Terrorism: A legacy of General Zia-ul-Haq – Guest post by Naseer Ahmed
Here is a guest post by our valued visitor and contributor Mr Naseer Ahmed highlighting the roots of terrorism in Pakistan.
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Here is a guest post by our valued visitor and contributor Mr Naseer Ahmed highlighting the roots of terrorism in Pakistan.
Muslims are advised to quit living in Fools Paradise because Muslim Societies e.g. Rafizi, Khariji, Nasibi, Wahabis, Sunnis and Shias should first attain unity and consensus on the Definition of Islam and Who is Muslim and then talk about Joint Resources and Borders for UMMAH itching for Islamic Khilafa. We need reforms horizontally and vertically and complete overhauling within our system for example Saudi Arabia should start treating all the Citizens as First Class Citizens and give them the option of Saudi Nationality, Buying Property and Marrying with Local People. I wonder if you have been to Saudi Arabia or any other Arab State of Diaper Heads because as soon as you arrive at their Immigrataion Counter you will know your status…. your real staus and all your pipe dreams of Ummah would crash like C 130 CRASHED ON 17 August 1988, till then this Ummah can ball itself off.
A glimpse of Muslim Ummah
One who criticizes the wrong steps and acts within the system, shouldn’t be taken as an Enemy of the State and this very habit has become a hallmark of Empty and Shallow Pakistani Society and let me make it clear in even more explicit words that our Martial Law Regimes during the Cold War – 1958-1969, 1969-1971, 1977-1988, and after Cold War 1999-2008, discouraged any kind of critical thinking in Pakistan and results are before us. International Politics and Dynamics of Framing National Policies are not just Kiss and Makeup, when you follow and toe the American Policies for a long period and that too for their National Interests then consequences are ultimately to be faced which we are facing and it will take time to change the course of Pakistan’s National Policies and Priorities
I would suggest that you should go and buy some books on Current Affairs and International Politics [relating with Pakistan] to have the basic knowledge of the Dynamics of International Politics. After the death of General Zia in 1988 his policies were carried out by General Aslam Beg and Co. and their tinkering with the system have been proved disastrous for Pakistan. If you want proof then check your archive on the subject of Hamid Gul, Aslam Beg and Asad Durrani.
Sir, you [as per your profile] have covered the Iraq-Kuwait War and you were associated with PTV for its segment World View and also associated with GEO’s Crisis Cell. Therefore, you must know that nice people dont complain. We shouldn’t complain and raise hue and cry!! These articles and columns should have appeared when USA was fighting Afghan Jihad from 1979 till 911.
This may also help in controlling the bouts [Ghashi – Spell] of Patriotism.
Since Pakistani Muslims often itch for Islam and Islamic Law for Governance therefore read the below given History of Pakistan in the light of Quranic Verse and then reach to any conclusion you want and then tell me do we even deserve to complain against the American Colonial Behaviour, and that after we violated a very simple Quranic Verse and this verse violated by General Zia [1977-1988] and his Spiritual God Father that Najis[Filth] Mawdudi and equally Najis [Filth] Jamat-e-Islami.
يَا أَيُّهَا الَّذِينَ آمَنُواْ لاَ تَتَّخِذُواْ الْيَهُودَ وَالنَّصَارَى أَوْلِيَاء بَعْضُهُمْ أَوْلِيَاء بَعْضٍ وَمَن يَتَوَلَّهُم مِّنكُمْ فَإِنَّهُ مِنْهُمْ إِنَّ اللّهَ لاَ يَهْدِي الْقَوْمَ الظَّالِمِينَ
O ye who believe! Take not the Jews and the Christians for friends. They are friends one to another. He among you who taketh them for friends is (one) of them. Lo! Allah guideth not wrongdoing folk. [AL-MAEDA (THE TABLE, THE TABLE SPREAD) Chapter 5 – Verse 51]
“Quote”
General Muhammad Zia ul-Haq seized power in Pakistan in a 1977 coup and declared himself president. The US stopped all economic and military aid to Pakistan as a result of the coup and Zia ruled cautiously in an attempt to win international approval. But immediately after the Russian invasion of Afghanistan , the US allies with Zia and resumes aid. This allows Zia to use Islam to consolidate his power without worrying about the international reaction. He passes pro-Islamic legislation, introduces Islamic banking systems, and creates Islamic courts. Most importantly, he creates a new religious tax which is used to create tens of thousands of madrassas, or religious boarding schools. These schools will indoctrinate a large portion of future Islamic militants for decades to come. [Gannon, 2005, pp. 138-142]
Zia also promotes military officers on the basis of religious devotion. The Koran and other religious material becomes compulsory reading material in army training courses. “Radical Islamist ideology began to permeate the military and the influence of the most extreme groups crept into the army,” journalist Kathy Gannon will write in her book I is for Infidel. [Gannon, 2005, pp. 138-142] The BBC will later comment that Zia’s self-declared “Islamization” policies created a “culture of jihad” within Pakistan that continues until present day. [BBC, 8/5/2002]
CIA covert weapons shipments are sent by the Pakistani army and the ISI to rebel camps in the North West Frontier province near the Afghanistan border. The governor of the province is Lieutenant General Fazle Haq, who author Alfred McCoy calls Pakistani President Muhammad Zia ul-Haq’s “closest confidant and the de facto overlord of the mujaheddin guerrillas.” Haq allows hundreds of heroin refineries to set up in his province. Beginning around 1982, Pakistani army trucks carrying CIA weapons from Karachi often pick up heroin in Haq’s province and return loaded with heroin. They are protected from police search by ISI papers. [McCoy, 2003, pp. 477]
By 1982, Haq is listed with Interpol as an international drug trafficker. But Haq also becomes known as a CIA asset. Despite his worsening reputation, visiting US politicians such as CIA Director William Casey and Vice President George H. W. Bush continue to meet with him when they visit Pakistan. Haq then moves his heroin money through the criminal Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI). A highly placed US official will later say that Haq “was our man… everybody knew that Haq was also running the drug trade” and that “BCCI was completely involved.” [Scott, 2007, pp. 73-75]
Both European and Pakistani police complain that investigations of heroin trafficking in the province are “aborted at the highest level.” [McCoy, 2003, pp. 477]
In 1989, shortly after Benazir Bhutto takes over as the new ruler of Pakistan, Pakistani police arrest Haq and charge him with murder. He is considered a multi-billionaire by this time. But Haq will be gunned down and killed in 1991, apparently before he is tried. [McCoy, 2003, pp. 483]
Even President Zia is implied in the drug trade. In 1985, a Norwegian government investigation will lead to the arrest of a Pakistani drug dealer who also is President Zia’s personal finance manager. When arrested, his briefcase contains Zia’s personal banking records. The manager will be sentenced to a long prison term. [McCoy, 2003, pp. 481-482]
US Representative Charlie Wilson (D-TX) with Afghan Warlords during Afghan ‘Jihad’ in the Northern Area of Pakistan.
In November 1982, US Representative Charlie Wilson (D-TX) travels to Islamabad, Pakistan, and meets with President Muhammad Zia ul-Haq. He promises Zia to deliver a crucial weapons system that has so far been denied by the US—the latest radar systems for Pakistan’s F-16 fighter planes. Wilson also meets with CIA Station Chief Howard Hart, who is in charge of providing support for the Afghan resistance to the Soviets. He urges Hart to expand the program and stresses that vast amounts of money can be made available. [Crile, 2003, pp. 106-129]
The next month, President Zia comes to the US to meet with President Reagan. Zia first meets with Wilson in Houston and expresses his gratitude for helping Pakistan acquire F-16 radar systems. Wilson then broaches the subject of Pakistan secretly purchasing arms from Israel for the Afghan War. Zia agrees to this in principle. [Crile, 2003, pp. 131-132]
Agha Hasan Abedi – Bawaz-e-Baland Naara-e-Salawath – Chief of Crooked Bank BCCI
According to Alfred W. McCoy, author of The Politics of Heroin, in 1983 Pakistani President Muhammad Zia ul-Haq allows Pakistani drug traffickers to deposit their drug profits in the BCCI bank without getting punished. The criminal BCCI bank has close ties to the Pakistani government and the US funding of the Afghan war. It will be shut down in 1991. BCCI also plays a critical role in facilitating the movement of Pakistan’s heroin money. By 1989, Pakistan’s heroin trade will be valued at $4 billion a year, more than all of Pakistan’s legal exports. [McCoy, 2003, pp. 480]
US Representative Charlie Wilson (D-TX)
Representative Charlie Wilson (D-TX) travels to Israel where he meets with Zvi Rafiah and other Israeli officials. From Israel he travels to Egypt and then Pakistan, where he secretly negotiates a major weapons deal with Pakistan (see November-December 1982) on behalf of the Israelis in support of the mujaheddin fighting Soviets in Afghanistan. Among other things, the deal includes the delivery of T-55 tanks. Author George Crile will later comment, “The Israelis were hoping this deal would serve as the beginning of a range of under-the-table understandings with Pakistan that the congressman would continue to quietly negotiate for them.” [Crile, 2003, pp. 141]
In 1984, Senator Paula Hawkins (R-FL) meets with Pakistani President Muhammad Zia ul-Haq in Pakistan. During the meeting, she mentions that she is concerned about a Pakistani bank that is laundering money out of the Cayman Islands. Her staff later clarifies to Zia that she was referring to BCCI (which technically is not a Pakistani bank, but almost all of its top officials are Pakistani). As a result, Abdur Sakhia, the top BCCI official in the US, meets with Hawkins in the US a short time later and assures her that BCCI is not laundering money out of the Cayman Islands. Then officials from the Justice Department, State Department, and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) meet with Hawkins’s staffers and assure them that BCCI is not the subject of any investigation. Weeks later, the State Department formally notifies the Pakistani government that BCCI is not under investigation. As a result, Hawkins drops her brief interest in BCCI. However, by this time the State Department, Justice Department, and DEA have all been briefed by the CIA about BCCI’s many criminal activities. Apparently, this information is deliberately kept from the senator. [Beaty and Gwynne, 1993, pp. 324-325]
NBC News later reports that CIA Director William Casey secretly meets with the head of the criminal Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) from 1984 until 1986, shortly before Casey’s death. The NBC report, quoting unnamed BCCI sources, will claim that Casey met with BCCI head Agha Hasan Abedi every few months in a luxury suite at the Madison Hotel in Washington. The two men allegedly discussed the Iran-Contra arms-for-hostages transactions and CIA weapons shipments to the mujaheddin in Afghanistan. The CIA denies all the allegations. [Associated Press, 2/21/1992]
But books by Time magazine and Wall Street Journal reporters will corroborate that Casey repeatedly met with Abedi. [Scott, 2007, pp. 116] Casey also meets with Asaf Ali, a BCCI-connected arms dealer, in Washington, DC, and in Pakistan. On one occasion, Casey has a meeting in Washington with Abedi, Ali, and Pakistani President Muhammad Zia ul-Haq. [Beaty and Gwynne, 1993, pp. 308]
Pakistan’s president Muhammad Zia ul-Haq is killed in an airplane crash. The plane went into a steep dive, then recovered regaining altitude. Then it dove a second time and crashed. [Yousaf and Adkin, 1992, pp. 91-92]
ISI Director Akhtar Abdur Rahman, US ambassador to Pakistan Arnold Raphel, and other Pakistani and US officials are also killed. A joint US-Pakistani investigation fails to definitively explain what caused the crash. [Coll, 2004, pp. 178-179]
According to Mohammad Yousaf, the ISI’s Afghan Bureau chief, the crash was due to sabotage. Yousaf does not know who was responsible, but later says that the US State Department was instrumental in the cover-up. Yousaf points out several reasons why the State Department might want to cover up the crime even if the US were not involved in the assassination itself. [Yousaf and Adkin, 1992, pp. 91-92]
Richard Clarke, a State Department analyst who later will become counterterrorism “tsar” for Presidents Clinton and Bush Jr., believes that Zia’s death and the destruction of a major weapons stockpile used by the CIA and ISI around the same time were both ordered by the Soviets as revenge for being defeated in Afgnanistan. Clarke says, “I could never find the evidence to prove that the Soviet KGB had ordered these two acts as payback for their bitter defeat, but in my bones I knew they had.” [Clarke, 2004, pp. 50]
“UNQUOTE”
Reference: Why CIA Is Engaged In Campaigns Against Pakistan’s ISI, Military?
http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/02/why-cia-is-engaged-in-campaigns-against.html
CIA Director William Casey makes a secret visit to Pakistan to plan a strategy to defeat Soviet forces in Afghanistan. Casey is flown to secret training camps near the Afghan border where he watches trainees fire weapons and make bombs. According to the Washington Post, “During the visit, Casey startled his Pakistani hosts by proposing that they take the Afghan war into enemy territory—into the Soviet Union itself. Casey wanted to ship subversive propaganda through Afghanistan to the Soviet Union’s predominantly Muslim southern republics.” The Pakistanis agree to the plan and soon the CIA begins sending subversive literature and thousands of Korans to Soviet republics such as Uzbekistan. Mohammad Yousaf, a Pakistani general who attended the meeting, will later say that Casey said, “We can do a lot of damage to the Soviet Union.” [Washington Post, 7/19/1992] This will eventually evolve into CIA and ISI sponsored Afghan attacks inside the Soviet Union (see 1984-March 1985 and 1985-1987).
