas corpus petitions were filed in the High Court, the detaining authorities sometimes resorted to the practice of transferring prisoners from police station to police station under a series of so-called “blind FIRs”. These are First Information Reports filed with police which do not name criminal suspects and which can be abused to remand anyone to police custody for up to 14 days. Once a suspect is found innocent with respect to a specific charge, he can be transferred to another police station under another charge, resulting in prolonged untried detention. An unknown number of people continue to be held in Karachi at any one time. The non-governmental organization War Against Rape (WAR) in August 1995 expressed “outrage” at the growing number of complaints of women unlawfully arrested and harassed during cordon-and-search operations in Karachi, particularly in the Liaquatabad and Korangi areas of the city. It said that the number of women victims of harassment was on the increase and that women were being held “without judicial authority” and “without family members being present” as required by the law.

The government indirectly acknowledged the practice of arbitrarily arresting citizens when it announced in June 1995 in an effort to regain the confidence of the people that “henceforth the law enforcement agencies would not make indiscriminate arrests and haul up only those who are criminals and indulging in arson and terrorist activities” (Dawn, 6 June 1995). The Director-General of the Rangers in Sindh, General M. Mushtaq, told the HRCP in mid-1995 that there was no other way to arrest wanted offenders than to round up large numbers and screen them.

Amnesty International regards people arrested instead of their wanted family members as prisoners of conscience, that is prisoners arrested solely for their political beliefs, association or kinship ties who have not used or advocated violence. Minister of State for Law, Raza Rabbani’s statement to the press in Islamabad on 19 August 1995 that there are no prisoners of conscience in Pakistan is not borne out by the reports cited above which are confirmed by a large number of independent sources.

3.2. Torture and deaths in custody
Torture, ill-treatment and intimidation of prisoners and detainees in the custody of the police continued to be frequently reported in Karachi. During cordon-and-search operations, people were driven out of their homes in hundreds, blindfolded, loaded onto trucks and interrogated in official or unofficial detention places. The detained persons are known to have included boys as young as 12 and old men. Women were less frequently detained, but during search operations they are reported to have been verbally abused and threatened, robbed of their jewellery and other personal or household possessions and forced to pay ransoms for their release. On 31 August MQM woman worker Seema Zarin, aged 28, was reportedly arrested along with her father by police from their home in Nazimabad and repeatedly beaten and kicked, threatened and verbally abused for 18 hours in the custody of the Crime Investigation Agency (CIA) centre in Civil Lines, Karachi. She said upon her release that she had been blindfolded and beaten and kicked by two women constables, and then beaten on her back with a belt by a police officer while she was interrogated about MQM activities and activists. The Director-General of the Rangers in Sindh, General M. Mushtaq, told an investigating team of the HRCP that “suspects had to be blindfolded to protect the informers and witnesses” (HRCP report, June 1995).

On 30 May 1995, several newspapers in Pakistan carried reports and photographs of four MQM activists who were produced in court blindfolded and with what they claimed to be cigarette burn marks on their arms and legs and several other injuries. The four men had reportedly been arrested from their homes on 6 May by police from New Karachi police station; on the following day, an MQM member of parliament had approached the Director General of Police to have their arrest recorded but police denied holding them. The four young men were brought before a magistrate on 28 May. On 29 May they were brought blindfolded before a Special Court for the Suppression of Terrorist Activities. They told newspaper correspondents that they had been kept naked in various interrogation centres, blindfolded for days together, given little foodand subjected to torture to reveal the whereabouts of MQM leaders. Mohammad Shahid, a textile industry worker, was reported as saying: “They forced us to stand during the daytime. In the nights they hung me upside down and gave a severe beating. … I was kept blind-folded and was also shifted to an unknown interrogation centre where I was kept for six days.” Jamil Ahmed, who had injuries on legs and hips, reportedly said: “We don’t know who interrogated us as we were blindfolded. They beat us mercilessly to obtain information about the underground party leaders and workers” (Dawn, 30 May 1995). Police claimed that the four men had been arrested only three days earlier after an “encounter” and that they were bandits. Government officials told Amnesty International that the men had inflicted these wounds on themselves to implicate the government in human rights violations. The presiding judge on 28 May reportedly ordered the four men to be sent to judicial custody and to be given medical treatment. Instead, police reportedly returned them to the police station.

Amnesty International has been told by several MQM workers in Karachi and Hyderabad that they were detained and tortured until their families paid money for their release. Torture of criminal suspects or political prisoners with intent to extract money from concerned family members is frequently reported in Pakistan. The frequency with which people believed to be MQM members, or to be closely associated with MQM members, are subjected to torture and extortion suggests that police assume that they can do so with impunity.

An MQM activist in Hyderabad [name, date and location withheld] reported to Amnesty International that he was arrested in mid-November 1995 and taken to a police station where he was made to undress and to squat. His ankles and wrists were then tied together with a rope and a wooden stick passed between them. The stick was then supported by two chairs so that he hung upside down, suspended by wrists and ankles. His bare buttocks were then hit with leather belts. Police officers cursorily asked about activities of his party. They then threatened to make him impotent by hitting his genitals and to implicate him in a criminal case if his family did not pay ransom for his release. When his family complied, he was released. No criminal charge had been brought against him. The name of the Station House Officer (SHO) who supervised this man’s torture and took the ransom money was mentioned to Amnesty International by several other victims of torture, lawyers and journalists in Hyderabad, yet no action appears to have been taken against him.

Amnesty International has received several dozen reports over the last few months of people who have died in the custody of the police, allegedly as a result of torture.

The circumstances of the death of Aslam Sabzwari, a former MQM councillor, in police custody on 7 July 1995 remain unclear. According to the MQM, Sabzwari was arrested at around 1.30 pm of 6 July by plain clothed members of the law enforcement agencies outside the National Registration Office in Nazimabad in Karachi. The MQM immediately sent appeals for help to the President and other authorities while expressing fear for the detained man’s life. The District Commissioner of District Central at 3.30pm reportedly confirmed the arrest and assured MQM leaders that nothing untoward would happen to him. Sabzwari was apparently interrogated in the Special Investigation Cell in the Federal B area of Karachi. At 9am of 7 July, his body was taken for a post-mortem examination in Jinnah Post Graduate Medical Hospital. Doctors there reportedly stated that the body bore torture marks. Around 5pm of the same day, the body was taken by an ambulance of the Edhi Foundation to its centre in Sohrab Goth where it was routinely photographed. Edhi volunteers stated that the body bore a wound on the left side and that the left eye was smashed, possibly by a gunshot which pierced the back of the skull. The injury to the eye is visible on the photograph taken in the Edhi Centre and published in Dawn of 11 July. A human rights activist who saw the body in the Edhi Centre confirmed that the left eye of the deceased was torn through and that his body bore numerous injuries.

According to the police account, Aslam Sabzwari was arrested in the night of 6 July by police of District Central police station in Liaquatabad. Police said that at that time he had already been tortured by unidentified men and accordingly bore torture marks. They stated that they took him to Gulberg police station where he registered a complaint but in the process suffered a heart attack and died early in the morning of 7 July on the way to hospital. In subsequent communications, including to the Secretary General of the UN on 10 September 1995, the government stated that “Altaf group terrorists like … Aslam Sabzwari … got killed” in “encounters with police” when they “engaged law enforcement personnel in shootouts”, despite earlier claims that he had died of a heart attack.

