Lack of will, not the law, is responsible for acquittal of Takfiri terrorists in Pakistan

Related post: Discourse of Shia genocide in Pakistan: A Sipah Sahaba leader speaks – by Omar Ali

Apologists of Pakistani judiciary often blame the prosecution for presenting a weak legal case and evidence in courts which results in acquittal of known terrorists and militants. In contrast, apologists of Pakistan Peoples Party and PML-N keep blaming the judiciary for the acquittal of terrorists.

One common excuse often presented by Pakistani leaders, government ministers, even by army chief General Kayani, is the lack of adequate laws to get militants convicted and punished.

In our assessment, the blaming the law argument is a diversion tactic because: (a) it is never explained what exactly is wrong with the current laws and what specifically needs to be revised or improved; (b) more than the lack of the law, it is the lack of law enforcement which is resulting in acquittal of terrorists; (c) there is evidence of secret deals between Pakistan Army and Takfiri terrorists; similar deals are in place between leading political parties PML-N, PPP and the Takfiri terrorists; (d) while some elements in the judiciary are visibly sympathetic or biased towards right wing militants, the element of threat and fear against a few honest judges cannot be ignored. Several judges and lawyers have been killed by Takfiri Deobandi terrorists in the last few years.

As a result, dozens of Takfiri Deobandi and Takfiri Salafi militants have been released by Pakistani judiciary in the last few years including but not limited to Malik Ishaq of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (Sipah-e-Sahaba), Hafiz Saeed of Jamaat-ud-Dawa (Lashkar-e-Taiba) and Maulana Abdul Aziz of Islamabad’s Red Mosque. In the meanwhile, blood of thousands of innocent Shias, dozens of moderate Sunni leaders, Ahmadis and other persecuted groups continues to be shed in the land of the pure.

As a matter of fact, there is no lack of evidence, there is lack of will to enforce law. All the three parties, government, judiciary and army, are responsible in this lack of will – due to different reasons.

The lack of evidence argument was ably crushed by Harris bin Munawar in his article in daily Dawn (19 July 2011); here is an excerpt:

Malik Ishaq had told an Urdu daily in October 1997 that he was involved in the killing of 102 people. He was arrested the same year, and eventually charged with 70 of those murders in 44 different cases, including the attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team in March 2009. Last week, the Supreme Court released him because of “lack of evidence”.

The influential co-founder of a Sipah-e-Sahaba breakaway group now linked with al Qaeda and the Taliban received a stipend from the Punjab government while he was in jail, and like other key terror suspects, was allowed to use a mobile phone.

Among those who fear the consequences of Malik Ishaq’s release is Fida Hussain Ghalvi, a key witness in a case in which Ishaq was accused of killing 12 members of a Shia family during a Majlis in 1997. When Ghalvi and three other men identified Ishaq, he told them in front of a judge that “dead men can’t talk”. Five witnesses and three of their relatives were killed during the trial. Ishaq was acquitted because of “lack of evidence”.

But that is just the tip of the iceberg. A more remarkable case involving the anti-Shia leader from southern Punjab was the bombing of an Iranian culture centre in Multan, also in 1997. Eight people were killed. When investigating officer Ijaz Shafi persuaded two witnesses to appear in court, his car was sprayed with 13 bullets. Anti-Terrorism Court judge Bashir Ahmed Bhatti convicted Ishaq but the Supreme Court overturned the conviction in 2006 because of “lack of evidence”.

In March 2007, the same judge, scheduled to hear another case against Malik Ishaq, was on his way to the court when a remote-controlled bicycle bomb exploded near his car, killing his driver and two policemen. Ishaq was charged with planning the bombing. Two years later, the prosecution’s witnesses suddenly turned hostile. Ishaq was acquitted in April 2009, because of “lack of evidence”.

In that context, it is very surprising that one of the Supreme Court judges who released Malik Ishaq on bail last week scolded the prosecution and said the case was weak. The same judge, Justice Asif Saeed Khosa, was part of a Lahore Hight Court bench that had asked the police to close down cases of hate speech and incitement to violence, against Jamaatud Dawa chief Hafiz Saeed. The bench would simply not accept that Jamaatud Dawa was another name for Lashkar-e-Taiba, because the new name was not present on a certain list.