1984-1986: CIA Director Repeatedly Meets with Head of Criminal BCCI Bank, Funding of Afghan War Is Discussed NBC News later reports that CIA Director William Casey secretly meets with the head of the criminal Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) from 1984 until 1986, shortly before Casey’s death. The NBC report, quoting unnamed BCCI sources, will claim that Casey met with BCCI head Agha Hasan Abedi every few months in a luxury suite at the Madison Hotel in Washington. The two men allegedly discussed the Iran-Contra arms-for-hostages transactions and CIA weapons shipments to the mujaheddin in Afghanistan. The CIA denies all the allegations. [Associated Press, 2/21/1992] But books by Time magazine and Wall Street Journal reporters will corroborate that Casey repeatedly met with Abedi. [Scott, 2007, pp. 116] Casey also meets with Asaf Ali, a BCCI-connected arms dealer, in Washington, DC, and in Pakistan. On one occasion, Casey has a meeting in Washington with Abedi, Ali, and Pakistani President Muhammad Zia ul-Haq. [Beaty and Gwynne, 1993, pp. 308]
COURTESY:
http://www.historycommons.org/entity.jsp?entity=william_casey
Ronald Reagan in the mid-1980s, when the CIA was backing the Mujahideen warriors in Afghanistan, likened them to our “founding fathers,” meaning George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, John Adams and others. Reagan made no distinctions in his declaration among the fundamentalists, apparently lumping together many torturers and rapists among the Mujahideen along with radical fundamentalists like bin Laden. I didn’t agree with Reagan characterization of the Mujahideen then, and I certainly disagree today with praising those who carried out the horrific attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.
Blowback and Globalization
The following statement is based on lectures I delivered at five universities in New England and New York as the U.S. war unfolded in Afghanistan. In preparing the statement I am particularly indebted to a paper by Michael Klare, “Asking Why” and an article by Stephen Zunes, “U.S. Policy Toward Political Islam,” Foreign Policy in Focus, September 12, 2001.
Understanding the First War of the Twenty-First Century By Roger Burbach
http://www.publiceye.org/frontpage/911/burbach.html
Steve Coll ends his important book on Afghanistan — Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan and bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to 10 September 2001–by quoting Afghan President Hamid Karzai: “What an unlucky country.” Americans might find this a convenient way to ignore what their government did in Afghanistan between 1979 and the present, but luck had nothing to do with it. Brutal, incompetent, secret operations of the U.S. Central intelligence Agency, frequently manipulated by the military intelligence agencies of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, caused the catastrophic devastation of this poor country. On the evidence contained in Coll’s book Ghost Wars, neither the Americans nor their victims in numerous Muslim and Third World countries will ever know peace until the Central Intelligence Agency has been abolished.
It should by now be generally accepted that the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan on Christmas Eve 1979 was deliberately provoked by the United States. In his memoir published in 1996, the former CIA director Robert Gates made it clear that the American intelligence services began to aid the mujahidin guerrillas not after the Soviet invasion, but six months before it. In an interview two years later with Le Nouvel Observateur, President Carter’s national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski proudly confirmed Gates’s assertion. “According to the official version of history,” Brzezinski said, “CIA aid to the mujahidin began during 1980, that’s to say, after the Soviet army invaded Afghanistan. But the reality, kept secret until now, is completely different: on 3 July 1979 President Carter signed the first directive for secret aid to the opponents of the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul. And on the same day, I wrote a note to the president in which I explained that in my opinion this aid would lead to a Soviet military intervention. ”
Asked whether he in any way regretted these actions,
Brzezinski replied:
Regret what? The secret operation was an excellent idea. It drew the Russians into the Afghan trap and you want me to regret it? On the day that the Soviets officially crossed the border, I wrote to President Carter, saying, in essence: ‘We now have the opportunity of giving to the USSR its Vietnam War.’
Nouvel Observateur: “And neither do you regret having supported Islamic fundamentalism, which has given arms and advice to future terrorists?” Brzezinski: “What is more important in world history? The Taliban or the collapse of the Soviet empire? Some agitated Muslims or the liberation of Central Europe and the end of the Cold War?”
Even though the demise of the Soviet Union owes more to Mikhail Gorbachev than to Afghanistan’ s partisans, Brzezinski certainly helped produce “agitated Muslims,” and the consequences have been obvious ever since. Carter, Brzezinski and their successors in the Reagan and first Bush administrations, including Gates, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Condoleezza Rice, Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Armitage, and Colin Powell, all bear some responsibility for the 1.8 million Afghan casualties, 2.6 million refugees, and 10 million unexploded land-mines that followed from their decisions. They must also share the blame for the blowback that struck New York and Washington on September 11, 2001. After all, al-Qaida was an organization they helped create and arm.
Charles Nesbitt Wilson (born June 1, 1933), is a former United States naval officer and former Democratic United States Representative from the 2nd congressional district in Texas. He is best known for leading Congress into supporting the largest-ever CIA covert operation, which supplied the Afghan mujahideen during the Soviet war in Afghanistan after the communist Democratic Republic of Afghanistan took over during the Afghan Civil War and asked the Soviet Union to help suppress resistance from Mujahideen.
In the 1980s, Charles Wilson, a colorful and powerful Democrat from the East Texas Bible Belt, was a member of a Congressional appropriations sub-committee. From that position of power he funneled billions of dollars in secret funding to the CIA, which used the money to purchase weapons to help the mujahideen drive the Soviet Union out of Afghanistan. In those days, the mujahideen were viewed by the US as “freedom fighters” and were so-named by then-president Ronald Reagan, who praised them for “defending principles of independence and freedom that form the basis of global security and stability”.
In that Cold War environment, chasing the Russians out of the country trumped all other considerations. Among the weapons funded by Congress were hundreds of Stinger missile systems that mujahideen forces used to counter the Russians’ lethal Mi-24 Hind helicopter gunships. And there were also tens of thousands of automatic weapons, antitank guns, and satellite intelligence maps. According to author George Crile, Wilson even brought his own belly dancer from Texas to Cairo to entertain the Egyptian defense minister, who was secretly supplying the mujahideen with millions of rounds of ammunition for the AK-47s the CIA was smuggling into Afghanistan. From a few million dollars in the early 1980s, support for the resistance grew to about $750 million a year by the end of the decade. Decisions were made in secret by Wilson and other lawmakers on the appropriations committee.
“He told Zia about his experience the previous year when the Israelis had shown him the vast stores of Soviet weapons they had captured from the PLO in Lebanon. The weapons were perfect for the Mujahideen, he told Zia. If Wilson could convince the CIA to buy them, would Zia have any problems passing them on to the Afghans? Zia, ever the pragmatist, smiled on the proposal, adding, “Just don’t put any Stars of David on the boxes” {Page 131-132}.
“There were frightening posters and official briefings from the moment the soldiers got off the transport planes at Bagram Air Base, whispers about what had happened to their colleagues. They all knew about the fanatic Gulbuddin Hekmatyar’s practice of leaving armless and legless Soviet soldiers on the road. {Page 288-489}.
“Hart {Station Chief of CIA in Pakistan in Afghan War days} himself, however, was deeply suspicious, even angered by Massoud’s refusal to move on the Salang Highway. He passed on his doubts to Langley, along with the ISI’s crude joke about the unmanly nature of Massoud’s Tajik: “When a Pashtun wants to make love to a woman, his first choice is always a Tajik man.” {Page 199}.
“In London, Avrakotos asked for a personal meeting with MI6 {British Intelligence}’s Massoud expert. He turned out to be a young, blond SAS guerilla-warfare expert with the peculiar nickname of Awk, a name said to vaguely resemble the grunting noise he would make on maneuvers. Awk had just returned from three months inside the war zone. It was about a two-week journey in those days, walking north from the Pakistan border through Nuristan and the Hindu Kush to reach Massoud’s valley. Awk had gone in with two other SAS commandos. Their report had astonished Avrakotos. “There was one passage in there that really got me,” remembers Avrakotos. “This guy was sleeping with a couple of his buddies and he said he awoke one night and heard horrible groans. He didn’t get up but was able to put on his night-vision goggles and saw a group of Massoud’s guy literally cornholing a Russian prisoner.” {Page 199}.
“At MI6 headquarters Awk told Avrakotos that watching that man die had made him finally understand the Afghans, ancient code: “Honours, hospitality, and revenge.” Raping an infidel was not the atrocity it would be in the West; it was simply revenge. {Page 199}.
“To begin with, anyone defecting to the Dushman {enemy} would have to be a crook, a thief, or someone who wanted to get corn holed everyday, because nine out of ten prisoners were dead within twenty-four hours and they were always turned into concubines by the mujahideen. {Page 332}.
“At one point Avrakotos {CIA officer responsible for Afghan Jihad} arrived for one of these White House sessions armed with five huge photographic blowups. Before unveiling them he explained that they would provide a useful understanding of the kind of experience a Soviet soldier could expect to have should he surrender the mujahideen. One of them showed two Russians sergeants being used as concubines. Another had a Russian hanging from the turret of a tank with a vital part of his anatomy removed.” {Page 333}.
“The CIA found itself in the preposterous position of having to pony up $ 50, 000 to bribe the Afghans to deliver two live ones {Russian Prisoners}. “These two guys were basket cases,” says Avrakotos. “One had been ****ed so many times he didn’t know what was going on” {Page 333}.
“She was Zia’s most trusted American adviser, as per Sahibzada Yaqub Khan, She absolutely had his ear, it was terrible,” “Zia would leave cabinet meetings just to take Joanne’s calls. “There was no affair with Zia,” Wilson recalls, but it’s impossible to deal with Joanne and not deal with her on sexual basis. No matter who you are, you take those phone calls.” {Page 67-68}.
The fear of an Islamic threat has been the driving force behind most Western countries’ foreign policies toward Pakistan in recent years. The possibility that violent Islamists will kill President Pervez Musharraf, throw Pakistan into turmoil, take over the country and its nuclear weapons, and escalate regional terrorism has dominated the psychological and political landscape. Such fears have usually led to support of the Pakistani military as the only institution able to contain the danger. But the Islamist threat is neither as great nor as autonomous as many assume. True, Pakistan has experienced more than its share of religious violence, both sectarian and jihadi. But serious law-and-order problems do not mean the fate of the state is at stake. No Islamic organization has ever been in a position to politically or militarily challenge the role of the one and only center of power in Pakistan: the army. On the contrary, the Pakistani Army has used Islamic organizations for its purposes, both at home and abroad. Islamist organizations balance the power of rival mainstream political parties, preserving the army’s role as national arbiter. The army has nurtured and sometimes deployed violent Islamists in Afghanistan (with U.S. support at first), Kashmir, and other hot spots on the subcontinent.