On 10 July, police released a photo of the body which they claimed had been taken before the post mortem examination; it does not show any marks of torture, and both eyes are intact. A “clarification” issued by the police stated that “both eyes of deceased … Aslam Sabzwari were intact when his dead body was taken to hospital for post mortem. … after the post mortem, one eye … appears to have been removed with mala fide intentions and to create mischief under circumstances which are being investigated by the local police” (Dawn, 11 July 1995). Police sources said that Sabzwari had been involved in the murder of 11 people, the injury of 18 others and the kidnapping of six people. There were over 30 charges pending against him and he reportedly carried a reward of Rupees 1.5m on his head.

It remains unclear why Sabzwari, if he was already injured at the time of arrest, was not taken for medical treatment right away; moreover, it is puzzling why the police photograph does not show any marks of injuries if, as police claimed, he was already injured when arrested. Furthermore, the Edhi volunteers’ statement and the photo taken by them contradict the official version of events. Many observers in Karachi believe that Sabzwari may have been held and tortured by the MQM Haqiqi and that police captured him to obtain the reward on his head. The inconsistencies in the official version of events and the fact that Sabzwari’s arrest early in the afternoon of 6 July was officially confirmed strongly suggest that Aslam Sabzwari died after being tortured in police custody. It is conceivable, however, that some of the injuries seen on the dead body were inflicted after his death. Medical practitioners in Karachi have told Amnesty International that some doctors working in hospitals are themselves members of political parties and may sometimes inflict injuries on dead bodies to serve their parties’ purposes.

The Sindh government ordered an inquiry into the circumstances of Sabzwari’s death, to be conducted by a Sub-divisional Magistrate. It is not known if a report has been issued, or if any police officer has been held responsible for the death.

The available evidence strongly suggests that the death of Tariq Hussain Rizvi in judicial custody on 1 September 1995 resulted from beating inflicted earlier in police custody. Rizvi, a young MQM worker, was reportedly arrested by police in the early afternoon of 16 August 1995 and taken to CIA (Crime Investigation Agency) Jamshed Quarters police station in Karachi. Rizvi’s arrest, witnessed by Ayazuddin, an executive engineer of the Public Works Department and his wife, in whose house he was arrested, was reported in the national newspapers. According to an affidavit of Rizvi’s mother, Shahnaz Begum, police did not show a warrant of arrest. On hearing of her son’s arrest, she visited the CIA Centre almost daily to contact her son but was never permitted to see him. Rizvi also did not have access to a lawyer or medical officer. Fearing for her son’s life, Shahnaz Begum on 22 August sent telegrams to the highest authorities in Pakistan urging them to ensure her son’s safety. On 25 August she was given her son’s bloodstained clothes to wash. Shahnaz Begum filed a habeas corpus petition which came up for hearing on 31 August in the Karachi High Court. The state authorities reportedly sought more time to reply to questions relating to his whereabouts. Meanwhile, magistrates repeatedly issued orders remanding Rizvi to police custody and on 30 and 31 August to jail custody.

On 30 August Tariq Hassan Rizvi was apparently taken to Karachi Central Jail. Prison authorities reportedly told Rizvi’s mother that they had refused to take Rizvi into custody on account of his many injuries. According to Shahnaz Begum, the matter was referred to the Home Department of the Sindh Government which directed the jail authorities to take Rizvi into their custody on 31 August. On the same day the TV news bulletin again reported his arrest by police on that day. He apparently died in jail on 1 September 1995. Early in the morning of 2 September 1995, Shahnaz Begum was informed that her son had died and that his dead body was to be collected from the Edhi organization which receives, cleans and, if unidentified, buries dead bodies.

A forensic expert who examined the autopsy report issued by the Jinnah Post Graduate Medical Centre and the photos of the dead body said: “As there was no natural disease of any significance found on this victim, the possibility remains that he may have choked on his own vomit following a beating, especially if unconscious or stuporous from a head injury. Although there is no fractured skull or brain damage, the presence of quite extensive bruising under the scalp indicates that he had several severe blows on the head which could easily have caused unconsciousness. … Thus it follows that death was due to the injuries and although the mechanism of death is obscure, it is quite possible that he choked on regurgitated stomach contents, either whilst unconscious or semi-conscious, or merely as a result of severe assault, which might include a blow on the stomach.” The autopsy report lists 26 injuries and states that they were inflicted between 12-24 hours to 10 days before Rizvi’s death. Since Rizvi was arrested 17 days before his death, it appears to conclusively follow that he died of the consequences of beatings inflicted in police custody.

A few weeks later, on 26 September 1995, Feroze Uddin, another MQM worker from North Karachi who had reportedly been arrested on 19 September and remanded in police custody for a week on charges of assault on public servants, was brought by police and Rangers before a judge of a Special Court for the Suppression of Terrorist Activities. The presiding judge, Mohammad Akber, reportedly commented on the numerous injuries visible on the body of Feroze Uddin. These included swellings in his face and chest where hair had been pulled out and marks of beating. Feroze Uddin reportedly told his lawyer that the injuries had been inflicted by the Rangers. The judge reportedly ordered Feroze Uddin to be transferred to judicial rather than police custody; he also directed that Feroze Uddin should be given adequate medical care. It appears that these orders were ignored as his family could not find him in the jail to which he was to have been transferred. Feroze Uddin died on 28 or 29 September, together with two other MQM workers arrested earlier, Parvez Akhter Qureshi and Mohammad Ali, of gun shot injuries inflicted in an alleged “encounter” with police. According to official accounts, Feroze Uddin and another MQM worker were taken to New Karachi to identify other suspects when armed militants opened fire and killed both the prisoners as well as two pedestrians. A judicial inquiry into these deaths by a sub-divisional magistrate was established but does not appear to have concluded its investigation or to have published its findings.

Some prisoners reportedly died in police custody, allegedly after torture, even after their families had sought their release by paying the required bribe. Sayeed Hassan was reportedly arrested without charge on 12 December 1995 in New Karachi and taken to Buffer Zone police station. When his brother-in-law saw Sayeed Hassan being beaten by police in the police station, he agreed to provide 70,000 Rupees as demanded by the SHO. The sum was handed over to police on 15 December but police said they would not hand Sayeed Hassan over till swellings on his body would subside. On 21 December, his younger brother Jamil, who used to take meals to the police station for Sayeed Hassan, was told that his brother had died on 16 December. Family members reported that his body bore numer

Another reason for this violence:

Death of a social activist By Ardeshir Cowasjee Sunday, 15 Nov, 2009 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/columnists/death-of-a-social-activist-519

“Nisar Baloch understandably became a thorn in the side of the land-grabbing mafia, reportedly backed by influential ethnic and political parties of the city. Ironically, he had addressed a press conference only a day before he was murdered where he highlighted the issue in detail and pinpointed (perhaps fatally) the forces lending administrative and political support to the illegal occupation of the land of Gutter Baghicha. Importantly, Nisar Baloch had criticised both the MQM and PPP in equal measure, the former for complicity in coercion and the latter for its expedient tardiness. The Sindh chief minister had slapped a ban on the disposal and leasing of plots by the city government in July 2009. The ban was challenged by Nazim Mustafa Kamal but this public interest matter was settled out of court as if it was a compoundable dispute.”

Gutter Baghicha over the years Sunday, November 08, 2009
By Shahid Husain Karachi – Nisar Baloch, a resident of Old Golimar and an activist endeavouring to save Gutter Bagicha, was gunned down in cold blood near his house on Saturday morning. On Friday, he addressed a news conference at the Karachi Press Club on an issue that he was extremely passionate about: saving Gutter Bagicha Park for the beneficial use of the hundreds of thousands of poor people who lived in the congested vicinity. Gutter Baghicha, situated at Manghopir Road, was originally spread over 1,016 acres, but has being encroached upon by citizens, government officials and the land mafia since long.
http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=207306

THOSE WHO ARE INTERESTED IN PPP-MQM CLASH?