Malik Ishaq praised the Supreme Court after his release and said justice had been done.

There is ample evidence of crimes and terrorist activities by Takfiri Deobandis of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (aka Sipah-e-Sahaba or Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat) archive on LUBP. Yousaf Nazar too has compiled a list of crimes committed by the LeJ-SSP, which can be read at this link:

In the present post, we offer yet another evidence to explain that the law is not to be blamed, it is the will of the government and the judiciary which is lacking in punishing the Takfiri Deobandi-Salafi terrorists.

Here’s an excerpt from Pakistan Penal Code:

295-A. Deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs:
Whoever, with deliberate and malicious intention of outraging the ‘religious feelings of any class of the citizens of Pakistan, by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representations insults the religion or the religious beliefs of that class, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to ten years, or with fine, or with both.

Here is a video clip of Malik Ishaq spreading hatred against Shia Muslims in Kabirwala, Pakistan (19 June 2012) using the same arguments as offered by Tarek Fatah and Ahmed Ludhianvi (i.e., Shias insult the Sahaba (Companions of the Prophet), therefore, they get killed). Ironically he refers to some insults against certain Sahaba published on internet. It is now commonly known particularly in the light of recent anti-USA attacks in Libya, Egypt, Sudan and elsewhere how Takfiri Salafist-Deobandi militants themselves translate and propagate objectionable material in order to incite hatred and violence to gain political mileage and strength.

Here’s another video clip of Malik Ishaq’s hate speech on 9 August 2012. He asserts he will always say Shia Kafir (Shias are infidels).

As noted by Dr. Taqi in a recent column in Daily Times:

Pakistan remains a country where the India-oriented Punjabi jihadists rule the roost and religious minorities continue to be hounded and eliminated physically. Just as the Pakistani ambassador to the U.S. (Sherry Rehman) was speaking via video link to the audience in the resort town of Aspen in the Rocky Mountains, a video featuring another kind of mountain was circulated on the Internet. The 16 minute-long clip is a speech delivered on June 19, 2012 at Kabirwala, Punjab, by the leader of the terrorist outfit, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), Malik Muhammad Ishaq, who is introduced therein as the jabl-e-istiqamat (the mountain of perseverance). Anyone who has any illusions about the ‘new Pakistan’ or how the 250 top al Qaeda leaders were able to hang out in the ‘old’ Pakistan must watch Ishaq’s venomous tirade at, also archived by the bloggers at

Malik Ishaq starts by brushing aside Mr Muhammad Ali Jinnah and virtually dismisses his role as the founding father. He swiftly moves on to eulogise the banned extremist outfit Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) for everything it has done — and continues to do — against the Shia, whom he consistently labels Kafir (infidels). The chief of the SSP, rechristened as Ahle Sunnat wal Jamat (ASWJ), Maulana Muhammad Ahmed Ludhianvi is seen presiding over the rally. Ishaq instigates the frenzied mob to take action against the Shia and their religious rituals. He then pulls out what he claims are the caricatures of the Companions (May the Lord be pleased with them) of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), which he alleges were distributed by the Shia on the ‘web’. The nastiest drivel accompanies this display and the mob’s frenzy rises exponentially. At no point does Ishaq directly call for killing the Shia but the props and ploys used in the context of Takfir accompanied by the innuendo about the SSP’s achievements, i.e. slaughter of the Shia, leave no need to order a direct hit. The sordid video gives an insight into understanding how Shia killing is incited and the killers programmed. It would not be a surprise if at rallies like this the zealots volunteer their services to take out the ‘infidels’. All this is happening in broad daylight in the ‘new Pakistan’.

The Punjab-based jihadists, and especially the SSP that spawned virtually all anti-India terrorists, is where the Pakistani strategic depth, India-centric jingoism and the religion-tethered state ideology converge. One does not know if Malik Ishaq is the mountain of perseverance or not but he most certainly is the volcano of hate.

In the light of the above, the Punjab police, therefore, did the right thing when it arrested Malik Ishaq on 30 August 2012 because of violation of 295-A.