Although the army’s control is solid, the situation is not without risks: a few of the militants have turned against the army because of Pakistan’s “betrayal” of the Taliban and cooperation with the United States in Afghanistan and in the “war on terror.” Moreover, the infrastructure that supports regional sectarian ism and Kashmir-Afghan jihadi activities can be hijacked for international terrorism, as demonstrated by the July 2005 London bomb blasts. The risk of a nuclear conflict between India and Pakistan, triggered by attacks similar to the ones carried out by the terrorist group Lashkar-e-Toiba in Delhi after the October 2005 earthquake, cannot be dismissed either.
Yet evidence is scant that these organizations pose an uncontrollable threat. Also, a Pakistan headed by an Islamist party would not necessarily be unstable. In fact, in the existing power setup, politico-religious organizations have often been used to channel popular resentment in a socially and politically acceptable way, preventing unrest. What the West perceives as a threat to the regime in Pakistan are manifestations of the Pakistani Army’s tactics to maintain political control. The army uses its need for modernist order to justify its continued claim on power and, with The risk of an Islamist takeover in Pakistan is a myth invented by the Pakistani military to consolidate its hold on power.
In fact, religious political parties and militant organizations are manipulated by the Pakistani Army to achieve its own objectives, domestically and abroad.The army, not the Islamists, is the real source of insecurity on the subcontinent. Sustainable security and stability in the region will be achieved only through the restoration of democracy in Pakistan. The West should actively promote the demilitarization of Pakistan’s political life through a mix of political pressure and capacity building. Enlarging the pool of elites and creating alternative centers of power will be essential for developing a working democracy in Pakistan.
Pakistan: The Myth of an Islamist Peril By Frederic Grare Publisher: Carnegie Endowment Policy Brief #45, February 2006
REFERENCE: Ronald Reagan, William Casey and Jihad http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2008/11/ronald-reagan-william-case-and-jihad.html
The Afghan Pipeline By Steve Galster. – 1
Never ending Flow: The Afghan Pipeline By Steve Galster [1988]
While revelations of Reagan’s covert war in Nicaragua continue to dazzle the American public, a far bigger and more complex covert program has gone relatively unnoticed in Afghanistan. After nearly nine years of covert involvement, the U.S. has poured over $2 billion into the Afghan war, far more than the total amount that has gone to Nicaragua, Angola, and Kampuchea combined. In fact, the estimated amount of money “lost” in the Afghan pipeline by the CIA’s own estimates easily exceeds the total amount of U.S. support that has gone to the contras.
Congressmen who strongly opposed contra aid have not only supported Reagan’s covert war in Afghanistan but have teamed up with Reagan Doctrine advocates to expand the administration’s program. Whereas the war in Nicaragua is now the “bad” war, Afghanistan has from the start been viewed as the “good” war, and as the rebels call it, a “holy” war or jihad. Thus, with their broad base of support and their strategically placed war below the Soviet border, the Afghan rebels have earned the forefront position in President Reagan’s global strategy of “rollback” and billions of dollars in CIA support.
Officially, the Reagan administration’s policy toward Afghanistan is to “seek the earliest possible negotiated political settlement there to effect the withdrawal of Soviet forces.”
This policy, which is a continuation of that set up under Jimmy Carter, is ostensibly pursued along two tracks: covert aid and negotiations. Carter believed that a “modest” amount of secret military aid would enhance the prospects for a negotiated settlement.
The Reagan administration, on the other hand, has reasoned that the more aid the U.S. can provide to the rebels the better the chances are of bringing the Soviets to the negotiating table. Even with a Soviet withdrawal assured today, the administration has vowed to pursue this strategy “peace through strength” by continuing its support of the rebels. However, a closer look at the administration’s seven year secret war in Afghanistan reveals that it has been little interested in peace there. In fact, the evidence strongly suggests that U.S. policy has been to sabotage attempts at a negotiated settlement until the Soviets have been, in the view of some, had been “sufficiently bled.”
The Policy and the Pipeline
In March 1981 CIA Director Casey proposed to President Reagan that the CIA upgrade and expand the Afghan covert aid pipeline.
Under Carter, the CIA had coordinated the Afghan weapons supply line with Pakistan, China, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. The U.S. and Saudi Arabia provided the funds, Egypt and China provided the weapons, and Pakistan served as the conduit and sanctuary. Initially the U.S. and Saudi Arabia provided about $30 million each to purchase Soviet-style weapons manufactured in Egypt and China.
Retired American military officers contracted out by the CIA along with Chinese and Pakistani officials, were on hand to the rebels. But the secrecy of foreign involvement was the important element of the program. “The Afghan struggle (was) an ‘Islamic’ struggle,” President Carter told his aides, “and U.S. assistance should not disturb that impression.
Much has changed in the CIA’s Afghan war under Reagan. Most of the same countries are still involved, and the cultivation of the war’s image as a fight between Islam and communism remains crucial to maintaining the rebels’ broad support. But with the rapidly expanding political and financial support for the program, the U.S. Afghan policy and its covert aid pipeline have been significantly altered.
After Casey’s proposal to expand the Afghan program in March 1981, the U.S. looked directly to Saudi Arabia for more assistance. With the promise that Reagan would get Congress to approve the sale of AWACS to them, the Saudis immediately doled out $15 million to the resistance, mainly through private bank accounts in Oman and Pakistan.
In October, when the U.S. delivered the first five AWACS to Saudi Arabia, King Fahd agreed to increase assistance to both the Afghan rebels and the Nicaraguan contras.
The role of Pakistan, which worried about its vulnerable position vis a vis the Soviets, was also enhanced. To allay President Zia’s concerns and to ensure further Pakistani cooperation, the Reagan administration secretly offered to station U.S. troops in Pakistan.
However, Zia stated that he preferred weapons to troops.The next month, in September, the U.S. agreed to a six year, $3.2 billion program of U.S. economic and military assistance.It was also agreed that Pakistan would continue its coordinating role in weapons supply. This agreement, which is still in effect today, went as follows: once in Pakistan, whether at the port of Karachi or the Peshawar airport, the weapons would be handed over to the National Logistics Cell (NLC) of the Pakistani Interservice Intelligence Directorate (ISID), the equivalent of the CIA and FBI combined. CIA station officers in Karachi and Peshawar would examine the receipts for the weapons but would not even check the crates to see if they were accurate.
The NLC officials would then drive the weapons to either Quetta in the West or Peshawar in the East. Once there, the ISID, under CIA supervision, would distribute the arms to the seven rebel groups recognized by the Pakistani government. These groups would then drive the weapons to either their arms depots along the border or to the local arms bazaar where they could make a healthy profit selling their new AK 47s and RPG 7s to drug dealers and local tribesmen.
In this early period the CIA looked largely to Egypt and China for supplies. Both countries handed over weapons from their own stocks while CIA supervised factories outside Cairo turned out Soviet style arms to add to the flow. Hughes Aircraft Company was contracted out to upgrade some of Egypt’s weapons, particularly the SAM 7 anti aircraft guns. The Egyptian arms stock was replenished with new American weapons and China earned much needed hard currency, in addition to fulfilling one of its own foreign policy goals of containing the Soviets. A fair amount of the rebels’ weapons were also captured from and sometimes even sold by Afghan government troops.
Still, getting outside weapons to the rebels in Pakistan remained an important task. Eventually China made some use of the newly opened Karokaram highway and continued to load CIA run planes and ships destined for Peshawar and Karachi.
Egyptian weapons continued to be flown directly to Pakistan but were sometimes landed in Oman, from where they were shipped to Karachi to avoid being traced. The Reagan administration was quite impressed with the rebels’ surprising show of force during this first year. Members of the 208 Committee (the restricted inter agency committee that handled covert operations) suddenly saw tremendous prospects in Afghanistan for gaining a global strategic edge on the Soviets. This elite group included Vincent Cannistraro, an ex CIA official who served as White House head of covert operations; Morton Abramowitz, State Department head of intelligence; Bert Dunn, Chief of the CIA’s Near East and South Asia Division; Oliver North, and alternating members from the Defense Department including Elie Krakowski, head of Regional Defense, and Richard Armitage.
These and other administration officials thought that by tying down and “bleeding” the Soviets in Afghanistan the U.S. could divert Soviet attention away from other Third World hot spots like Nicaragua and Angola, making room for the U.S. to maneuver. If the Afghan rebels could keep up their fight for several years (if not decades), the Soviets would eventually incur serious financial, military, and political problems. Little danger was seen in the Soviets expanding their war out of frustration into Iran or Pakistan because of Iran’s intransigence and Pakistan’s beefed up military, not to mention its mutual defense pact with the U.S.
It began to appear, as one Congressman put it, that “the U.S. [had] a real chance to make Afghanistan the Soviets’ Vietnam.”
Sabotaging a Settlement
The only thing standing in the way of creating a morass for the Soviets in Afghanistan was the near term prospect for peace. Although some U.S. officials have, since the beginning of the war, wanted to negotiate a Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, the evidence suggests that they were not very influential. Following the first formal U.N. sponsored peace talks in the summer of 1982, U.N. mediator Diego Cordovez announced that the negotiating parties, Pakistan and the Afghan government, had made important concessions and that he planned to present a broad outline of an agreement that fall.
However, just before Cordovez was to unveil his peace plan, President Reagan ordered the CIA to increase the quantity and quality of weapons to the rebels. The “bleeders” had been at work. Several months later, in December, Yuri Andropov told President Zia at Leonid Brezhnev’s funeral that the Soviet Union would leave Afghanistan “quickly” if Pakistan ceased its support of the resistance.
Subsequently the White House ordered the CIA to immediately provide the rebels with increased amounts of bazookas, mortars, grenade launchers, mines, recoilless rifles, and shoulder fired anti-aircraft guns.
It appears that this trend of sabotaging peace negotiations as long as the resistance was willing and able to fight became the unofficial Afghan policy in the White House. Proof of this policy manifested itself in 1983 when an end to the Soviet occupation seemed as certain as it does today. In late April of that year, the negotiating parties gathered in Geneva to map out another plan for a Soviet withdrawal. To enhance the prospects for a settlement, the Soviets secretly told the Pakistani government in late March that they would begin to withdraw by September if the Pakistanis ceased their support for the resistance.
The Pakistanis took the Soviet pledge seriously and several weeks later issued a directive to the rebels to move their headquarters from Peshawar and to disperse their groups.
The resistance alliance, which has been dominated by the radical fundamentalist factions, was furious. The withdrawal of Soviet troops was only one of their goals; the militant fundamentalists also intended to purge the country of everything that smacked of communism, including anyone who had served the government in any way. For them the war was far from over. These groups had even stated their intention to carry their jihad into the Soviet Union.
Meanwhile U.N. officials Diego Cordovez and Javier Perez de Cuellar shuttled to the Soviet Union and China where they received guarantees for a possible settlement.
By late April, the Pakistani and Afghan governments had “virtually settled” the simultaneous withdrawal of outside support which would begin in September.
But one week later, the White House for the first time leaked to the press the fact that it was covertly aiding the resistance and would continue to do so until the political aims of the resistance alliance were met. Needless to say the talks came to a screeching halt.
Embarrassed, but still hopeful about salvaging a settlement that June, Pakistani Foreign Minister Yaqub Khan scurried to Washington in May to enlist the Reagan administration’s cooperation. Khan told Vice President Bush and Secretary of State Shultz that the Soviets wanted to withdraw from Afghanistan but with minimal humiliation.
Bush and Shultz apparently convinced Khan that the U.S. was not interested in facilitating a graceful Soviet withdrawal. The following next month the U.N. sponsored talks broke down immediately when Khan wanted to re open discussion on clauses concerning non interference.Two weeks later Shultz visited Pakistan to reassure both the resistance and the Pakistani government that the U.S. would not abandon them “in their fight against Soviet aggression.