JI welcomes Altaf’s advise to President to resign Updated at: 2006 PST, Monday, November 02, 2009

LAHORE: Amir of Jamat-e-Islami (JI) Syed Munawar Hassan has welcomed the advice by Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) Chief Altaf Hussain to President Asif Ali Zardari to resign.

Talking to media here on Monday, Syed Munawar Hassan said the whole nation is evidently against the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO). He said JI too will soon embark on a country-wide movement against NRO.

He hoped that the Parliament, respecting the views of the people, will reject NRO and not stop this issue from being pushed into the court.

http://www.geo.tv/11-2-2009/52265.htm

Which Journalists are interested in PPP-MQM Clash?

The key indicators now out in the open include the shocking debacle for PPP on the NRO; the somersault of the MQM to oppose the NRO; a direct demand by Mr Altaf Hussain asking President Zardari to resign; The contours of a changed, unwritten script Situationer By Shaheen Sehbai Wednesday, November 04, 2009 http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=25365

and Raud Klasra in Jang

http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/nov2009-daily/04-11-2009/main3.htm

More clues on those who want PPP-MQM Clash to serve their selfish interest [Yaani Aag Laga Kar Tamasha Dekhaian]

Hamid Mir openly against MQM (Altaf’s Speech in Dehli)
http://www.insaf.pk/Forum/tabid/53/forumid/1/tpage/1/view/topic/postid/62738/Default.aspx#62738

Read it yourself as to how “Fast and Very Quickly” these TV ANCHORS [How correct Mr Mustafa Kamal was when he said “La’anat Hai Aisay TV Anchors par – Curse upon such TV Anchors]

Just compare two articles on Mr. Altaf Hussain by same Hamid Mir to know as to lowlife this Hamid Mir is that in first article he almost declared that Altaf Hussain is a Saint and in the second article Hamid Mir declared that ALTAF HUSSAIN IS ANTI-PAKISTAN.

Three Milion Dollor Man by Hamid Mir
http://www.pkcolumns.com/2009/10/26/three-milion-dollor-man-by-hamid-mir/
Hamid Mir openly against MQM (Altaf’s Speech in Dehli)
http://www.insaf.pk/Forum/tabid/53/forumid/1/tpage/1/view/topic/postid/62738/Default.aspx#62738

These Reporters whose Loyalties are not hidden to anybody particularly not hidden to Khaled Bhai, now read…

Just compare the double standards of Mr Ansar Abbasi his Column on Mr Altaf Hussain and MQM in Jang 9 Nov 2009 and do read a reply from MQM on the Column of Mr Ansar Abbasi which was written In the Urdu daily Jang of February 2, 2009 there was a column titled “Would Altaf Hussain participate in long march ?” [read in the end]

“QUOTE”

http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/nov2009-daily/09-11-2009/col13.htm

A Riposte to Ansar Abbasi – By Mustafa Azizabadi
Member – Central Rabita Committee & In charge Central Media cell. MQM

URL: http://www.mqm.org/English-News/feb-2009/azizabadi-article07-02-09.htm

URL: http://www.mqm.org/English-News/feb-2009/azizabadi-article07-02-09.htm

Restoration of CJ Iftikhar Imminent: Sources

URL: http://pakteahouse.wordpress.com/2009/03/13/restoration-of-cj-iftikhar-imminent-sources/

“UNQUOTE”

This Lobby of Establishment couldn’t tolerate and digest this close relation:

“quote”

Talking to the media outside the election commission office, MQM deputy convener Farooq Sattar said his party has supported PPP Co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari’s candidature for office of the president unconditionally. REFERENCE: http://elections.com.pk/newsdetails.php?id=657 Nominations filed for president Wednesday, August 27, 2008 (14:26 PST)

MQM to support Zardari for presidential slot: Altaf Monday, August 25, 2008 By By our correspondent Karachi http://thenews.jang.com.pk/print1.asp?id=131868

Running Pakistan’s biggest city – from London Last Updated: Wednesday, 16 May 2007, 11:33 GMT 12:33 UK http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6658231.stm

Muttahida’s swinging pendulum By Maheen A. Rashdi METRO VOICE May 27, 2007 Sunday Jamadi-ul-Awwal 10, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/27/fea.htm

Karachi police told to go unarmed By Syed Shoaib Hasan BBC News, Karachi Tuesday, 15 May 2007, 17:41 GMT 18:41 UK http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6659137.stm

Armed men attack Aaj TV office By Our Staff Reporter May 13, 2007 Sunday Rabi-us-Sani 25, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/13/top6.htm

KARACHI: SHC urged to supervise May 12 investigation By Shujaat Ali Khan http://www.dawn.com/2007/09/04/local1.htm

Ordeal of freed May 12 petitionerBy A Reporter June 09, 2007 Saturday Jamadi-ul-Awwal 23, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/06/09/top11.htm

Riots in Karachi leave dozens dead Published: Sunday, May 13, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/13/world/asia/13iht-pakistan.5.5692979.html

12 MAY 2007 TRAGEDY IN KARACHI

Who is to blame for Karachi mayhem? Saturday, May 19, 2007 Umar Cheema
http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=7933

ISLAMABAD: The Chief Secretary of Sindh had strongly opposed the strategy of the provincial government for May 12 while the Prime Minister’s advice to the provincial government for a judicial inquiry into the killings has been turned down, authoritative sources said on Friday. It was also revealed that the MQM had wanted to join the Islamabad rally but was stopped by the Chaudhrys of Gujrat.

Observers believe that these three important developments concerning the May 12 killings in Karachi may have a serious impact not only at the provincial level but also at the national. Sources said the Chief Secretary of Sindh, Shakeel Durrani, had strongly opposed the ‘counter productive’ strategy of the provincial government designed for May 12, the day the Chief Justice of Pakistan had gone to Karachi for addressing lawyers there. He had written in advance to his seniors, proposing that hurdles should not be created and that the CJ be given a smooth passage.

His recommendations were in clear contradiction to the Sindh Home Department, headed by former sector commander of Military Intelligence, Brig (retd) Ghulam Muhtaram. While the home department, fearing a serious law and order situation, insisted the CJ should not take the flight to Karachi, the chief secretary opposed the plan that was aimed to flop the CJ’s show, warning it would deteriorate the situation.

Shakeel Durrani had not only verbally opposed the blockade of roads but had also opposed in writing to such a plan that was prone to violence and mass-scale killings. He had instead recommended that no hurdle should be created and Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry should be allowed to go by the route he wanted to use for reaching the high court bar.

His recommendations, however, got a deaf ear from those who matter in decision-making in Sindh. Durrani is believed to have also held responsible his provincial government for Karachi mayhem, The News has learnt on good authority. While Durrani did not comment on the report when contacted by The News, another officer close to him confirmed it but refused to provide the details.

Meanwhile, the Sindh government has refused to order a judicial inquiry into the killings. The News has learnt on good authority that Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz wanted to order a judicial inquiry into the incident. He went to Karachi on Wednesday with this plan but faced opposition from his ruling allies in Sindh.

According to the sources, the PM had gone to Karachi with a plan to announce ordering judicial inquiry in a press conference after holding meetings there. Information Minister Muhammad Ali Durrani, Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao and Secretary Interior Kamal Shah had also accompanied him during this visit late Wednesday.

Sources privy to the development say the PM’s plan could not materialize following stiff opposition from his allies in Sindh who said that such an order would open up a new Pandora’s Box. The PM who had ordered judicial inquiry into the mysterious murder of Supreme Court’s additional registrar Hamad Raza, failed to do it in a case where more than 40 people had been killed in just one day, ie May 12.

Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao, when contacted to confirm about the PM plan, refused to comment. “I neither deny nor confirm this report,” he said.

Information Minister Muhammad Ali Durrani, however, termed the ordering of judicial inquiry as a legal issue. He also did not deny that the PM was planning to order a judicial inquiry but said: “I am not in knowledge of the plan”. Also, some MQM lawmakers have been heard blaming the Chaudhrys of the Gujrat for ‘pushing’ them to hold a separate rally in Karachi instead of joining the PML-Q rally in Islamabad held the same day.

They feel the May 12 incidents have left an adverse impact on their strategy to expand to other provinces so as to become a mainstream political party. The Karachi tragedy has put the MQM in dock as its offices in the Punjab and rural Sindh have faced a virtual closure following protests by the public of respective areas who blamed them for this bloodbath in Karachi.

In their background interviews, the MQM lawmakers are blaming Chaudhrys of Gujrat for putting them to ‘abuse’. They say they were not for holding a rally in Karachi. According to them, they had expressed the desire to join the PML-Q rally held in Islamabad the same day but were denied.

MQM parliamentary leader Dr Farooq Sattar, in his on-the-record discussion, has neither denied nor confirmed the claim of his party colleagues. But he said their plan to hold rally in Karachi was made after detailed deliberation.

The day of the sector commanders By Ayaz Amir May 18, 2007 Friday Jamadi-ul-Awwal 01, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/weekly/ayaz/20070518.htm

WITH apologies to Euripides for quoting him again: “Whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad.” No other explanation holds for the events of May 12 when Pakistan’s once-upon-a-time City of Lights was handed over, with the utmost of deliberation, to the forces of darkness and anarchy.

There is nothing surprising in avowed criminals spreading lawlessness, nothing surprising in a mafia carrying out a murder, mafias after all being in the business of murder. But here was something completely different: the supposed guardians of order themselves perpetrating disorder, gifting for 24 hours and more the city of Jinnah to elements dedicated to violence and intimidation—elements whose trademark has been the political use of terror.

Not just the abdication of authority but much worse: for perhaps the first time in our none-too-happy history a provincial government, with encouragement from afar, not only turning a blind eye to anarchy but actively encouraging it. If this is not madness, what is?

Why the paralysis of Karachi, the gifting of it to killing and mayhem? Why the miraculous disappearance of the so-called law-enforcing agencies, the police and the Rangers? Only so that the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, should not travel down the Sharea Faisal and arrive at the High Court to address the Karachi Bar. Our city and who dare enter it against our wishes?

This was going one better than the Nazis. They set fire to the Reichstag in 1934 so as to find a pretext to crush their opponents. But they set fire to one building, however important, not the whole of Berlin.

Here an entire city, Pakistan’s largest, its financial and commercial hub, its only seaport, paralysed – hundreds of buses, trucks and containers hijacked in the previous 24 hours to block not just the major arteries but also minor roads – all because Justice Chaudhry should not be able to get out of Karachi airport and those wishing to welcome him should not be able to go to the airport.

Justice Chaudhry and the lawyers accompanying him were not allowed to step out of the airport. Yet Gen Musharraf feels no qualms about holding them, rather than himself, responsible for what happened in Karachi that day.

The Nazis had their gauleiters. Karachi has its sector commanders. This was the day of the sector commanders.

With roads blocked, movement was difficult if not impossible. But people were willing to brave all obstacles and make it to the airport. At several points they were set upon and ambushed, all with the greatest deliberation. Fortytwo dead are the accounted for victims of this slaughter although the real toll could be higher. Many more were injured.

At the Jinnah Hospital which I visited the next day I saw people lying with gunshot wounds – all poor, most of them day-labourers, in pain and dazed at what had befallen them.

The sector commanders were trying to show their strength. What they have exposed instead is their weakness, their terror at the thought of Justice Chaudhry coming in triumphal procession down the Sharea Faisal. One man striking terror into the hearts of a multitude: the wages not of strength but abject cowardice.

Gen Musharraf outdid himself that evening, declaring before the rent-a-crowd gathered in front of the houses of parliament in Islamabad that it was the power of the people which had manifested itself in Karachi and that anyone daring to stand in its way would be crushed. As a British paper has commented, not a twinge of shame, not a touch of remorse, just loud talk and a swaggering attitude and this on the day Karachi was visited by death and anarchy.

We’ve heard of riots being incited against Muslims in India by Hindu extremists to achieve some dark political purpose. In Karachi no compunction was shown in shedding Muslim blood in order to score a political point that defies sense and understanding.

And as if to emphasise the ‘strategic’ nexus behind these events, at a hastily-convened meeting of the Q League in Islamabad, Gen Musharraf exhorted his assembled supporters (for the most dispirited because of the killings in Karachi) not to leave the MQM alone in its hour of trial and distress. This was less exhortation than a cry from the heart. Not a word about healing Karachi’s wounds, not a word of regret about the madness that had tipped Karachi into anarchy, just a long harangue about coming to the aid of the MQM.

Even from that gathering of the meek and the docile murmurs arose against the MQM, only to be brushed aside, the order of the day being “support the MQM”.

There was also anger at the media, presumably for showing the emperor and his cohorts without their clothes. The media is being watched was the second order of the day. It better behave or it would be dealt with sternly.

This seems to be the season of sternness. The Chief Justice was dealt with sternly and we know what has come of that. Karachi has been dealt with sternly and we know the grim fruits of that. There are other indicators in the wind: the firing on the house of Munir Malik, President of the Supreme Court Bar Association (two days before the CJ’s arrival in Karachi). Now the tragic killing of Hammad Raza, Assistant Registrar of the Supreme Court.

Hammad, virtually staff officer to the CJ, was reportedly under pressure to give evidence against him. By all accounts an upright officer, it is being said that he wasn’t coming around. The government says he died in the course of an attempted robbery – an explanation few people in the country are willing to buy. His wife says it was a targeted killing. Allah knoweth best. All we can be sure of is that strange things are afoot in this season of sternness.

Hand it to Gen Musharraf though for making no bones about his ambition. His third order of the day at that same Q League meeting was not to be upset by ‘temporary’ troubles and instead concentrate on ‘my reelection’ which would benefit the Q League’s election prospects. A preview, no doubt, of the free and fair elections towards which we are supposedly heading.

Elections under Musharraf, elections in Karachi under the aegis of its sector commanders: there were few takers for these ideas before, fewer still after the events of May 12.

Army chiefs have presided over our biggest disasters: foolish, unnecessary wars, even the country’s dismemberment. Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan are the true fathers of Bangladesh. If the people of Bangladeshi had any gratitude, they would raise statues in their honour.

But the army command allowing itself to be perceived in the colours of ethnicity – and I choose my words most carefully here – is a first, never happening before. Are our self-appointed saviours, whose time as all the signs suggest, is clearly up, totally oblivious of the grave consequences of their actions?

Karachi-specific ethnicity was a bad enough phenomenon. Nothing, however, can be more sinister than playing the ethnic card from the centre. This is one game of poker best avoided. There also should be some limits to personal ambition. Self-preservation is a powerful feeling and up to an extent understandable, but it shouldn’t be stretched to the point where it drags everything down with it.

This is going to be a long, hot summer. Pray God some sense prevails. Pakistan was not created for men of limited ability to play around with its destiny. Pakistan a failed state? By no means. Its failures have been the failures of its leaders. But we may have turned a corner and in that sense left the past behind because the one sentiment being voiced across the country is, “Enough is enough”.