Leader of banned outfit Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), Malik Ishaq has been sent on 14-day judicial remand to Kot Lakhpat jail. He had earlier been arrested by law enforcement agencies from Lahore airport on his return from Saudi Arabia. Ishaq had been released from Kot Lakhpat jail on July 14, 2011 after 14 years of imprisonment when the Supreme Court (SC) granted him bail in the case involving a terrorist attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team.
Superintendent of Police (SP) Model Town Malik Awais confirmed that he had been sent on remand. A case had been registered against Ishaq on August 9 after he had given a “provocative speech to spread hatred” during a Khatm-e-Nabuwwat rally near Lahore. The case had been registered under Article 295-A of the Pakistan Penal Code and Section 3 of the Amplifier Act. Prisoners on remand are normally sent to the Camp jail, but Ishaq was sent to Kot Lakhpat as he is a high profile prisoner. According to the Punjab police and Punjab public prosecution department’s record, Ishaq is involved in more than 40 cases in which 70 people had been killed with a majority of the deceased belonging to the Shia community.

However, less than two weeks later, on the anniversary of Quaid-e-Azam’s death, 11 September 2012, Malik Ishaq was once again released by Pakistani judiciary. The judiciary found it convenient to release Malik Ishaq because both federal government (led by President Zarari) and provincial government (led by Nawaz Sharif) refused to be a complainant against Malik Ishaq in the violation of 295-A. In other words, the problem is not with the law but with its enforcement.

When section 295-A was introduced in 1927, the British Government acted wisely by making a corresponding change in section 196 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898 which prohibits courts from taking cognisance of certain offences unless complaint is made by the government. It empowered the government alone to become complainant and prosecute cases registered under section 295-A. (Source) Can you believe that this legal fact was hidden from Federal and Punjab governments? Clearly this legal loophole was left in order to facilitate the release of Malik Ishaq as a part of the secret deal between PPP/PML-N, Army and LeJ-ASWJ.

According to news reports:

Malik Ishaq, co-founder of the banned Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), was released from Kot Lakhpat jail on Tuesday after an additional district and sessions judge granted him bail a day ago.
LAHORE – Additional District and Sessions Judge Nisar Ahmed on Monday granted bail to Malik Ishaq, the chief of banned outfit Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), in a case registered against him for fanning sectarianism.
Earlier, Ishaq was sent to the Kot Lakhpat Jail on a 14 day judicial remand on his return from Saudi Arabia on August 29. Nishtar Colony Police had arrested him on the charges of delivering a provocative speech against Shias during a rally held in Lahore on August 9 after registering a case under section 295-A (deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs) of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) and Section 3 of the Amplifier Act.
Ishaq’s counsel Advocate Arif Mehmood Rana argued on Monday that Section 295-A of the PPC did not apply in this case and it was a mala fide intention on part of the police to register the case. He argued that to nominate his client according to 295-A, a prior permission of the central or provincial government was required.
While quoting Section 196 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC), the counsel added that police did not bother to get this permission and neither the provincial or the federal government was a complainant in the case. He said Malik Ishaq was innocent and was willing to join investigation. He also implored the court to grant bail to his client.
The court heard the arguments and granted bail to Ishaq against surety bonds of Rs500,000.

Ishaq was earlier arrested from Lahore airport for making a “provocative” speech earlier this month. He has been implicated in dozens of cases – mostly murder of Shias and Sunni Barelvis – and was accused of masterminding a 2009 attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore, which wounded seven players and an assistant coach and killed eight Pakistanis. “The court has accepted his bail application and later he was freed from jail,” Arif Mehmood Rana, his lawyer told AFP. Ijaz Shafi Dogar, a senior police officer confirmed to AFP that he was being freed as he was not wanted in any other case. “He was set free this evening from Kot Lakhpat jail,” Dogar said. Ishaq was detained over a speech he made at a religious school on August 19 in the wake of a rise in sectarian violence between Sunni and Shia Muslims. (Source1 ), 2his is the kind of man who would have insulted and sworn at the Quaid, and hated his commitment to tolerance and equality. Now he is free and Pakistan’s minorities are in the prison of fear.