Congress and the Jihad
With Pakistan now cemented into the “bleeders” camp, the U.S. was well positioned to turn up the heat on the Soviets. Starting in 1984 and continuing to the present, the administration has received continual boosts to pursue this strategy from Congress. Congressman Charles Wilson, (Dem. Calif) a high ranking member of the Defense Appropriations Committee who claims “we owe the Soviets one for Vietnam,” visited President Zia in late 1983 to see what the U.S. could do to strengthen the rebels.
In the spring of 1984 he and his colleagues summoned Deputy Director of Central Intelligence John McMahon to explain why the CIA wasn’t doing more for the rebels. McMahon, who was neither interested in providing the rebels with sophisticated weaponry nor in expanding the already large paramilitary operation below the Soviet border, claimed that the rebels were being adequately supplied.
The Congressmen, realizing that they had allies in the State Department (Abramowitz), the White House (Cannistraro) and the Defense Department (Krakowski and Armitage), and that CIA Director Casey was supportive of their cause, proceeded to draft legislation that would force high level bureaucrats like McMahon to cooperate in expanding the Afghan program.
In the Fall of 1984 Congress passed a resolution calling for “effective” aid for the Afghan rebels and immediately doubled the administration’s request for aid. To handle the growing amount of funds, the CIA established a joint bank account with the Saudis in Switzerland. The Saudis promised to match the U.S. funds dollar for dollar and both governments began by pledging $250 million each.
The CIA began to upgrade the quality of weapons for the rebels. In January 1985 it purchased 40 Oerlikon anti aircraft guns from the Swiss firm Oerlikon Buhrle at a cost of $50 million. Also, many of the Chinese weapons destined for the rebels were being upgraded. Some were sent to Egypt while many were flown to a CIA weapons plant somewhere in the midwestern United States. In addition, a New Jersey company was contracted to make explosives for the rebels.
As the CIA upgraded the covert pipeline, the Soviets again began to hint that they wanted out of Afghanistan. In March 1985, new Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev told Pakistani President Zia at Konstantine Chernenko’s funeral that the war could end as soon as Pakistan ceased its support of the rebels.
But in keeping with U.S. policy, President Reagan several weeks later signed National Security Decision Directive 166 cafling for efforts to drive Soviet forces from Afghanistan “by all means available. One of the “bleeders,” Morton Abramowitz, succeeded in inserting language into the directive calling for an expansion of the program every year.
Thus, with $250 million in newly appropriated funds, the CIA’s mission was clearer than ever. The only problem was finding the weapons to spend all the new money on. Neither the Chinese nor the Egyptians could fill the increasing requests. So to quickly expend a large portion of the new money and to satisfy the constant demand for better anti aircraft guns, the CIA in late 1985 purchased 300 British made Blowpipe missiles from Short Brothers Company in Belfast, Northern Ireland.
Since the United Kingdom has had no official policy to militarily support the rebels, the weapons were sold to a third country who then handed them over to the CIA for a profit.
But the rebels were still in need of more AK 47 rifles and SAM 7s, among other types of unsophisticated weaponry. The problem was finding another supplier. Someone suggested Poland, and judging by documents from the Iran/contra hearings it was probably the ever present John Singlaub. Through the GeoMilitech Corporation, Singlaub and his associate Barbara Studley had arranged to get Polish weapons to the contras. And Studley had proposed a plan to DCI Casey in December 1985 for GeoMilitech to facilitate the supply of weapons to the rebels.
By early 1986 weapons were being purchased in Poland and quietly shipped out of the northwest port of Stettin. To handle the increasing flow of weapons into Pakistan, the Pakistani government built a new network of roads from Peshawar and Quetta to the small border towns that act as arms depots.
To transfer the weapons from these towns over the border into Pakistan, the Afghans initially had to rent mules and trucks. In order to cover the rebels’ transportation expenses the CIA counterfeited and provided to the rebels millions of dollars worth of Afghan currency.
Leaks in the Pipeline
As the pipeline was expanded it began to spring big leaks. Problems with the pipeline had existed from the beginning, but by 1985 they were becoming more obvious. Twenty nine of the forty Oerlikon anti aircraft guns the CIA had purchased in Switzerland at over $1 million a piece never made it to Afghanistan. Somewhere along the line these and many other weapons were put to other uses by either the Afghans, the Pakistanis, or the CIA itself. A significant amount of the leaking was (as it stiff is) coming from within Pakistan, where corrupt government and rebel officials have suddenly become quite rich. Pakistani General Akhtar Abdul Rahman, head of the ISID up to 1987, and his successor, General Hamid Gul, are suspected to have been prime benefactors of the pipeline. They and their subordinates within the ISID’s National Logistics Cell (NLC) could easily have made a fortune off CIA supplies.
Since the genesis of the pipeline, the NLC has had the sole responsibility of transporting newly arrived weapons from Karachi to Quetta and Peshawar (weapons that come by plane, especially those that are American or British made, are flown directly to these cities).
NLC trucks have special passes that allow them to travel unharassed by customs or police officials on their several hundred mile drive. Along the way it is very easy for the NLC officials to exchange the new weapons and other supplies for old ones from the government’s stock.
Widespread corruption also exists among the rebel leaders but has gone practically unnoticed in the U.S. thanks to CIA propaganda. The same kinds of things that tarnished the contra’s image, such as killing civilians, drug smuggling and embezzlement are practiced by many Afghan rebels. Taking no prisoners, assassinating suspected government collaborators, destroying government built schools and hospitals, killing “unpious” civilians are just a few of the inhumane acts they have carried out. But the picture we receive of the rebels in the U.S. is of an uncorrupt, popular group of freedom loving people who aspire toward a democratic society.
The CIA and the State Department have worked hard to project this image. In 1984 Walter Raymond, on loan to the NSC from the CIA, “suggested” to Senator Humphrey (RNH) that Congress finance a media project for the rebels that would shed favorable light on the rebels’ side of the war.
Humphrey got Congress to easily approve the new “Afghan Media Project” which was handed over to the United States Information Agency (USIA) and Boston University. AA Boston University the project was headed up by a man named Joachim Maitre, an East German defector who had close connections with International Business Communications and the Gulf and Caribbean Foundation (both of which served important roles in illegally raising funds for the Nicaraguan contras). He also had worked closely with Oliver North to make TN’ commercials attacking Congressmen who had opposed aid to the contras.
Maitre escaped criticism for his contra connections and proceeded to train Afghan rebels to report on and film the war. Since it is illegal for the USIA to disseminate information in the U.S., the Afghan Media Project’s films and reports were to be sold only to foreign news agencies. However, American journalists who have a quick story to write or don’t want to enter Afghanistan have often found the rebels’ information too tempting to pass up. CBS, the station that has covered the Afghan war the most and in a very pro-rebel light, may have been one guilty party. CBS used footage provided by the rebels claiming that it was taken by its cameraman, Mike Hoover.
Corruption surrounding the CIA’s Afghan program has begun to surface during the last several years. For example, the fact that the rebels have been harvesting a large amount of opium was brought to light by the New York Times in 1986.
And DEA officials have privately admitted recently that the shipment of CIA weapons into Pakistan has allowed the trade in heroin three tons of which reaches the U.S. every year to flourish as never before.
One DEA official noted that virtually no heroin was refined in Pakistan before 1979, but “now Pakistan produces and transships more heroin than the rest of the world combined.” Neither U.S. nor Pakistani drug enforcement officials are any match for these heavily armed drug dealers.
In spite of these problems, from 1986 to the present, the CIA has expanded the pipeline to handle over $1 billion in new monies. As part of this package the CIA is sending the rebels highly sophisticated American made weaponry. Ironically, the CIA particularly its former Deputy Director John McMahon originally opposed this idea and insisted on continuing the supply of average Soviet styled weapons.
But by March 1986 the impasse was broken. On March 4, McMahon resigned from the CIA; one week later UN negotiator Diego Cordovez announced that he had “all the elements of a comprehensive settlement of the Afghan problem.”
With McMahon gone and the prospects for peace again on the horizon, members of the 208 Committee, with the President’s approval, decided immediately to send the rebels several hundred of the world’s most sophisticated anti aircraft gun, the American-made Stinger.
Although the Stingers are delivered more carefully than other weapons (they are flown on U.S. airplanes through Germany en route to Pakistan), once in Pakistan they can easily fall into dangerous hands. Initially the Stingers were safeguarded by keeping them from the rebels. Although the media began in April 1986 to report on the rebels’ immediate successes with the Stingers, the rebels hadn’t even touched one yet. Ethnic Pushtuns in the Pakistani Special Forces, disguised as rebels, were the ones firing the Stingers then, and many probably still are today.
Meanwhile, a group of “ex-Army specialists” hired by the CIA were training the rebels to use the new weapon. Once the rebels were adequately trained, the politics of the pipeline began to come into play. The ISID distributed a disproportionate amount of the Stingers to the more radical fundamentalist groups.
ISID has skewed the distribution of weapons to favor the fundamentalists all along, but it took the Stinger issue to highlight this fact. These are the groups that were responsible for selling nearly a dozen Stingers to Iranian Revolutionary Guards in July 1987 and who are stockpiling their weapons to continue their jihad if and when the U.S. cuts off its supply.
The CIA was aware of the Iran connection two months before it was revealed and before Congress approved sending more Stingers. It is also aware now that by arming these same groups, the U.S. is setting the scene for a major post withdrawal bloodbath.
But today President Reagan is flaunting the covert operation in Afghanistan as the prize of the Reagan Doctrine. The Soviets are finally negotiating in “good faith,” he claims, because U.S. aid allowed the “freedom fighters” to keep up their fight. Although the War has had its costs, the benefit of driving the Soviets out will make them worth it. The costs of intentionally prolonging the Afghan war have been a flourishing drug trade, an estimated one million dead, and the provisions for a bloody Islamic revolution. Unfortunately, in light of the administration’s hardening stance in the current negotiations, we must wonder whether the “bleeders” are really ready to end it now.
References:
Philadelphia Inquirer, February 28, 1988.
Newsweek, March 23,1987
United States Department of State Special Report, no. 112, December 1983.
See James Carter, Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President (Bantam: New York, 1982), pp. 473,475.
Miami Herald, June 5, 1983.
Boston Globe, January 5, 1980; Daily Telegraph (London), January 5, 1990.
Wall Street Journal, April 19,1994.
Washington Post, February 2, 1979; Maclean’s (Toronto), April 30, 1979.
ABC News, “20/20,” June 18,1981.
Sam Bamieh told of this deal during his sworn testimony before the U.S. House Foreign Affairs committee in July 1987; also see. Bruce Amstutz, Afghanistan: The First Five Years (Washington, D.C.: National Defense University, 1986), p. 202; the information about the Omani and Pakistani bank accounts came from several confidential sources.
See Bamieh testimony, ibid.
Baltimore Sun, April 4,1982.
Richard Cronin, “Pakistan: U.S. Foreign Assistance Facts,” Congressional Research Service, July 20,1987, p. 2.
This inadequate accounting process was discovered in January 1986 when, at the request of Senators Humphrey (Rep. New Hamp.) and Chic Hecht (Rep. Nev.), a group of Senate intelligence staffers visited Pakistan (Confidential Source).
Philadelphia Inquirer. February 29, 1988; The Nation (Pakistan), January 8, 1987.
Philadelphia Inquirer, February 29,1988.
Washington Post, September 25,1981.
Classified State Department Cables, May 14 and August 9, 1979, Spynest Documents, op. cit., n. 9, vol. 29; Selig Harrison, “The Soviet Union in Afghanistan in Containment: Concept and Policy (Washington, D.C.: National Defense University, 1986), p. 464
New Republic, July 18,1981; Daily Telegraph, January 5,1980.
Le Monde, in Joint Publication and Research Service (JPRS) (U.S. Gov.), October 9, 1981; Chicago Tribune, July 23, 1981.