The yearning for change is visible. More than that, as the popular response to the judicial crisis shows, the struggle for change is being joined by wider sections of the people.

ایم کیو ایم فوج کے ہاتھوں میں؟

حسین عسکری
بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، لندن

وقتِ اشاعت: Thursday, 17 May, 2007, 00:14 GMT 05:14 PST

http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/story/2007/05/070516_mqm_analysis_rza.shtml

ایم کیو ایم تشدد کی سیاست سے باہر نہیں نکل سکی
چیف جسٹس افتخار محمد چودھری کی معطلی کا معاملہ بارہ مئی کو جو شکل اختیار کر گیا ہے اس نے لوگوں کے ذہنوں میں کئی سوالات پیدا کیے ہیں۔
نو مارچ کو صدر مشرف کی جانب سے چیف جسٹس افتخار چودھری کے خلاف ریفرینس کے بعد سے چیف جسٹس نے پاکستان کے مختلف شہروں میں بار کونسلوں سے خطاب کیے اور وکلا اور سیاسی جماعتوں نے بھرپور لیکن تقریبا پر امن احتجاج کا سلسلہ جاری رکھا۔ آخر چیف جسٹس کے کراچی کے دورے پر ہی صورتحال نے خوفناک حد تک پُرتشدد شکل کیوں اختیار کی۔ حکومت نے ان کو بار بار یہ مشورہ کیوں دیا کہ وہ کراچی نہ جائیں کیونکہ ان کے کراچی جانے سے شہر میں حالات خراب ہو سکتے ہیں۔

اِن سوالات کے جواب معلوم کرنے کے لیے ہمیں گزشتہ بائیس برسوں کے دوران کراچی پر بلاشرکتِ غیرے راج کرنے والی جماعت متحدہ قومی موومنٹ کے سیاسی کردار کا جائزہ لینا ہوگا۔

انیس سو پچاسی میں بشریٰ زیدی نامی طالبہ کی ایک ٹریفک حادثے میں ہلاکت کے بعد شروع ہونے والے عوامی احتجاج کو نسلی فسادات میں بدل دیا گیا۔ اُس عوامی احتجاج کے اندر ایک موثر تحریک بن کر اندرون سندھ اور آنے والے دنوں میں پورے ملک میں مارشل لا حکومت کے خلاف ایک بڑی تحریک سے جڑ جانے کی پوری صلاحیت موجود تھی۔

کراچی کے شہریوں کو یہ اچھی طرح یاد ہوگا کہ شہر میں کس طرح افواہیں پھیلائی گئیں کہ پٹھان مہاجر بستیوں پر حملہ کرنے آ رہے ہیں۔ پٹھان علاقوں میں بھی اسی طرح کی افواہیں پھیلائی گئیں۔ کراچی یونیورسٹی میں ڈیموکریٹک سٹوڈنٹس فیڈریشن نامی تنظیم کے طلبہ و طالبات نے طے کیا کہ وہ پٹھانوں کے ایک علاقے بنارس جا کر وہاں لوگوں کو اِس سازش کے بارے میں سمجھائیں گے۔

لیکن نامعلوم افراد نے بنارس میں یہ افواہ پھیلا دی کہ مہاجر ایک بس میں بھر کر پٹھانوں پر حملہ کرنے آ رہے ہیں۔ نتیجہ یہ کہ اس بس کے طلبہ پر تشدد ہوا، کچھ طلبہ زخمی ہوئے اور علاقے کے لوگوں تک اپنا پیغام پہنچائے بغیر وہاں سے چلے گئے۔ لیکن شہر میں یہ افواہ پھیلا دی گئی کہ بس میں سوار مہاجر طالبات کو پٹھانوں نے اغوا کر لیا ہے۔ امن قائم کرنے کی کوئی کوشش امن خراب کرنے والوں کے ہاتھوں کامیاب نہ ہوسکی۔ شہر میں امن ریلیاں بھی نکلیں لیکن بے سود رہیں۔

اُن دنوں کے فسادات میں بڑے پیمانے پر پٹھانوں، پنجابیوں اور مہاجروں کے درمیان مسلح جھڑپوں میں سیکڑوں افراد ہلاک اور اربوں روپے کی املاک تباہ ہوئیں اور شہر کی اردو بولنے والی آبادی کی اکثریت نے ایم کیو ایم کے سائے تلے پناہ لے لی ۔

اس وقت کے فوجی ڈکٹیٹر جنرل ضیاالحق کی قیادت میں فوجی ایسٹیبلشمنٹ نے اس طرح کئی فائدے حاصل کیے۔ جنرل ضیاالحق کے خلاف صوبہ سندھ میں تحریک برائے بحالی جمہوریت ( ایم آر ڈی ) کی تحریک کمزور ہوئی۔ پاکستان کی سب سے بڑی مڈل کلاس آبادی کو مرکزی دھارے کی سیاست سے کاٹ کر ملک کی جمہوری قوتوں کو ناقابلِ تلافی نقصان پہچایا گیا۔ اس وقت سے آج تک کراچی ملک کے مرکزی دھارے کی سیاست سے کٹا ہوا ہے اور اِس شہر کی منتخب جماعت جمہوریت کے خلاف فوج کے ہاتھوں استعمال ہوتی ہوئی نظر آ رہی ہے۔ تشدد کے نتیجے میں وجود میں آنے والی یہ جماعت آج تک تشدد کی سیاست سے باہر نہیں نکل سکی۔

فوج نے ایم کیو ایم کے لیے سیاست میں جو کردار متعین کیا ہوا ہے ایم کیو ایم نہ تو اس سے باہر آ سکی ہے نہ اسے ایسا کرنے دیا گیا ہے۔ انیس سو بانوے اور پھر انیس سو پچانوے میں کراچی میں دو ریاستی آپریشنوں کے ذریعے ایم کیو ایم کو یہ بات پوری طرح سمجھا دی گئی ہے کہ اُسے فوج کے بتائے ہوئے راستے پر ہی چلنا ہے۔ فوج کے لیے مرکزی دھارے سے کٹی ہوئی جماعت کو یہ سمجھانا آسان ہوتا ہے۔

ریاستی آپریشن کے دوران جب ایم کیو ایم کے رہنما چھپتے پھر رہے تھے اور کارکنوں کے جعلی مقابلوں میں ماورائے عدالت قتل ہو رہے تھے تو یہ میڈیا ہی تھا جس نے اِس کے خلاف آواز اٹھائی تھی۔ بعد میں جماعت کے ایک اہم رہنما آفتاب شیخ نے کراچی پریس کلب کی ایک تقریب میں صحافیوں سے میڈیا کے ساتھ اپنے رویے کی کھلے عام معافی مانگی تھی۔

کراچی میں بارہ مئی کو ’آج‘ ٹی وی پر کئی گھنٹوں تک ہونے والی فائرنگ کی معافی کے لیے بھی شاید لوگوں کو کئی برس تک انتظار کرنا ہوگا۔

وہ انیس سو اٹھاسی اور انیس سو ترانوے میں پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کی حکومتیں ہوں یا انیس سو نوے اور ستانوے میں مسلم لیگ نواز کی حکومتیں، ایم کیو ایم کو اِن منتخب حکومتوں کو غیر مستحکم کرنے کے لیے استعمال کیا گیا۔ ایم کیو ایم نےان حکومتوں میں شامل ہوتے ہوئے بھی اِن ہی کے خلاف کام کیا اور ملک میں جمہوریت کے خلاف سازش میں اہم کردار ادا کیا۔