Links with Army:
Previously on his release in July 2011, Malik Ishaq was received outside Kot Lakhpat prison by leaders of Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan, banned in 2001 as a terrorist organization but now—after being renamed harmlessly to Ahle Sunnat wal Jamaat—resting in a legal grey area because of an appeal lying with the higher judiciary. The Sahaba leader heading the welcome party was Maulana Muhammad Ahmad Ludhianvi—recalling an anti-Shia 1980s polemicist who was assassinated in Karachi—who came in handy when the current Army chief, Gen. Ashfaq Kayani, called on Ishaq to talk to the terrorists who had attacked Army General Headquarters in Rawalpindi in 2009. The Army chief’s personal plane had carried Ishaq to Rawalpindi, while another plane belonging to the ISI chief, Gen. Shuja Pasha, carried Ludhianvi. (Source)

Links with PML-N:
The Punjab government has made a deal with Sipah-e-Sahaba after seeing its growing clout in South Punjab. One well-known episode was recorded by jihadist newspaper Islam: “Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah visited Jhang and paid his respects at the tomb of the founder of the greatest banned sectarian-terrorist Deobandi organization, Sipah-e-Sahaba, Maulana Haq Nawaz Jhangvi. He led a delegation of the [Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz)] which also included parliamentary secretary Iftikhar Baloch and party M.P.A. from Jhang, Sheikh Yaqub. He also visited the tombs of other Sipah-e-Sahaba martyr-leaders like Maulana Isarul Qasimi and Allama Azam Tariq.” (Source)

In a not so unrelated news, on 11 September 2012, the very day when Malik Ishaq was released from a prison in Lahore due to complicity of PPP, PML-N, Army and Judiciary, a car bomb exploded in Parachinar, a far off town in North West of Pakistan killing at least 15 Shiite Muslims injuring another 60. And we already know who is to be blamed, the law!

44 responses to “Lack of will, not the law, is responsible for acquittal of Takfiri terrorists in Pakistan”

  1. Sipah-e-Mohammed Pakistan, Terrorist Group of Pakistan

    Sipah-e-Mohammed Pakistan (SMP) literally meaning ‘Army of Muhammad’ refers to a Shia group which is involved in sectarian terrorist activity primarily in Pakistani Punjab. The SMP is one of the two sectarian terrorist outfits proscribed on August 14, 2001, by President Pervez Musharraf.


    The exact date of formation of the SMP is not certain. But it is generally believed that Maulana Mureed Abbas Yazdani created the outfit in 1993 after he was convinced that the predominant Shia organisation, Tehreek-e-Jaferia Pakistan (TJP) would not allow its young cadre to physically counter the Sunni militancy of the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) and the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ). The Shia youth had been urging the TJP leadership to take notice of the alleged excesses of the SSP whose members were alleged to be targeting Shia’s and their beliefs.


    The primary objective of the SMP is the protection of the Shiite community from Sunni fundamentalist and terrorist outfits. Its main rival is the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ). SMP chief Ghulam Raza Naqvi is also reported to have visualised the creation of a Quds force comprising both Shias and Sunnis to ‘liberate’ Jerusalem.

    Leadership and Structure

    Ghulam Raza Naqvi is the Saalar-i-Aala (chief) of SMP. A dreaded hitman, when arrested in 1996, the government had placed a reward of Rs 2 million for his alleged involvement in about 30 cases of murder and dacoity. He is now in prison. He is known for turning Thokar Niaz Beg, a village in the suburbs of Lahore, a no-go area for the police who failed in at least four attempts to break this Shia stronghold. Thokar Niaz Beg also serves as the SMP headquarters. Munawwar Abbas Alvi is a front ranking SMP leader who is also in prison.

    The SMP is estimated to have a cadre base of 30000 Shia followers. This mainly comprises former members of the Tehreek Nafaz Fiqh-e-Jafariya (TNFJ) and TJP. The SMP has a strong following in the Punjab province.

    There are apparently no terrorist training facilities for the SMP cadres outside Pakistan and neither are its cadres been allowed to operate from outside Pakistan.


    The outfit reportedly maintains close links with the Shia regime in Iran.

    Major Incidents

    The SMP is involved in a number of massacres, targeted killings and dacoities. However, the phase following the October 1999 military coup in Pakistan saw a decline in sectarian violence. In February 2001, at a meeting of the Milli Yekjehti Council (MYC*), the SMP and the SSP announced their willingness to shun all differences and to withdraw cases against each other. Meanwhile, several Shia organisations have been petitioning the government for the release of SMP chief Ghulam Raza Naqvi, though the government is yet to respond. The TJP President Allama Syed Sajid Naqvi commenting in the context of the August 14, 2001 order proscribing SMP and Sunni terrorist outfit LeJ, said that there should be uniform policy vis-à-vis the release of cadres. He opined that as the SSP Chief Azam Tariq has been released despite his alleged involvement in many sectarian related crimes, the Federal government should release the SMP chief also.