New York Times; May 4, 1983; Eight Days (London), in JPRS, October 31, 1981.
Philadelphia Inquirer, March 1, 1988.
New York Times, July 24,1982.
New York Times, May 4,1983.
Richard Cronin, “Afghanistan: United Nations Sponsored Negotiations,” Congressional
Research Service, July 23, 1986, p. 8.
New York Times, May 4, 1983.
Christian Science Monitor, May 10, 1983.
Some of the more radical fundamentalist groups have already succeeded in carrying out cross border attacks against the Soviets and have vowed to continue (Arab News, April 6,1987). For a more thorough discussion of the goals of the resistance see Olivier Roy, Islam and the Afghan Resistance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986)
Washington Post, March 30, 1983.
This news was leaked by the Soviets to the United News of India, cited in Christian Science Monitor, May 10, 1983.
New York Times, May 4,1983.
New York Times, May 27,1983.
Washington Post, December 29,1983.
New York Times, July 4,1983.
Washington Post January 13, 1985.
This was the Tsongas resolution which was finally passed on October 4,1994.
Washington Post, January 13, 1987.
Afghan Update (published by the Federation for American Afghan Action), July 13,1985.
Philadelphia Inquirer, February 29,1988.
Confidential source who travelled with the resistance and showed the author photographs of explosives with the name of this company on them.
FBIS, May 14,1985.
New York Times, June 19,1986.
Wall Street Journal, February 16,1988.
Thames Television (London), “The Missile Trail” on This Week, September 17,1987.
Rumor has it that Nigeria was the third country, but it could have been Chile who sold Blowpipes to the CIA for its operation in Nicaragua.
Joint Senate Congressional Hearings on the Iran Contra Affair, May 20,1987; Exhibit
JKS 6. The proposed plan would allow the CIA to acquire Soviet bloc weapons for the Afghan rebels, the contras, UNITA and other “freedom fighters” without Congressional appropriations or approval.
The Wall Street Journal on February 16, 1988 revealed that weapons for the rebels had been purchased from Poland. A confidential source informed the author that Stettin was the port they were being shipped out of.
The Nation (Pakistan), January 8, 1987.
Jack Anderson in the Washington Post, May 12,1987.
Washington Post, January 13,1987.
Philadelphia Inquirer, February 28, 1988.
The Nation (Pakistan), January 8, 1988.
Columbia Journalism Review May/June, 1987; it is also worth noting that Maitre was a senior editor for CIA connected Axel Springer Publishing Company in Germany. He also, for no apparent reason, has military clearance. After the bombing of Libya, Maitre was one of the people who debriefed the American pilots.
Announced at USIA conference on Afghanistan in Washington, D.C., May 5,1987.
Los Angeles Times, January 13, 1988. CBS contract journalist Kurt Lohbeck also has strong ties to “Behind the Lines News Service,” an operation set up by arch conservatives Hugh Newton and Antony Campaigne.
New York Times, June 6,1986.
Philadelphia Inquirer, February 28,1988.
McMahon was the focus of attacks by rebel supporters on the CIA’s Afghan program (especially by the Federation for American Afghan Action which claimed responsibility for McMahon’s eventual resignation). Also see Bob Woodward, Veil: The Secret Wars of the CIA 1981 1997 (NY: Simon and Schuster, 1987).
FBIS, March 18,1986.
Warren Carroll, “The Freedom Fighter,” (Heritage Foundation), cited in Afghan Update, May 27, 1986.
Washington Post, February 8, 1987.
Strategic Investment Newsletter, March 9, 1987; Philadelphia Inquirer, March 1, 1988.
Independent (London), October 16, 1987.
Philadelphia Inquirer, February 28,1988
REFERENCE: The Afghan Pipeline By Steve Galster. – 1 http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2008/10/afghan-pipeline-by-steve-galster-1.html
The Afghan Pipeline By Steve Galster. – 2 http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2008/10/afghan-pipeline-by-steve-galster-2.html
Aamir Sain,
Can you quote from the Time magazine which identified 4 Pakistani generals who were the richest generals in the world? The magazine published the article in 1986 if I am not mistaken.
The legacy of General Zia lives on:
The Jihadi and sectarian elements are also posing a serious threat to our integrity. No serious effort was made to harness and bring them back to the mainstream. The danger is if they are not dealt firmly, they could further strengthen nexus with the Taliban and Al Qaeda. There is also ambiguity regarding whether or not the army is fully on board in abandoning its past policy of relying on militant proxies as a strategic tool for India. The fundamental question whether Pakistan should be a Muslim or Islamic state needs to be reopened if fundamentalism is to be combated with full force?
Civil–military relations remained uneasy. Rumours kept afloat that the whole campaign against President Zardari was being orchestrated by the establishment and the media. On the other hand, the civilian government has yet to gain the confidence of the people or the state institutions that it can deliver. Its weakness in performance and policy issues contributed to providing political space to military leadership. Two events were significant. First, when the army intervened to prevent a collision between the government and opposition forces that were supporting the restoration of the judges. The second setback was the judgment on the NRO. This year also witnessed emergence of new power centers. The army is still a dominant player in foreign and security matters and considers itself the ultimate defender of the nation’s integrity. Parliament, in order to be assertive and play its due role, will have to engage in legislation, activate its committees to carry out oversight and make value added policy recommendations.
Talat Masood
http://thenews.jang.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=216728
Dear Omar Sahab.
That issue of Time Magazine was and is banned reportedly the names were Hamid Husnain [Adopted son of General Zia and FORMER HBL OFFICIAL] Khurshid Anwer Mirza, Air Marshall Shamim Anwer, and General Fazle Haq. Try to to search Time Weekly Archive and an story published in The Nation by Lawrence Lifschultz – [not the Pakistani Nation but American Nation – the story was published under captioned – Inside the Kingdom of Heroin – The November 14, 1988, The Nation by Lawrence Lifschultz] a Pakistani Reporter Imran Ali had also contributed for that story. Pakistani Reporter later died.. Further details are as under:
“QUOTE”
Have you ever thought that why Aijazul Haq [served in Musharraf Cabinet] s/o General Ziaul Haq [USA backed Military Dictator from 1977-1988] and Humayun Akhter [served in Musharraf Cabinet] s/o General Akhter Abdul Rehman [a colleague of General Ziaul Haq] are so filthy rich. If it is a hard work then why the common Pashtun Labour is not so rich [believe me the Pashtuns are amongst the most hard working people living on the planet. I am giving you the detail about Zia and not a single word is mine; please also find a detailed research of US Congress below.
I wonder whether the US Backed Commander of the Faithful General Ziaul Haq remembered the commandments below or forgot to follow what he and his toady Jamat-e-Islami were preaching to Pakistan and Pakistanis for 11 long and miserable years 1977 to 1988. The detailed note is at the end on Gen Zia Narco Trade after Zia’s favoutie subject Islam.
US BACKED GENERAL ZIA AND NARCOTICS/DRUG TRADE:
“QUOTE”
1- This article appeared in the October 13, 1995 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.
The Golden Crescent Heroin Connection by Jeffrey Steinberg
Map 1: The Golden Crescent Heroin Trail (PDF, 48K)
Map 2: The Mujahideen Weapons Pipeline (PDF, 48K)
Gen. Fazle Huq, the commander of the NWFP, was arrested for covering up his own brother’s drug trafficking. General Huq’s personal pilot, Maj. Farooq Hamid, was arrested on heroin-trafficking charges. As early as 1983, Norwegian customs officials had arrested a Pakistani smuggling a large quantity of heroin. A follow-on investigation led to the indictment of Hamid Hasnain, the vice president of the Pakistan government’s Habib Bank. Hasnain was the personal account manager for President Zia. The drug crackdown was short-lived, however. When General Zia’s former finance minister, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, became President of Pakistan, many of the indictments were overturned or never prosecuted. Ghulam Ishaq Khan had been General Zia’s liaison to the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, serving as the president of the BCCI Foundation, the “charity” through which drug money was laundered, and bribes were paid out.
2- Narcotics and the Afghan War
All of transcript of John Gunther Dean’s oral history of his ambassadorship in India at the Jimmy Carter library is worth reading.
The boom in the poppy growing and heroin refineries in Pakistan and Afghanistan coincided with the beginning of the Afghan War in early 1990. Madame Benazir Bhutto, then Prime Minister of Pakistan, said that “today Pakistan society is dominated by the culture of heroin and the kalatchnikof rifle” . With drugs came arms. But who had heard in the United States, in 1985 when I arrived in New Delhi, about the role of General Zia-ul-Haq’s adopted son and drug smuggling? Yet, in December 1983, a young Pakistani was arrested at Oslo airport with 3.5 kilos of heroin. It eventually led back to the President of Pakistan’s involvement in drug smuggling.
Even as the U.S. Government was congratulating in 1984 General Zia-ul-Haq for helping control narcotics traffic, the Police of Pakistan, under Norwegian pressure, arrested Hamid Hasnain, the “adopted son” of General Zia, who turned out to be a kingpin in the drug running mafia. In Hasnain’s possession were found cheque books and bank statements of Zia-ul-Haq and his family. I am relating these facts here not to undermine General Zia’s reputation but to demonstrate the linkage of drug dealing with arms to fight the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and how we interacted with these criminals to achieve our own ends, i.e., the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan and the toppling of the communist regime led by Najib Boulla in Kabul.
On the Norwegian bust of the Pakistani drug smuggling ring, I rely on the detailed newspaper article which appeared in the TIMES OF INDIA. Please note that the author is an American journalist, formerly the South Asia correspondent of the FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW and later working on special assignment with the New York publication THE NATION.
For further reading:
Pak-Afghan Drug Trade in Historical Perspective Ikramul Haq Asian Survey, Vol. 36, No. 10 (Oct., 1996), pp. 945-963 This article consists of 19 page(s).
Drug Mafia in Pakistan
But in the process he failed to anticipate its repercussions on Pakistan. Heroin addiction spread like an epidemic during his martial administration. The UNDCP report confirms that there were 1.5 to 1.9 million drug addicts in Pakistan in 1993. 7 The regime, which was popular for its iron hand did not control free distribution of heroin and hashish in universities and colleges in Peshawar, Karachi, Lahore and Rawalpindi where these drugs were cheaply available for Rupees 15 to 60 per packet depending on their purity. 8 During this time drug traffickers operated freely and became billionaries within a short span of time and organised themselves as syndicates on the same lines as the Latin American drug barons. They established contacts in the law enforcement agencies, funded political parties, used economic platforms and bribed officers to maintain production and supply of narcotic drugs in the international market.
General Zia’s involvement in drug trafficking came to light only after his death when the Minister of State for Narcotics, Mian Muzaffar Shah revealed that Pakistani drug syndicates grew under the patronage of General Zia. Raza Qureshi, a Pakistan drug trafficker who was arrested by the Norwegian Police at Oslo’s Fornebu Airport in 1984, exposed Zia’s drug connection. The Norwegian Police disclosed three names of Pakistani nationals-Tahir Butt, Munawar Hussain and Hamid Hussain patronised by General Zia. 9 The Norwegian Police visited Islamabad to investigate the matter and indicted these three for drug crimes. But the Pakistan government did not arrest them because of their political connections. Finally, when the Norwegian government complained against inaction by the law enforcement agencies and threatened diplomatic action, these three were arrested.
One of the culprits, Hamid Hussain was not only the vice president of Government owned Habib Bank, but was as close as a son to the wife of General Zia ul Haq. He handled Zia’s account and used banking channels to launder drug proceeds. The most startling revelation that confirmed Zia’s drug connection was the case of one of his ADCs, whose name was not disclosed. The ADC concealed heroin in 100 precious lamps to be gifted by General Zia to the delegates at a special session of the UN General Assembly. General Zia suddenly changed his programme to travel via Iran and Iraq. In the process of shifting his baggage one of the lamps broke spreading heroin at New York Airport. Apparently the customs official checked all the lamps which were filled with heroin and seized them. 10
The former Chief Minister and Governor of NWFP, Lt. General Fazle Haque is another important drug dealer who dominated Pakistani drug syndicates. Popularly known as the Noriega of Pakistan, Haque was responsible for promoting growth of the drug industry in the Swat Valley of NWFP. He successfully organised transshipment of heroin from Pakistan to the international market through business contacts.