انیس سو ستانوے میں قومی اسمبلی کے انتخابات میں تقریبا یقینی جیت کے باوجود عین وقت پر بائیکاٹ کرکے اس جماعت نے سب کو حیران کر دیا تھا۔ ٹھیک دو دنوں کے بعد صوبائی اسمبلی کے انتخابات میں ایم کیو ایم نے حصہ لیا اور بھرپور کامیابی حاصل کی اور ثابت کیا کہ شہر کی سب سے مقبول جماعت ہونے کے باوجود اس جماعت کے انتخابات میں حصہ لینے یا نہ لینے کا فیصلہ نائن زیرو میں نہیں بلکہ کہیں اور کیا جاتا ہے۔

ایم کیو ایم نے لوگوں کی اِس امید کو بھی ختم کر دیا کہ متوسط طبقے کی نمائندگی کرنے والی جماعت ملکی سیاست میں مثبت کردار ادا کر سکتی ہے۔ وکلا کی تحریک متوسط طبقے ہی کی تحریک ہے اور دیکھا جائے تو ایم کیو ایم کو اس کا حصہ ہونا چاہیے تھا ۔

ایم کیو ایم کے اسی کردار کے تناظر میں اگر دیکھیں تو بارہ مئی کو چیف جسٹس کی کراچی آمد اور جبری واپسی کے موقع پر کراچی میں ہونے والا تشدد اور ایک ہی دن میں چونتیس افراد کی ہلاکت کا معاملہ سمجھ میں آنے لگتا ہے۔

چیف جسٹس افتخار چودھری کی معطلی کے خلاف ملک بھر میں وکلا اور سیاسی جماعتوں کا احتجاج اور چیف جسٹس کے ملک کی مختلف بار کونسلوں سے خطاب کے موقع پر ججوں کی اکثریت کا موجود ہونا، اس سارے معاملے کو نشر کرنے کے دوران میڈیا پر حکومتی دباؤ اور ٹی وی چینلوں پر حملوں کے باوجود میڈیا کی جانب سے اس دباؤ کا سامنا کرنا، یہ سب وہ عوامل ہیں جنھوں نے موجودہ حکومت اور اس کے فوجی سربراہ جنرل مشرف کو سخت پریشانی میں مبتلا کیا ہوا ہے اور ظاہر ہے فوج کو بھی ایک ادارے کی حیثیت سے ہر وہ تحریک پسند نہیں جس سے ملک میں جمہوریت اور قانون کی بالادستی کا کوئی امکان پیدا ہو۔

اس موقع پر ایم کیو ایم ایک مرتبہ پھر فوج کے کام آئی ہے اور چیف جسٹس کی معطلی کے خلاف چلنے والی پر امن تحریک میں تشدد کا عنصر کراچی کے ذریعے داخل کیا گیا ہے ۔

اسی دوران صدر مشرف اور پیپلز پارٹی کی سربراہ بے نظیر بھٹو کے درمیان رابطوں اور ڈیل کی خبریں بھی سامنے آئی ہیں۔ وہ صدر مشرف جو ظفراللہ جمالی جیسے بے ضرر وزیراعظم کو بھی برداشت نہیں کر سکے وہ بے نظیر سے بات کرنے پر مجبور ہوئے ہیں۔ فوج کے اندر بھی یہ احساس پایا جاتا ہے کہ صدر مشرف اپنے آٹھ سالہ دورِ حکومت میں جتنے کمزور آج ہیں اتنے پہلے کبھی نہیں تھے۔

اسی لیے موجودہ فوجی ایسٹیبلشمنٹ مجبوراً یہی چاہتی ہے کہ اب پیپلز پارٹی جیسی عوامی جماعت کو شریکِ اقتدار کر کے صدر مشرف کو مزید موقع دیا جائے۔ ادھر موجودہ حالات میں امریکہ کی طرف سے بھی یہ اشارے ہیں کہ ماشل لا یا ایمرجنسی فی الحال اُسے قبول نہیں۔ خاص طور پر وہ اس بات پر گہری نظر رکھے ہوئے ہے کہ جوہری ہتھیاروں سے لیس پاکستان میں کوئی جہادی جنرل اقتدار پر قابض نہ ہو جائے۔لیکن زمینی حقائق یہ ہیں کہ ہرگزرتے دن کے ساتھ صدر مشرف کی اقتدار پرگرفت کمزور ہورہی ہے اور بظاہر یہ دکھائی دے رہا ہے کہ اگر صدر مشرف نے جلد ہی پیلپز پارٹی کے ساتھ معاملات طے نہیں کیے تو نہ وہ وردی نہ ہی بغیر وردی کے صدر رہیں گے۔ان حالات میں امریکہ کے لیے یہی مناسب ہے کہ صدر مشرف بے نظیر کے ساتھ مل کر حکومت کریں اور امریکی یہ بات صدر مشرف کو بھی سمجھا رہے ہیں۔

اسی تناظر میں اگر وکلا اور سیاسی جماعتوں کی موجودہ تحریک کے دباؤ میں آ کر فوج پیپلز پارٹی کے ساتھ اقتدار کی شراکت پر مجبور ہو جاتی ہے تو اس شراکت میں اسے بہت سے اختیارات سے محروم ہونا پڑے گا اور اقتدار کا ایک بڑا حصہ سیاسی جماعتوں کو منتقل ہو جائےگا۔

ایم کیو ایم کے ذریعے کراچی میں تشدد کروا کر یا جامعہ حفصہ کا معاملہ کھڑا کرنے کا مقصد یہ ہے کہ عدلیہ کی آزادی کے نام پر چلنے والی اس تحریک کو جس حد تک ممکن ہو کمزور کر دیا جائے تاکہ اقتدار کی اس شراکت میں فوج اپنے لیے زیادہ سے زیادہ حصے کو یقینی بنا سکے۔

PTI to sue Blair for ‘harbouring’ MQM leader By Our Reporter May 15, 2007 Tuesday Rabi-us-Sani 27, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/15/nat5.htm

LAHORE, May 14: Tehreek-i-Insaaf Chairman Imran Khan has accused President Pervez Musharraf and MQM leader Altaf Husain of bloodshed in Karachi and called upon the opposition to unite on one-point agenda of getting rid of Musharraf and dictatorship.

Addressing a press conference after presiding over a meeting of the Tehreek central executive committee here on Monday evening, he said the disturbance in Karachi was not unexpected because the issue had been raised in the National Assembly session only a day earlier, but the government did nothing to prevent the bloodshed.

“Instead of taking steps for maintaining law and order in Karachi, it got the MQM rally arranged intentionally to sabotage the reception of Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry which was expected to be much better than Lahore.”

He said President Musharraf was not tired of talking about enlightened moderation on the one hand and had joined hands with “top terrorist” MQM leader Altaf Hussain on the other for remaining in power. “The hardened criminals of MQM set at liberty by the government continued firing bullets at the people but the police and the Rangers did not fire even a single teargas shell at them. Ten PTI men were among those who sustained bullet injuries and were under treatment in hospitals.”

The PTI, he said, was consulting lawyers to lodge an FIR against Gen Pervez Musharraf and Altaf Husain for the Karachi killings.

He said the PTI would also file a case against British Prime Minister Tony Blair in the UK for harbouring MQM leader Altaf Husain who “headed a fascist organisation and was living like a king there through the money sent to him from Pakistan. The MQM is a fascist organisation like Hitler’s Nazi Party. No body dared to challenge the Nazi Party because it got its opponents eliminated. The MQM first fired bullets on the people and then tried to portray itself as a victim.”

He said Pakistan People’s Party chairperson Benazir Bhutto had not played the Sindh Card, but President Musharraf continued playing the MQM card and was not tired of praising Altaf Husain in his speeches. “Innocent people were being killed in Karachi but there were jubilations in Islamabad at government expense.”