    The SMP, in February 2001, was reported to have sought membership in the Grand Democratic Alliance, formed to launch a movement for restoration of democracy in Pakistan. Even as these apparent gestures towards peace are made, the SMP was suspected to be involved in the attack on an SSP controlled mosque in which nine worshippers were killed and 12 others injured on March 12, 2001.

    The SMP’s connection with the Shia regime in Iran led to the assassination of Iran’s Counsel General in Lahore, Sadeq Ganji, in December 1990 by suspected Sunni terrorists. The assassination was apparently a reprisal for the murder in February that year of SSP founder, Maulana Haq Nawaz Jhangvi. Similarly, soon after a bomb explosion at a Lahore court in January 1997 in which the then SSP chief, Zia-ur-Rehman Farooqi was killed along with 29 others, an Iranian diplomat Muhammad Ali Rahimi was killed in Multan in the same month. The Iranian Cultural Centre in Lahore too was attacked and burnt down in that month. Besides, five personnel of the Iranian armed forces who were in Pakistan for training were murdered in September 1997. An SSP activist Sheikh Haq Nawaz Jhangvi, was convicted and hanged on March 1, 2001 for the Iranian diplomat, Sadeq Ganji’s assassination.

    In 1996, a faction of the SMP cadres opposed their chief Maulana Yazdani for his conciliatory attitude towards the MYC, which to them amounted to a compromise on their faith and fundamental beliefs. The present Saalar-i-Aala (‘commander’) of the SMP Ghulam Raza Naqvi reportedly ordered the assassination of Maulana Yazdani, which was executed in September 1996. Another faction was formed under the leadership of Major (Retd.) Ashraf Ali Shah in 1996 and confronted Ghulam Naqvi’s group which led to internecine clashes.

    Ghulam Naqvi, had, in 1996, ensured that the outfit had its headquarters, Thokar Niaz Beg, a village in Lahore, completely under their control and impossible for security agencies to penetrate. Following the factional clashes, the SMP commander was forced to flee and was later arrested by police in December 1996. The year also saw the broadening target base of sectarian terrorists with several bureaucrats being attacked and killed including the Commissioner of Sargodha and the Deputy Commissioner of Khanewal.

    SMP for all practical purposes stopped operating in 1996 after Ghulam Raza’s arrest. Its cadres now reportedly operate on their own. Lack of financial resources and training are also key factors in the SMP’s relative oblivion. Though pro-violence Shia activists supported the Sipah-e-Muhammad, it could not get any organisational support from the TJP, which restricted itself to providing legal aid to arrested SMP cadres.

    Law-enforcing agencies launched a massive crackdown on the outfit on August 15, 2001. But they could not ascertain the hideouts of the top leadership of the SMP. Approximately 200 leaders and activists of the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) and Sipah-e-Muhammad Pakistan (SMP) were arrested in a crackdown launched by the police on August 15. Punjab Police, on August 16, registered cases under the amended Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) against the arrested activists of SMP. Arrests were also reported from various parts of Faisalabad, Jhang and Toba Tek Singh districts.

    The State Bank of Pakistan (SBP), through a circular issued on August 23, 2001 ordered all banks and financial institutions to freeze the accounts of SMP with immediate effect. However, since the outfit was operating underground, official sources indicated that they might not be operating their bank accounts under the outfit’s name. Pakistani news reports have indicated that the SBP is yet to locate details of bank accounts of proscribed sectarian outfits, the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) and the Sipah-e-Muhammad Pakistan (SMP). News sources observed that SBP has confirmed reports that the banned outfits were not maintaining accounts with any of the banks or financial institutions anywhere in the country.

    * The Milli Yekjehti Council (MYC) was formed in March 1995 by 11 religious/sectarian outfits to foster sectarian harmony, point out causes of any misunderstanding between sects and resolve any conflicts which result from these differences. The Council agreed in May 1995 on a 17-point code of conduct. As a result, the situation vis-a-vis sectarian violence significantly improved in 1995 and 1996. However, the extremists in both the Shia and Sunni camps blamed their leaders for compromising on their respective basic beliefs and principles and, therefore, were not happy. After a lot of grumbling, they lost patience by the middle of 1996 and started another extremely violent phase of violence. Ever since, though the MYC has been around and periodically asserts that it has successfully deflated tensions between extremist outfits, violence continues.