Obviously during Zia’s tenure drugs played an important role in decision-making. After his sudden death in a plane crash in August 1988, Gulam Ishaq Khan, a close associate of Zia, took over. An Ismaili Pathan from NWFP civil services he rose to prominence during Zia’s time. His involvement in narcotics started after he joined the provincial civil service of NWFP and became a close associate of General Zia. He and the Chief of Army Staff General Aslam Beg worked together for the growth of the drug industry at the Pak-Afghan border. His drug connection came to light during the investigation of the biggest bank fraud in the world namely, the BCCI. Aslam Beg and Ishaq Khan became very close and strongly advocated the idea of Pakistan’s decision to join the race for nuclear power. In the name of the Islamic Bomb they generated money from Arab countries and got away from the drug money laundered by BCCI. It is relevant to note that they founded an institute called Gulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Engineering Science and Technology, which was the main recipient of funds from BCCI. In the name of funds, for a nuclear bomb, the duo promoted growth of narcotic drugs in the Golden Crescent. 11
The situation, however, did not change when Benazir Bhutto came to power. She exposed General Zia because it suited her political agenda. Her husband Zardari is well known for his criminal connections and her government was dismissed on corruption charges. In so far as Benazir’s Peoples Party (PPP) is concerned, during personal interaction with Pakistani prisoners under NDPS Act languishing in Jammu Central Jail, the author was told that the PPP members were directly involved in the drugs trade. The prisoner himself was a cousin of PPP’s Lahore President. Lahore is one of the centres for narcotic drugs trade in Pakistan.
Hazi Iqbal Beg is another important Pakistani drug dealer with political connections. A Lahore based landlord and owner of innumerable business enterprises he organised a powerful drug syndicate. Beg along with his partners, Sohail But (brother-in-law of Nawaz Sharif) and Shaukat Ali Bhatti were elected members of the Punjab Legislative Assembly on the ticket of Islamic Jahmuri Ittehad (IJI), a political party formed by an ISI Chief General Hamid Gul. Nawaz Sharif maintained close association with Beg and helped him acquire denationalised industrial units including the Muslim Commercial Bank where he (Sharif) is a benami partner. 12 Beg continued to nurture his ties with the Pakistani premier and simultaneously funded election of Mehraj Khalid of PPP who later became Chief Minister of Punjab. Beg thus remained loyal to both Sharif and Benazir. After the fall of Benazir’s government he was charge-sheeted for narcotic drugs smuggling. However, his close association with Sharif got him released on bail.
Another equally important drug dealer Malik Waris Khan Afridi, was appointed by Benazir as Minister of state for Tribal Affairs. He was elected on a PPP ticket from Khyber Agency (N-33, Tribal Areas VII) in 1988. His commitment to PPP was so strong that he tried to save her government by bribing members against the no confidence motion tabled by Nawaz Sharif in 1989. After the fall of the Benazir government he was convicted for smuggling of opium and hashish from Khyber Agency.
These are some of the many instances of the drug syndicate’s control over Pakistan politics. There are hundreds of political leaders into drug business in Pakistan. The very fact that South West Asia (Pak-Afghan) is the biggest supplier of heroin to the international market and that Pakistan earns US $1.5 billion (UNDCP, 1993 estimate) from export of refined heroin substantiate that the narcotic drugs trade goes on under the nose of government law enforcement agencies. Since political leaders are beneficiaries of the international drug trade, it is not possible to keep intelligence and army away from the scene especially in the light of the fact that these two play a significant role in Pakistan politics.
The ISI is the key to intelligence services in Pakistan. It holds political clout and is the most important cell in decision-making. It operates in collaboration with the military intelligence known as Field Intelligence Unit (FIU). Its importance could be analysed from the fact that Hamid Gul, the former Chief of ISI launched a political party called Islami Jahmuri Ittehad as mentioned earlier, its candidates became members of state and national assemblies. The drug connection of the army and intelligence services came to light when at the instance of Robert Oakley, the US Ambassador to Pakistan, Benazir ordered investigation into the BCCI bungling. The entire exercise turned into an eye wash when Mirza Iqbal Beg, was released on bail despite ample evidence of his involvement. It is believed that Benazir could not cope with the military and ISI interference. An American scholar, Selig Harrison, rightly said that Pakistan has ten Noriegas very high up in military and it was very difficult to disclose their names. 13 The genesis of this unholy alliance of narcotic drugs, army and intelligence goes back to 1978 when the US government launched its combat mission against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The US analysts have now awoken to the problem of narco-terrorism in this region. They were the first to use it during 1970s and 80s against the Soviet expansionism. As a matter of fact the US government encouraged drug trafficking to raise funds for Mujahideen fighting against the Soviets. The DEA had to close its offices in Afghanistan and Pakistan during 1980s by order. The CIA was in full command of the region and purposely allowed the illegal drugs trade to flourish. 14
The drug connection of the ISI and army got cultivated in the fertile land of poppy. Landi Kotal, the capital of NWFP, is the main centre for business transaction of opium, heroin and weapons. Officially the opium bazars at Landi Kotal, Jamrud, Bara, Darra Adam Khel and the entire poppy growing fields constitute part of Pakistan. In practice the situation is not the same. The NWFP falls under direct jurisdiction of local tribes namely-Afridi, Khatake, Wazirs, Orakzai, Banggash, Turis and Mashuds. Drugs and guns are part and parcel of their socio-economic and political life. As mentioned earlier narcotic drugs are the main source of their income, which is promoted by the tribal administration in an organised network. The Pakistan government would invite trouble if they intervene in their local affairs. 15 Therefore, it exercises control though the ISI and army, whose presence has brought changes in the tribal economy in the region. With the help of ISI agents and army personnel several refineries were set up to produce heroin, which is in great demand in the Western market. Ever since the ISI and the army came into the picture, opium refining techniques have become more sophisticated in this region. Chinese chemists were hired for refining laboratories at Landi Kotal and Derra to improve the quality and production. The DEA also confirmed that by 1981, the Chinese have established themselves in refining laboratories in this region. 16 The very fact that the American and the European markets are flooded with heroin from Afghanistan and Pakistan reemphasises growth of the drug industry in this region. This was not possible without the collaboration of the ISI and the army.
Money Laundering
Illicit drug trade is highly lucrative and a short cut route to acquire wealth and affluence overnight. It was easy to make money, but difficult to move the funds to their destination. The drug traffickers had to face major problems in transaction of the drug proceeds. There were very few banks to take the risk, though there are instances of banks involvement in monetary transactions of drug money. The dealers had to explore some ways for the movement of cash. Therefore, innumerable channels were explored and created by drug syndicates. Their unorganised but systematic method of monetary transaction is popularly known as money laundering.
Money laundering is defined as use of money derived from illegal activity by concealing the identity of the individuals who obtained money and converts it to assets that appear to have come from a legitimate source. 25 The large sum generated from narcotic drugs has become part of the international monetary system. It plays an important role in the corporate sector and international monetary market. The black money is used to influence politics and economy. This money can buy politicians, fund elections, topple an elected government, take over business enterprises and destabilise an established politico-economic system.
The cash accumulated from narcotic drugs trafficking is laundered into licit money through investments in foreign banks, real estate, hotels, transport and entertainment business. 26 More than banks, private financial institutions have helped drug barons to manage their finances. Switzerland, Hong Kong, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Thailand are among the important countries involved in money laundering activities in an organised fashion. Banking laws and lavish life style of the elite facilitates covert operations and monetary transactions of drug traffickers.
The best instances of money laundering through legitimate financial institutions is the case of Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) and Pakistan’s Habib Bank. The BCCI’s involvement in money laundering was to such an extent that it was nicknamed Bank of Crooks and Criminals. Founded by a Pakistani banker-Aga Hassan Abedi in 1972 in Luxembourg, BCCI had business interests in 70 countries and assets worth 20 billion US dollars by the 1980s. This bank was initially financed by Sheikh Zayed bin Al Nahayan of Abu Dhabi. Abedi fiddled with an idea of a bank for developing countries or a ‘Third World’s Bank’ for publicity. His vision carried many developing countries. Even Bank of America had an investment of US dollars 2.5 million in BCCI. 27 Within ten years the bank had grown to a considerable size. But voluminous monetary transactions by BCCI raised doubts about its clients and modus operandi. The Bank of America withdrew its investment in 1986 apprehending its drug connection. Many cases of drug profits gradually surfaced. Latin American drug cartels and drug syndicates of South East and South West Asian regions were the main clients of BCCI. They approached the BCCI with drug proceeds without any hesitation. The managers of the bank namely Muesella, Awann, Bilgrami, Akbar, Baaksa, Naqvi and others welcomed the leaders of the syndicates. The Pakistanis dominated this bank. Finally their narcotic drugs laundering drama came to an end in 1991 when the US Grand Jury indicted the managers and others involved in the transaction for fraud and racketeering.
These two cases are explicit examples of illicit monetary transactions through legal channels. There are several other ways to launder drug proceeds through professional smugglers and gangsters. Many of these criminals deal only in narcotic drugs and run a parallel government to manage their global network. These groups are well organised and are popularly known as ‘drug syndicates’. They launder the drug proceeds through various means such as:-
Bank Deposits and Loans or ‘Smurfing’
Double Invoicing
Investment in Foreign Business
Investment in Real Estate
Travel and currency exchange Agencies
Hawala Transactions
Currency Smuggling
Conversion of Cash in Kind,
Gambling Joints
Tax Havens (VDS etc.)
Needless to highlight that South West Asia especially India, Pakistan and Afghanistan offer vast opportunity for money laundering. It is a known fact that the real estate boom in India during the 1980s and early 1990s was because of unprecedented investment in property business by Daud Ibrahim (currently in Pakistan) and his associates. Similar was the case of the entertainment industry in Mumbai, Daud Ibrahim & Co. emerged as the real financier for films and the music industry during this time. His gang dominated the money market for ten years by funding such business enterprises in Mumbai. The unholy alliance of drug smugglers, criminals, builders, film producers and petty business enterprises came to light only after the Bombay Blasts in 1993. Until then no one that knew that illicit drug proceeds had already converted into legitimate business and government could do nothing about it as there was no document or paper, a prerequisite for legal action against the crime committed.
CIA covert weapons shipments are sent by the Pakistani army and the ISI to rebel camps in the North West Frontier province near the Afghanistan border. The governor of the province is Lieutenant General Fazle Haq, who author Alfred McCoy calls Pakistani President Muhammad Zia ul-Haq’s “closest confidant and the de facto overlord of the mujaheddin guerrillas.” Haq allows hundreds of heroin refineries to set up in his province. Beginning around 1982, Pakistani army trucks carrying CIA weapons from Karachi often pick up heroin in Haq’s province and return loaded with heroin. They are protected from police search by ISI papers. [McCoy, 2003, pp. 477] By 1982, Haq is listed with Interpol as an international drug trafficker. But Haq also becomes known as a CIA asset. Despite his worsening reputation, visiting US politicians such as CIA Director William Casey and Vice President George H. W. Bush continue to meet with him when they visit Pakistan. Haq then moves his heroin money through the criminal Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI). A highly placed US official will later say that Haq “was our man… everybody knew that Haq was also running the drug trade” and that “BCCI was completely involved.” [Scott, 2007, pp. 73-75] Both European and Pakistani police complain that investigations of heroin trafficking in the province are “aborted at the highest level.” [McCoy, 2003, pp. 477] In 1989, shortly after Benazir Bhutto takes over as the new ruler of Pakistan, Pakistani police arrest Haq and charge him with murder. He is considered a multi-billionaire by this time. But Haq will be gunned down and killed in 1991, apparently before he is tried. [McCoy, 2003, pp. 483] Even President Zia is implied in the drug trade. In 1985, a Norwegian government investigation will lead to the arrest of a Pakistani drug dealer who also is President Zia’s personal finance manager. When arrested, his briefcase contains Zia’s personal banking records. The manager will be sentenced to a long prison term. [McCoy, 2003, pp. 481-482]
When Pakistani police picked up Hamid Hasnain, V.P. of gvt’s Habib bank, they found in his briefcase the personal records of president Zia. Blatant official corruption continued until General Zia’s death in an air crash. Typical of misinformation that blocked any U.S. action against Pakistan’s heroin trade, the State Department’s semi-annual narcotics review in September called General Zia a strong supporter of anti-narcotics activities in Pakistan. McCoy, A.W. (1991). The Politics Of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Traffic 456.