Running Karachi – from London – By Isambard Wilkinson in Karachi and Damien McElroy
Published: 12:01AM BST 14 May 2007 http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1551540/Running-Karachi—from-London.html

The man in charge of Pakistan’s largest city, Karachi, was at his usual command-and-control post at the weekend: a sofa in north London.

As his fiefdom descended into brutal violence, with the deaths of at least 40 people reported amid the worst political bloodshed Pakistan has witnessed in years, Altaf Hussain directed his followers by telephone from a safe place more than 5,000 miles away. His headquarters, or “international secretariat”, is not in the Pakistani port city but housed in a red-brick office block opposite a supermarket on Edgware High Street. Followers of Mr Hussain, 53, whose Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) is allied to President Pervez Musharraf’s government, were accused yesterday of playing a bloody part in the clashes with opposition supporters. But in an interview with The Daily Telegraph, Mr Hussain insisted that they held a “completely peaceful gathering” and that it was opposition supporters who provoked the violence, in which at least nine MQM activists were killed. When reports of the killings reached Edgware on Saturday morning, Mr Hussain was preparing to address the party by telephone. Three hours later, he defied what he called “agitators” by leaning over the loudspeaker of his phone to speak to his supporters. Opposition activists loyal to Benazir Bhutto were staging their own anti-government rally when the violence began. But Mr Hussain said: “It was a completely peaceful gathering by MQM supporters that was targeted by a collaboration of three other parties.” He said he had called for peace. But as tens of thousands of his followers sat cross-legged in reverential silence as they listened to their leader’s telephonic address relayed by loudspeakers, in another street armed MQM activists fired directly into the crowds of opposition protesters.

Mr Hussain, who founded the MQM in 1984 specifically to represent the Mohajirs – Muslim refugees from India – has lived in Britian since arriving in 1992 for a kidney operation. He has since become a British citizen, while his party governs five cities and the populous Sind province. He claimed yesterday that his party is the only force to stand up for secular values in Pakistan. “MQM is the only party against all sorts of religious fanaticism in Pakistan,” he said. “It is these groups and their influence, which is all around, that is stopping me coming home. A sizeable majority of the army even have been brainwashed to supporting what the Taliban wants to impose.”

Mr Hussain, who spent part of yesterday speaking on the telephone to Gen Musharraf, warned Pakistan’s leader not to make any deals with exiled leaders, such as his rival Miss Bhutto, that would see the military ruler resign from the army. Pakistan faces a referendum on Gen Musharraf’s rule before the end of the year and he has promised to abandon his uniform before the poll. “The situation in South Asia does not allow Pervez Musharraf to take off his uniform, for without it he will have no power at all. Because of activities next door in Afghanistan as well as our own country, the Taliban is growing very strong,” Mr Hussaid said. “He is doing his level best to fight these groups. Musharraf is a very brave man. Only he can prevent the Talibanisation of Pakistan.”

Unlike the former prime ministers Nawaz Sharif and Miss Bhutto, Mr Hussain is an exile whose party has consolidated its grip. But Karachi remains tense. The MQM’s most senior leader in Pakistan, Farooq Sattar, said: “The opposition wants to show that Karachi does not belong to the MQM. We have accepted the challenge.” Mr Hussain is one of the Indian subcontinent’s more unusual leaders. His political addresses by telephone have been known to last up to four hours, while a Western diplomat in Pakistan described the MQM as “something out of Chicago – nobody leaves the party”.
While Mr Hussain promotes the party as a secular cause and courts the middle-class vote, his supporters are known to extort a goonda, or thug, tax from Karachi businesses.
Mr Hussain, who once drove a taxi in Chicago for a living, micro-manages the MQM with acute attention to detail. The movement runs on Greenwich Mean Time with his ministers in Pakistan fielding hour-long telephone calls into the early hours. Mr Sattar admitted that his party’s image had been tarnished by “accusations of fascism and terrorism” but said this was a “misperception”.

Some observers argue that in the tough city of Karachi the MQM has given a vulnerable group protection and a voice. After Mr Hussain left Pakistan, an army operation was launched against his party during which hundreds of its workers were either killed by police or were arrested on charges of terrorism. He has no plans to return to Pakistan. When asked why Mr Hussain was not deported to Pakistan before he was granted citizenship, a British diplomat said: “He has not committed a crime on British soil.”

MQM was established to counter Sindhi nationalists: Beg Daily Times Monitor Saturday, September 05, 2009 http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=200995\story_5-9-2009_pg7_4

LAHORE: Former army chief Mirza Aslam Beg said on Friday the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) was established as a political measure to counter the Sindhi nationalist movement following the hanging of PPP founder Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

Now read this:

Ex COAS General Aslam Beg sabotaged ignited the fight between PPP-MQM in 1988 [only PPP and MQM suffered, read people of Sindh suffered] to attain certain Strategic Depths, before the election Aslam Beg send the money to MQM and Altaf Hussain and MQM returned the Money. Brig Imtiaz had contacted MQM on behalf of Hamid Gul and Beg to pressurize MQM to join IJI and MQM refused, now after 1988 Elections when MQM-PPP formed the coalition government, the same hidden hands started the present day tactics [exploiting the minor policy differences between PPP-MQM].

Many of our friend are younger here and maybe they don’t know and it is a duty of those person who know that they should tell about the Dark Past. Pucca Qila Operation in Hyderabad against MQM was launched by the Police during the first PPP Govt. and the then Corps Commander Asif Nawaz had intervened and stopped that operation and gues what he himelf launched Operation Cleanup against MQM which was started against Dacoits in Interior of Sindh.

On February 11, 1990, the army oversaw the messy business of exchange of 27 political workers captured by both the MQM and the PPP sides in tit-for-tat abductions. The exchange followed talks at the military headquarters at the instructions of Karachi Corps Commander Lt. General Asif Nawaz Janjua. There was General Asif Nawaz’s famous interview to the BBC, during which he dubbed the MQM as a terrorist organization. Whether this was true or not, it was no business of an army chief to pass this judgment. Subsequently, the army played a far from passive role in helping the dissidents of the MQM Haqiqi to take over the offices of the mainstream MQM.

MQM is a reality, read Press Conference of Late. Benazir Bhutto after 18 October 2007 Karsaz Bomb Attack and She conveyed a lot in just one paragraph.

“QUOTE”

“She disclosed that a media representative had told her on return from Dubai that he had received a phone call from a retired military official that there would be an attack on her that day and that the MQM would be doing that. “I said that if such an attack comes, it will not be from the MQM.” REFERENCE: ‘Zia remnants’ blamed for Karachi carnage: Benazir vows to confront militants, fears more attacks By Shamim-ur-Rahman October 20, 2007 Saturday Shawwal 7, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/10/20/top1.htm

“UNQUOTE”

General Babar had done operation against MQM and now the same General Babar is saying this:

He criticized the MQM decision to join forces with the opposition. He said the MQM should join the government for the sake of peace in Karachi. REFERENCE: ‘Bill to cut president down to size this week’ News Desk Monday, April 14, 2008
http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=14093

Those [Army] who conducted Operation against MQM, are now [after killing MQM Political Activist] are now “saying” [after 18 years] that Operation was not Launched against MQM, Watch the Program:

Jinnah Pur master mind Brig. Asif Haroon Proved Guilty – 1/5
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZEEN2ysFuMs&feature=PlayList&p=E1AC1A7DCEF0AF80&index=0&playnext=1

This was did with MQM:Human Rights Crisis in Karachi – Amnesty International, Human Rights Crisis in Karachi, 1 February 1996, ASA/33/01/96, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6a9b40.html

Genuine Complaints against MQM are there Provide information on the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Altaf (MQM-A) in Pakistan. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,USCIS,,PAK,,414fe5aa4,0.html

but doing what is mentioned above was, is and will be wrong – Political Parties should solve Political Problems through Dialog not through bullets and siege because then nobody will be left.