    Incidents involving Sipah-e-Mohammad Pakistan


    January 3: Seven suspected SMP militants, identified as Tanveer Abbas Rizvi alias Kashif, Abrar Husain Rizvi, Syed Pervaiz Zaidi, Rifat Raza alias Jehangir, Hasnain Abbas alias Faisal, Syed Sikandar Rizvi and Syed Ali Mehdi, were remanded in Police custody till January 6 in two murder cases.


    October 14: The CID of the Police arrested a SMP militant, Jawad Hussain, from the SITE area of Karachi in Sindh. A TT pistol was recovered from his possession. CID (Operations) SSP said Hussain was involved in various cases of sectarian killings and admitted during interrogation that he killed Ashraf in Orangi Town of Karachi, Mushtaq in Baloch Colony in Sindh and Khursheed in Karachi’s Iqbal Market Police Station area.

    February 19: The SFs arrested one Sipah-e-Mohammad Pakistan militant, Syed Hammad Riaz, from Karachi allegedly involved in the assassination of the SSP, Ameer (Chief) Maulana Azam Tariq. Syed Hammad Riaz was arrested in the premises of the Karachi City Courts when he went there for a hearing. Maulana Azam Tariq, the chief of SSP was slain along with three security guards and driver on October 6, 2003 near a toll plaza in the outskirts of Islamabad.

  2. above data just taken from internet . . . realities are more pathetic . . .

    well main focus is that when court bailed Zardari in 2004 due to ” lack of Evidences ” unfortunately at that time there was no LUBP .

    from 1997-2004 lets say 7 years Zardari spent in jail .

    how many years spent by Malik Ishaq in jail ?? i think 14 years

    court bailed any one during Musharaf Regime is ok near LUBP walas . . . and when court bailed some one and arrests some one during PPP regime its turn wrong near LUBP . . . open duality lead towards violence of words in the world of internet and in real time incidents Revolutionary Guards and Al Quds force keep on assassinating Shia people in Pakistan and LUBP all the time in every post showing their hypocrisy by blaming LeJ and ASWJ and Dar ul uloom Deoband . . .

    come out from isolation , all the Authors of LUBP don’t use the Power of Pen for the sake of your own desires.

    ” na smjho gay to mitt jao gay ” think upon it !

  3. Incitement: Hate speech case lodged against SSP leaders
    By Owais JafriPublished: January 6, 2013

    Special Branch report says they called for attacks on Shia community. PHOTO: INP/ FILE
    A case was registered on Saturday against several members of a banned militant organisation Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), calling Shias and inciting violence against them.
    The First Information Report was registered at the City police station at Jalalpur Peerwala on the basis of a Special Branch report.
    It said that a religious meeting was organised on Friday evening in the Peer Aulia village with permission from police and the district administration. The gathering was chaired and addressed by Maulana Masood Nawaz Jhangvi, son of former SSP president Haq Nawaz Jhangvi.
    It said Jhangvi led slogans calling Shia’s infidels. The gathering was also addressed by Qari Sher Muhammad, Maulana Abdul Hameed Ahmed, Maulana Bilal Ahmed and 40 others.

    Some of the speakers said members of the Shia community should be killed. They also provoked people to attack Shia mosques, Imambargahs and gatherings.
    A witness not wanting to be named said that the gathering went on for more than four hours and was attended by more than 1,000 people.
    The police have registered a case under Section 16 Maintainance of Public Order and Sections 148/149 of the Pakistan Penal Code against 40 nominated people and over 100 others.
    Another First Information Report under Section 188 has been registered against eight nominated people for wall chalking declaring Shias infidels.
    A police official speaking on anonymity said the accused have fled.
    Published in The Express Tribune, January 6th, 2013.

    31 Dec 2012Targeted attack: SSP’s founding member shot dead in Karachi
    01 Jan 2013Gunmen kill Shia leader during mourning procession in Chiniot
    26 Dec 2012Failed assassination bid: Key cleric ambushed in Karachi
    Reader Comments (3)


    Freedom Seeker
    8 hours ago
    CJ this news need your sou motto. If you are serious for peace in Pakistan you should call those police officials who helped these terrorist to fled the scene.