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Narcotics, Drug Trade and Islam http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2008/10/narcotics-drug-trade-and-islam.html
Lies of Ansar Abbasi on ISI: It is very disgusting that Prejudice take you to a level when you blatantly lie and distort history. Mr Ansar Abbasi just did that in today’s Jang Monday, January 04, 2010, Muharram 17, 1431 A.H in his alleged column wherein he says that Political Cell of ISI was formed by Bhutto whereas in reality it was formed by General Ayub Khan. Read Ayub Khan’s Information Secretary’s Late Altaf Gauhar’s Column on ISI published in The Nation in English 17 Aug 97 p 4. After reading the last paragraph of Ansar Abbasi’s Lies on ISI. Ansar Abbasi and Jang Group have no shame left in them they forget while lecturing PPP and Zardari about No First Strike, Patriotism and National Security that Ansar Abbasi’s very own Jang/The News and GEO are running the campaign “Joint statement by editors of the Jang Group and Times of India Friday, January 01, 2010 Aman Ki Asha”. http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/jan2010-daily/04-01-2010/col14.htm
Read Ayub Khan’s Information Secretary’s Late Altaf Gauhar’s Column on ISI published in The Nation in English 17 Aug 97 p 4
“QUOTE”
Title: Pakistan: Writer Exposes ISI’s Role in Politics
Document Number: FBIS-NES-97-230
Document Date: 18 Aug 1997
Sourceline: BK1908021197 Islamabad The Nation in English 17 Aug 97 p 4 Subslug: Article by Altaf Gauhar:
“How Intelligence Agencies Run Our Politics”
I had an opportunity to watch quite closely the working of our intelligence agencies during the 1965 war with India. At that time the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) was headed by Brigadier Riaz Hussain, who later became the Governor of Balochistan, the Military Intelligence (MI) was under Brigadier Muhammad Irshad and A.B. Awan was the Director of the Intelligence Bureau (DIB). Each agency had its own sphere of duties but they had a common goal — preserving the national security. Since there is hardly any significant political activity, domestic or foreign, national or international, which does not, directly or indirectly, impinge on national security, there was much overlapping in the work of the three agencies.
Despite the all-embracing definition of national security unnecessary conflict in day to day working was avoided as the lSl and the MI confined themselves to matters of direct military interest and the IB concentrated on domestic political activities. The DIB reported directly to the Prime Minister and the two military agencies to the Commander-in-Chief of the
Army (C-in-C).
It was left to the C-in-C to bring all matters of interest to the notice of the Prime Minister through the Ministry of Defence. This arrangement continued fairly smoothly until the imposition of Martial Law in 1958. I was in the Prime Minister’s Secretariat during the last days of parliamentary government in 1957-58 and Malik Feroz Khan Noon used to get reports of the contacts which military intelligence agencies were making with the political leaders of different parties. There was little that he could do about it since President Iskander Mirza was drawing up his own plan of action to put an end to parliamentary rule in collusion with the C-in-C, General Ayub Khan. Noon was resisting Mirza’s pressure to
grant a four-year extension of term to Ayub Khan. I remember Ayub Khan bursting into my office one afternoon in full, uniform. I was relieved when he said: “Since the Principal Secretary has gone for lunch I thought I would ask you to request the Prime Minister to stay with me in Rawalpindi when he comes on a formal visit next week.” He left the room before I could recover my breath. When I conveyed the message to the PM he said: “I know he wants me to give him an extension of term. His term does not end till 1959. Why is he in such a hurry?” Years later when I mentioned this incident to Ayub Khan he said: “The fellow was under the influence of his wife. He wanted to promote General Sher Ali. My boys were keeping tabs on him.”
Once the Martial Law was promulgated in 1958 all the intelligence agencies came under the direct control of the President and Chief Martial Law Administrator. The maintenance of national Security, which was the principal function of these agencies, came to mean the consolidation of the Ayub regime; any criticism of the regime was seen a threat to national security. The three intelligence agencies started competing with each other in demonstrating their loyalty to Ayub Khan and his system of government. Since Ayub Khan was reluctant to increase the military budget, neither the ISI nor the MI could post their officers in the districts and because of that limitation their domestic activities remained quite restrained. But they continued to be assigned specific duties to keep a watch on ‘undesirable’ politicians and civil servants. When I came to the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, I found a psychological warfare unit under operation in the office of the Secretary. It was, headed by Col Mujibur Rahman, who later became the Secretary of the Ministry in the Ziaul Haq regime. Was it an intelligence plant meant to keep an eye on the working of the civil government? Whatever its purpose, I found it a complete waste of time and I was able to persuade the President to have it recalled by the GHQ.
The President used to receive regular reports on the political situation in the country from the ISI and the MI. These reports in sealed envelopes marked ‘Eyes Only’ were usually handed over to the President by the C-in-C. On a few occasions the President gave me these reports and it seemed to me that the agencies were keeping the politicians, particularly the East Pakistanis, under close surveillance. I rarely found anything insightful in these reports. The DIB had direct access to the President and his weekly reports used to be fairly exhaustive. It was during the presidential election in l964 that the ISI and the MI became extremely active.. While the DIB gave the President a detailed, assessment of his
prospects in the election the ISI and the MI kept him informed of the trend of public opinion based largely on gossip. The election results showed that the three agencies had seriously under estimated the popularity of Mohtrama Miss Fatima Jinnah and given Ayub Khan too optimistic a picture of his prospects.
The crisis of intelligence came during the 1965 war. Brigadier Riaz was good enough to show me his set-up, an impressive affair judging by the sophisticated equipment and the operators at work. He told me that he had contacts inside the Occupied Kashmir and in other major Indian cities. “I will flood you with news. Don’t worry”. When the war started there was a complete blackout of news from all the intellience agencies. When I got nothing out of the ISI for two days I went to Brigadier Riaz only to learn that all his contacts had gone underground. The performance of the MI was even more frustrating. The mobile transmitter which the MI had acquired to broadcast the Voice of Kashmir conked out and Brigadier Irshad came to me to find him a spare transmitter. When I told him that it would take at least a month to import another transmitter he pleaded with me to take over the broadcast part of the operation. “How can I do that I know nothing about the operation?” I protested. “But that is the beauty of it.” said Irshad, “even I know very little about it.” It did not take the Indians long to extract the whole operational plan out of the ‘infiltrators’ whom they captured the moment they entered the Indian occupied territory in Kashmir. Four of them were put on All India Radio to make a public confession. I heard the details of the operation on the air in utter disbelief. I rushed to Muzaffarabad to acquaint Irshad with what I had heard. He fell back in his chair and moaned: “The bastards have spilt the beans.”
After the cease-fire I brought these incidents to Ayub Khan’s notice and urged him to review the working of these agencies. “They have no idea of intelligence work,” I submitted “all they can do is investigative work like sub-inspectors of police, tapping telephone conversations and chasing the suspects.” Much later Ayub Khan set up a committee to examine the working of the agencies under General the Yahya Khan. Both A.B. Awan and I
were members of the committee. The GHQ tried to put all the blame on IB for their own incompetence. Yahya wanted the committee to recommend that officers of ISI and the Ml should be posted at district headquarters. Awan strongly opposed the idea and I backed him. We could not understand the purpose of getting the military agencies involved in domestic administration. As we left the meeting Awan said to me “They are planning to impose martial law.” He proved right though it took the Army quite some time to get rid of Ayub Khan after unleashing a popular campaign against him.
The intelligence agencies got even more deeply involved in domestic politics under General Yahya Khan. The ISI jumped headlong into the Political crisis in East Pakistan. A National Security Council was created under the chairmanship of General Yahya Khan with Major General Ghulam Umar as second in command to control the intelligence operation which was meant to ensure that no political party should get an overall majority in the general election. An amount of Rs 29 lac was put at the disposal of General Umar for the purpose. Before the Army action General Akbar, who was the head of the ISI and with whom I had good relations when I was in service, requested me that I should introduce him to some Bengali academics and journalists. The ISI was trying to infiltrate into the inner circles of the Awami League. Had I given him any names they too have been put on Rao Farman Ali’s hit list of Bengali intellectuals. The operation proved a total disaster. Lawrence Ziring says: “New efforts at a political solution might have been attempted later, but army intelligence failed time and again to correctly assess the situation, and the demeanor of the generals
was hardly conducive to rational decision-making.” (Lawrence Ziring, The Tragedy of East Pakistan, OUP, 1997). For General (retd) Aslam Beg to claim on solemn oath before the Supreme Court of Pakistan that the ISI got involved in the internal politics of the country only after a special cell was created by Prime Minister Bhutto in 1975 is a culpable attempt at concealing the truth and distorting the record of the operations of the military intelligence agencies since independence. The present government has only to report to the Supreme Court that the ISI deals with matters relating to Pakistan’s national security and that would be the end of Asghar Khan’s writ petition against Aslam Beg. Who will provide a definition of national security to rule out the involvement of the ISI and the MI in domestic politics which is seen as the biggest threat to the security and solidarity of Pakistan?
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TALIBANIZED EDUCATION SYSTEM [COURTESY – GENERAL ZIA, US CIA, NEBRASKA UNIVERSITY – USA]
INDEPTH: AFGHANISTAN
Back to school in Afghanistan CBC News Online January 27, 2004
The National Airdate: May 6, 2002
Reporter: Carol Off Producer: Heather Abbott Editor: Catherine McIsaac
When 1.5 million children went back in school in Afghanistan in the spring of 2002, a tough lesson was waiting for them. While the country welcomed some semblance of peace for the first time in years, war remained very much a part of its classrooms. Afghanistan’s teachers tried to erase war images from the textbooks, images that got there in the first place due in large part to Cold War policies in the United States.
At a public school in Kabul, students and teachers are anxious for some kind of normal routine. Some children bring their own chairs to school, if they have them. The school was almost destroyed by war. There’s no electricity. It’s colder inside than out. The cement floor is freezing.
But the students don’t mind. The young women and girls at this school are back in the classroom after five years of banishment by the Taliban.
Women in their 20s have returned to Grade 11. But they’re not bitter, they’re happy.
Getting children back to school is a number one priority in Afghanistan’s post war government. But the big question is: what will they learn?
Math teachers use bullets as props to teach lessons in subtraction. This isn’t their idea. During decades of war, the classroom has been the best place to indoctrinate young people with their duty to fight. Government-sponsored textbooks in Afghanistan are filled with violence. For years, war was the only lesson that counted.
The Mujahideen, Afghanistan’s freedom fighters, used the classroom to prepare children to fight the Soviet empire. The Russians are long gone but the textbooks are not. The Mujahideen had wanted to prepare the next generation of Afghans to fight the enemy, so pupils learned the proper clips for a Kalashnikov rifle, the weight of bombs needed to flatten a house, and how to calculate the speed of bullets. Even the girls learn it.
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“We were providing education behind the enemy lines.”
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But the Mujahideen had a lot of help to create this warrior culture in the school system from the United States, which paid for the Mujahideen propaganda in the textbooks. It was all part of American Cold War policy in the 1980s, helping the Mujahideen defeat the Soviet army on Afghan soil.