Pakistan Khappay – the reality: http://www.pakool.com/featured/pakistan-khappay-we-need-pakistan-yes-indeed/

Four gunned down in Korangi ambush By Our Staff Reporter
Wednesday, 23 Jun, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/four-gunned-down-in-korangi-ambush-360

KARACHI, June 22: An attack on a car in a congested locality of Korangi on Tuesday afternoon left four people, including an activist of a political party, dead as the number of targeted killings continues to increase amid government claims and police resolve to put an end to the year-long series of political and ethnic killings in the city.

However, the city police chief ruled out the latest incident as part of the recent wave of targeted killings, insisting that the deadly attack was not politically motivated. Rather it was a result of some land dispute between two groups, he claimed.

“The firing incident was reported just after 1pm,” said Sub-Inspector Asif Jakhrani, the SHO of the Korangi Industrial Area police station.

“Four men travelling in a black 2,000cc car were intercepted in a P&T Colony street by armed men travelling in a smaller car. Initially, there were witness accounts that two armed men on a motorbike did this job, but it emerged later that the armed men were travelling in a white 1,000 cc car.”

He said the victims’ car was moving slowly in a narrow alleyway of the congested locality when the white car emerged from the other end and forced its driver to stop. “Two men armed with an AK-47 rifle and a 9mm pistol came out of the white car and fired multiple shots from two sides of their car, leaving all the four men dead in a pool of blood inside their vehicle. The victims suffered bullet wounds in the head, chest and upper torso,” the SHO said.

The armed men sped away following the attack, he said. Area people later came out of their homes and gathered at the crime-scene. They retrieved the dead bodies from the car bearing registration number ARY-556 before the police reached there.

The bodies were then shifted to the ambulances of a charity and taken to the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre (JPMC) for medico-legal formalities.

The victims were identified as Naseem Haider, Mohammad Bakhsh, Mohammad Habib and Farman Ali. Naseem Haider and Mohammad Bakhsh were residents of Juma Goth in Korangi. Muhammad Habib and Farman Ali lived in Korangi No 2½ and 5½, respectively.

Claiming deceased Mohammad Bakhsh to be their party worker, the Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz later blamed a partner in the coalition government for the targeted killing. “It’s in fact the weakness of a major partner in the coalition government that it keeps itself attached to those involved in such crimes,” said the party spokesman without naming any political party.

However, police investigators believed that the killings were caused by some old dispute over land.

“Two of the four victims had already clashed with their rival party, and there were reports about firing during the clash,” said an official associated with the investigation arm of the Korangi Industrial Area police station.

“The opponents also enjoy political backing of some individuals and groups.”

Speaking to Dawn, Capital City Police Officer Waseem Ahmed also insisted that the murder of four men were not part of the recent wave of targeted killings. “It was basically a dispute over some property or a piece of land that resulted in the attack. One should not confuse this with any political issue,” the CCPO said.

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ats traditionnels comme brad paisley , qui a été exclu des candidatures pour la première fois depuis 1999, et kenny chesney , un artiste vivace de la candidat de l’année qui a été laissé hors de la catégorie malgré la mise sur 2012 de plus parlé de cas – sa tournée des stades avec tim mcgraw.shelton débutera le spectacle avec une performance de son nouveau single round de garons iciqui comprendra des apparitions de bryan , brad paisley , qui es

ht von unseren Pflichten als Bürger ablenken, sagte er.MailandEin Arzt im Niguarda Krankenhaus teilte mit, bei dem toten Sugling handele sich um ein Mdchen, das am Sonntagabend durch einen Kaiserschnitt zur Welt kam.Bereits unmittelbar nach dem Kaiserschnitt war ein Junge an akuten Lungenproblemen gestorben. Damit haben bislang sechs Suglingeüberlebt,

gleichzeitig Arbeitslosen und Rentnern in die Taschen gegriffen haben. Nicht Worte zhlten, sondern Taten.Lafontaine schreibt, der nordrheinwestflische Landesverband seiner Partei knne die Wahlen noch gewinnen. Wenn er vor den Wahlen noch glaubwürdig rüberbringt, dass Hartz IV und einige soziale Kürzungen wieder rückgngig gemacht werden, dann sehe i

inen sich die Befürchtungen zu besttigen,dass mit der Fusion von DaimlerChrysler der Vorstand Standorte gegeneinanderausspielt, legale Steuermanipulationen durchführt und eineInvestitionspolitik am Staat vorbei betreibt. Daher werde der Verband im Falle einer Verlegung der Konzernzentrale dazu aufrufen, den Kauf von MercedesBenzFahrzeugen zu boykottieren
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avant de s’embarquer. Les responsables …Monsieur le directeur,Vous avez publié dans le Monde du décembre un article où Me Maurice Garon s’élevait contre de nouvelles dispositions légales visant à permettre aux Franais musulmans non titulaires de la licence en droit, ni du certificat d’aptitude, de devenir avocats en Algérie.Je pense que vous faites ainsi beaucoup d’honneur à une profession qui en mérite, certes, mais pas plus, vous l’admettrez, que n’importe quel emploi public. Or il est de plus en plus fréquent que, sous l’empire de nécessités diverses, les pouvoirs publics procèdent à des recrutements par voie de dérogation sans exiger des postulants les diplmes prévus par les statuts.Je prendrai un seul exemple pour montrer que l’émoi
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ement préconisé la passation d’accords d’ autolimitationdes exportations, les industriels japonais s’engageant à n’augmenter que progressivement et dans certaines limites leurs ventes à la France portant sur un certain nombre de produitssensibles .Les conversations des deux premiers ministres auxquelles ont…Rabat, décembre.La brève mission accomplie au Maroc par MM. Roger Sey doux, directeur général des affaires culturelles et techniques au Quai d’Orsay, e, Pierre Chatenet, directeur de la fonction publique en France, a permis un nouvel examen de la coopération francomarocains dans les domaines technique et culturel, Sur vingtsept mille fonctionnaires franais titulaires sous le protectorat, la moitié environ ont quitté le Maroc pour des raisons d

gqbu igher.analysts havde forventet et boost af . million tnder , iflge en undersgelse platts , energi information arm mcgrawhill cos.gasoline varebeholdninger smuttede. million tnder, eller. procent til . million tnder . procent under yearago niveauer , iflge regeringens rapport . analytikere forventede lagre af brndstof motor til at falde , barrels.demand for benzin over de fire uger, der sluttede fredag var . procent hjere end et r tidligere, i gennemsnit nsten . millioner tnder day.refineries blev ogs krer lidt under hvad der var forventet analysts.traders dog syntes at fokusere p andre offentlige rapporter , sag
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var mest i mere end et r og en stigning p nsten procent siden januar. det skal sammenlignes med . millioner mennesker, der blev afskediget i april , frrest siden januar, fr recessionen began.during dybet af recessionen, arbejdere var tilbageholdende med at holde op – og ikke kun fordi job var knappe . selv hvis de fandt et nyt job, nogle frygtede, at acceptere det ville efterlade dem srbare over for en fritstille . p mange virksomheder , fyringer flge en simpel formel: sidste ansat , frst fired.many klyngede sig til deres job af frygt , siger david adams , vice president for uddannelse p adecco , en national bemanding
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