    Khalid Pathan
    6 hours ago
    Hate mongers must not be allowed to play with innocent lives. Such elements inciting the audience to kill people belonging to a particular sect must be tried in an anti terrorism court and given an exemplary punishment.

    4 hours ago
    “A police official speaking on anonymity said the accused have fled” Surely with concurrence of local law enforcing agencies. Leaders of SSP are mistaken. Shias are not like Ahmadies who do not retaliate because they believe in love and peace and has a spiritual leader to guide the community in turmoils. If mass provocation abrupt ed against Shias that will lead to end of the integration of the nation. This what agenda is with anti Pakistani international stake holders. CJ does not have time to address this menace for the reasons best known to him. In spite of very loud hue and cry why strict actions are not taken against such hate mongers is beyond the perception of ordinary Pakistani. Oh Allah make the Pakistani power elite to understand this point. Amin


    Ahsan Butt

    Correlation is not causation to be sure, but it is quite striking the extent to which LeJ’s activities picked up after Malik Ishaq’s release in the summer of 2011. So some may consider just killing the main leaders of LeJ. The cross-national evidence on the effectiveness of leadership targeting is decidedly mixed. Personally, I’d much rather see Malik Ishaq and his ilk in jail than with a bullet in their head in an “encounter”. It’s not as if the state has been unable to arrest him in the past. The problem has proved to be convicting him, not getting him in court. Which leads me to…
    Witness/judge protection
    At least in the LeJ case, witness murder is a major stumbling block to securing convictions against militant leaders. It may be advisable to examine other contexts in which witness intimidation/disappearance is a serious problem. For instance, how did the FBI deal with witness protection over the years? What about the Italian state? I recall reading (here, for those interested) that judges dealing with Mafia cases would wear masks when handing down sentences. Might Pakistan practice the same, not just for judges but also for witnesses? And allow witnesses to make video-taped testimony outside the court-room?

  4. In Pakistan, a militant deal sours
    AP | 28th October, 2011 0

    – AP Photo

    ISLAM NAGAR: The deal saw one of Pakistan’s most feared militants walk from jail apparently in exchange for his commitment to nonviolence, help in reining in other fighters and possibly delivering the votes of his followers.

    Supporters showered Malik Ishaq with rose petals when he left the prison in the eastern city of Lahore in July.

    Days later, he was preaching murderous hatred toward minority Shias to a cheering crowd, energising a network whose members have joined al-Qaeda for terror strikes.

    That was too much for Pakistani authorities, who arrested him again last month.

    Pakistan has a well-documented history of trying to co-opt or strike deals with militants of various causes, and a close examination of the Ishaq case shows how that can play out.

    It’s a cautionary tale, perhaps, for US officials who are urging Pakistan to bring to the negotiating table Afghan militants who allegedly enjoy safe havens in the country’s lawless border regions.

    Fifteen years ago, Ishaq founded Laskhar-i-Jangvi, or LJ, which allies itself with al-Qaeda and the Taliban.

    The LJ is blamed for scores of attacks on Shias and on Pakistani and US interests.

    Ishaq was arrested in 1997 and accused in more than 200 criminal cases including the killings of 70 Shias.

    But the state could never make the charges stick — in large part because witnesses, judges and prosecutors were too scared to convict.

    Frightened judges treated him honourably in court and gave him tea and cookies, according to Anis Haider Naqvi, a prosecution witness in two cases against Ishaq.

    One judge attempted to hide his face with his hands, but Ishaq made clear he knew his identity in a chilling way: He read out the names of his children, and the judge abandoned the trial, he said.

    Despite the lack of convictions, Ishaq remained in prison for 14 years as prosecutors slowly moved from one case to the next.

    Ishaq proved his usefulness in 2009, when he was flown from jail to negotiate with militants who had stormed part of the military headquarters in Rawalpindi and were holding hostages there, said Hafiz Tahir Ashrafi, who used to advise the Punjab provincial government on religious matters.

    A behind-the-scenes effort by the government to co-opt the leaders of militant outfits and bring them into mainstream political life, or at least draw them away from attacking the state, helped Ishaq secure his July 15 release, according to Ashrafi.