The University of Nebraska was front and center in that effort. The university did the publishing and had an Afghan study center and a director who was ready to help defeat the “Red Menace.”
“I think Ronald Reagan himself felt that this was a violation of the rights of the Afghans,” says Tom Goutier, who was behind the Mujahideen textbook project. “I think a lot of those working for him thought this was an opportunity for us to do the Soviet Union some damage.”
Goutier’s personal involvement in Afghanistan began in 1964 as a young U.S. peace corps volunteer. Over the years, he rubbed shoulders with Mujahideen leaders and he learned Afghan languages. During the 1980s, his love of America and his love of Afghanistan merged.
“We were living in an era in which the Afghans were trying to learn to survive,” he says. “They were fighting for their survival in which a million of them were killed, a million and a half wounded. So, at that time, there was a lot of militaristic thinking.”
The Soviet Union occupied Afghanistan in 1979. Its fighting forces were well armed and ruthless. The Mujahideen fought the Soviets throughout the 1980s with a lot of covert aid from the U.S.
In 1986, under President Ronald Reagan, the U.S. put a rush order on its proxy war in Afghanistan. The CIA gave Mujahideen an overwhelming arsenal of guns and missiles. But a lesser-known fact is that the U.S. also gave the Mujahideen hundreds of millions of dollars in non-lethal aid; $43 million just for the school textbooks. The U.S. Agency for International Development, AID, coordinated its work with the CIA, which ran the weapons program.
“We were providing education behind the enemy lines,” says Goutier. “We were providing military support against the enemy lines. So this was a kind of coordinated effort indeed.
“I eventually was involved in some of the discussions, negotiations for removing the Soviets from Afghanistan. I was an American specialist in these discussions and many people in those discussions said just as important as (the) introduction of stinger missiles was the introduction of the humanitarian assistance because the Soviets never believed the U.S. would go to that extent.”
“The U.S. government told the AID to let the Afghan war chiefs decide the school curriculum and the content of the textbooks,” says CBC’S Carol Off. “What discussions did you have with the Mujahideen leaders? Was it any effort to say maybe this isn’t the best for an eight-year-old’s mind?”
“No, because we were told that that was not for negotiations and that the content was to be that which they decided,” says Goutier.
There were those who opposed the text book project, such as Sima Samar who ran a school in those days, but opposition did little good.
“I was opposing but we had no choice,” says Samar, who served as minister of women’s affairs for the interim government that ran Afghanistan after the Taliban were driven out. “It was already done and… nobody had the freedom to speak against all those things.”
“I was interested in being of any type of assistance that I could to help the Afghans get out of their mess and to be frank also anything that would help the United States in order to advance its interests,” says Goutier.
American interests were well served. But after the defeat of the Soviet empire, the U.S. abandoned Afghanistan. The country descended into civil war. The U.S. gave almost no money to help rebuild after the war against the Soviets and no money to rewrite the school textbooks.
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Rashid loves school but he says he and the other boys don’t understand why their books are filled with war.
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Eleven-year-old Rashid lives in Kabul. His father returned from where the family was hiding one day to check on their apartment and he was shot dead. His country has been at war for his entire life.
“And in other countries have peace and Afghanistan, why Afghanistan haven’t peace? I think with myself, why Afghanistan haven’t peace?” he says. “And my mother say to me, there’s no country to help Afghanistan.”
The boys go to school in the afternoon when the girls go home. Rashid loves school but he says he and the other boys don’t understand why their books are filled with war.
“The Afghan people hate the wars,” he says. “This is big mistake to war. This war is not good to small boys and their books.”
The teachers at Rashid’s school agree. They say the books must change, that nobody is happy that they’re being used in school, not teachers, not students.
Homa Yousef, an author and history teacher, is leading a campaign to change her school’s curriculum. She had no work under the Taliban. When she returned, she found the extreme Taliban religious ideology still in the school system. But it’s the war propaganda, she says that disturbs the students most.
“These lessons are like pouring salt in their wounds, referring to guns, tanks and killing,” she says. “The students themselves say they don’t benefit in any way from these lessons, and their level of understanding won’t increase by taking these classes. The memories of war will appear again, and most people have lost a father or brother or had their homes looted.”
The students represent any hope Afghanistan might have to build a civil society, models of that of other countries. But the young people fear Afghanistan may be sucked into more war if they can’t change the country’s values.
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Scholars go through the textbooks line by line locating hateful passages. They circle references to Mujahideen and Jihad and substitute them with innocuous words like apples and oranges.
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There’s a tremendous desire for change in Afghanistan. The interim government has declared education the bedrock of Afghanistan’s future. It wants to overhaul the school system and modernize education. The task is enormous. Most schools were in ruins in the spring of 2002, some bombed out and abandoned.
Even at the Ministry of Education, the corridors were clogged with broken furniture. There’s no heat in the offices where Kabul scholars labour to rewrite the school curriculum. They go through the textbooks line by line locating hateful passages. They circle references to Mujahideen and Jihad and substitute them with innocuous words like apples and oranges.
Din Mohamad Mlitzer, the director of the new curriculum for the Ministry of Education, says there are three objectives:
To make a good Muslim
To make a modern Afghan
To make someone who loves peace
“No one is being paid (at the Ministry of Education) and the work is very hard, trying to remove a culture of violence that was in the society long before the Americans paid to put it into writing,” says CBC’s Carol Off. “Can you really change those values in your society by changing these words in your books?”
“It’s difficult, really it’s difficult, it’s very difficult,” says Mlitzer. “But we tried, tried to make the people civilized. But it’s a value coming from our father’s father’s forefathers and changing of that is not too easy. It takes time.”
The latest war in Afghanistan is now over but there’s a constant threat of a new one. In the markets, tailors make uniforms for the stream of young men who want to be mercenaries. Only hunting guns are sold now since the heavy weapons are banned. But they still exist, woven into the very fabric of the country.
The Afghan children who returned to school in 2002 got new textbooks with new ideas but from the same old publisher. The University of Nebraska secured the contract again for $6.5 million from the United States government.
However this time there was a promise that they will not contain war propaganda.
“I did discuss with the people who went to fund again the textbooks, the curriculum for the schools,” says Sima Samar, “I said please, we don’t want that kind of things. They should include even human rights in the textbooks instead of all those. They should remove all the jihad items from the book. So this time they said they promise that there will be nothing violent in it.”
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Instead of learning how to use a land mine, children will now learn how to avoid one. Instead of learning how to make war, hopefully they’ll now learn how to avoid it.
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The children of Afghanistan don’t need books to tell them about war. It’s all around them. But only a fraction will be exposed to the new ideas in the school system. Only three per cent of all Afghanistan’s girls have enrolled and 39 per cent of its boys.
For those who are privileged enough to attend, aid agencies are rushing to supply furniture and equipment and the Afghan government has introduced the new curriculum. Instead of learning how to use a land mine, children will now learn how to avoid one. Instead of learning how to make war, hopefully they’ll now learn how to avoid it.
“All the people in Afghanistan are hungry for peace, especially the younger generation,” says Homa Yousef. “They have lots of enthusiasm to learn. That’s why we must work hard to ensure the textbooks match their level of understanding so that they can become useful to society.”
The pleasures of childhood are so simple. A kite to fly, a friend to share your dreams with, maybe a good storybook. In Afghanistan, a child’s pleasure is simply an end to 23 years of war.
Courtesy: CBC News Online January 27, 2004
URL: http://www.cbc.ca/news/background/afghanistan/schools.html
REFERENCE: http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/05/back-to-school-in-afghanistan-by.html
End of the military-jihadi nexus —Dr Manzur Ejaz
The military has no choice but to eliminate all types of non-state armed groups in Pakistan to save the state and its own privileges. The military may want to pick and choose among these groups, but circumstances will force it to take them out one by one
Asia Peace, a discussion forum, opened the New Year with making predictions about the possible scenarios in Pakistan. Ultimately, the debate centred on the prospects for the military-jihadi nexus. An overwhelming majority believes that the military will keep its jihadi option intact by differentiating between good and bad Taliban and other extremist groups. A very tiny minority, including myself, optimistically believes that the military has no choice but to take out all kinds of jihadis. The military may wish otherwise and may not be fully cognizant of its limited choices but circumstances will force it to clean up the mess it created.
An overwhelming majority of discussants believed in the continuation of the status quo of military-jihadi cooperation. They pointed out that the security agencies have not touched major jihadist leaders like Maulana Azhar, Hafiz Saeed, the Haqqani group and many other extremist outfits; they are being saved for future proxy wars in Afghanistan and India. Pessimists maintain that the military is wedded to the jihadis in such a profound way that religious extremism will not be tackled.
My view has been that it is one thing what the military wants and it is another what it is forced to do in the historical process. The military may have wanted to continue striving for its desired strategic depth in Afghanistan and keep India on its toes through proxy wars, but it was compelled to do just the opposite. Furthermore, the military has not acted against the Taliban and other extremist outfits due to US pressure only, it has also moved to safeguard the state where they enjoy immense privileges.
Let us trace the military responses to the political crisis that came to surface after Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s revolt against the Musharraf regime. The military, as an organisation, did not try to save General Musharraf by using its force or its invisible vast resources. Under General Pervez Kayani, the military did not interfere in the 2008 elections in any manner. The political parties were given full space to contest the elections and form governments in the Centre and provinces. Later on, General Kayani helped the reinstatement of the deposed judiciary and sending General Musharraf abroad.
I do not see this altered military behaviour as a mere change of heart, suddenly making it sagacious. On the contrary, the military may have realised that if it goes on the same old path, the state may be faced with bigger disasters. Lawlessness and a collapsing economy may affect the military’s viability and its own privileges. Therefore, to save these, the military leaders may have concluded that a democratic discourse and rehabilitation of the state’s basic institutions is the only way. This is why the military let the legislative bodies be formed independently and helped rehabilitation of the deposed judiciary.
Indian economic growth and its emergence as a recognisable power at world forums may have forced the military to pause and re-evaluate its strategy. The military knows fully well that if India continues its stunning growth and Pakistan keeps on sinking, it will not remain competitive. Pakistan will thus be conceived as a basket case in the neighbourhood of a giant, India. Therefore, to compete with India, economic growth is absolutely necessary, which in turn depends upon strengthening of state institutions and elimination of lawlessness at all levels of society. This is probably the thinking that forced the military to hold fair elections and help reinstate an independent judiciary. Of course the military is trying its best to safeguard its own privileges as much as it can, which became clear in the Kerry-Lugar bill debate.
The proponents of a pessimistic scenario, arguing that the military-jihadi nexus will continue as it was, must step back and think if they believed that the military would ever launch a successful operation against the Taliban in Swat and South Waziristan? Further, did they really anticipate a lawyers’ movement, General Musharraf’s removal, military’s non-interference in the electoral process and behind-the-scenes effort to reinstate an independent judiciary? Many friends and readers of this column will remember that on the basis of the experience of the last days of the Ayub Khan regime, I have been predicting that a movement against General Musharraf was in the offing, though it was hard to point out the identity of the sections of the public that will spearhead it or the consequences of the uprising. I did not know how but I was always sure that the deposed judiciary would be reinstated. All such projections were based upon my reading of the historical process in Pakistan, which I outlined in my last week’s column.
I still believe that the military has no choice but to eliminate all types of non-state armed groups in Pakistan to save the state and its own privileges. The military may want to pick and choose among these groups, but circumstances will force it to take them out one by one. Tactically, it cannot go to war with everyone at once and it has to move cautiously. We may have to wait and see the process.
Furthermore, the military may be frustrated with the Zardari regime because of its slow movement in reinstating the sovereignty of parliament and other institutions that it has hoped for. The military does not want another Musharraf sitting in the President’s House in civilian garb. If the military has to accept another Musharraf, then why not one of its own? But it seems that this is not going to happen in the foreseeable future and the military may remain interested in strengthening state institutions to safeguard its own interests.
The writer can be reached at [email protected]
http://dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\01\06\story_6-1-2010_pg3_3
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