    ”I met Ishaq several times in prison,” Ashrafi said, emphasising that Ishaq assured him that he wanted to contribute to peace. ”If someone wants to get back to normal life, yes, why not, we do help him,” said Ashrafi. ”These are our own men.” He said he was disappointed to see him back in jail.

    Punjab law minister Rana Sanaullah Khan denied there was any deal behind Ishaq’s release, but said extremist leaders were free to join politics if they eschewed violence.

    ”We are in touch with those who have become, or want to become, useful citizens,” he said.

    The Punjab is the key battleground between the ruling party of President Asif Ali Zardari and the party of opposition leader Nawaz Sharif, currently in power in that province.

    Maulana Ahmad Ludhianvi, the head of Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan, or SSP, LJ’s parent sectarian group, told a rally last year that Nawaz’s brother, Punjab chief minister Shahbaz Sharif, had promised that Ishaq’s release ”would be settled in meetings” with him.

    ”After that meeting, the time is not far when the prison door would break open and Malik Ishaq would be released,” he said.

    LJ and other militant groups can muster significant support in Punjab and parts of Sindh province through their schools and mosques, making them an important political force.

    Mainstream politicians have shown no hesitation in courting them despite their links to violence.

    Local SSP leader Mohammad Tayyab said a recent SSP-backed candidate for a regional assembly seat in southern Punjab got 17,000 votes.

    ”That is what Zardari’s party and Sharif’s know very well,” he said.

    Khaled Ahmad, an expert on Pakistani militant groups in Punjab, said there is ”no doubt” that the SSP and Sharif’s party would cut deals as they have done in the past.

    ”It is dangerous now because the group and its offshoots are in alliance with al-Qaeda.”

    Government intelligence reports obtained by The Associated Press show Ishaq made threats in his public appearances after his release from prison.

    He urged his supporters not to be afraid of Pakistani laws or prisons.

    ”We know how to kill and how to die,” he told a gathering near Rahim Yar Khan on September, 4 according to one report.

    Ishaq’s aides denied he made such remarks.

    The government suspected Ishaq of coordinating meetings in recent months of 50 or so alleged terrorists, said Khan, the law minister.

    Some of the men Ishaq visited directly after his release had allegedly been involved in terrorism and were being watched by law enforcement and intelligence agencies, said the government reports.

    LJ’s stronghold is south and central Punjab, a neglected, blisteringly hot part of the country that has long been the recruiting ground for militant groups.

    Wealthy families, disproportionately Shia, own large swaths of land where tenant farmers grow cotton, sugarcane and wheat and work at mango orchids.

    Visitors to Ishaq’s house in Islam Nagar in the southern Punjabi city of Rahim Yar Khan are greeted by an SSP member with an automatic rifle, against a backdrop of flags and banners glorifying the group.

    “My father’s mission is a true one,” said his son, Malik Usman. “We will seek our reward from Allah.”

  5. Well done Comrades!
    It is a self-evident truth that the Jihadist-Ikhwani menace has been allowed to grow into the global operation that it is today not because the means to arrest and defeat it do not exist but because of a lack of political will, both here in the West and in the `countries of origin’.

    Evidently, there is the petro-dollar angle; but that is not the whole explanation. The establishment in the Anglosphere in particular have induldged the Islamist impulse. Beyond the `great game’ and past the Cold War era; it has a great deal to do with appeasement. The opinion formers and the celebrity radicals who virtually control the airwaves and much of the print media are pathologically invested in their dream of a post nation-state world government structure. This school of thought holds the will and aspirations of indigenous populations in contempt. Note how the EU bulldozes popular opinion under its undemocratic legislations and removes elected governments at its whim, how the Irish Republic’s elected representatives were made to hold a new referendum when the citizenry voted contrary to the wishes of the EU Nomenklatura!

    Observe the `shab-o-roze tamasha’ at the UN, the mendacity of the Human Rights industry.It is government through fiat, taxation without representation, governance without accountability. The global elite see the OIC Thug-ocracy as partners of ease and convenience, and have taken half-hearted measures against the global Jihad enterprise at best which operates under the aegis and with the blessings of the OIC honchos.

    And where are the radical leftists, from Sweden to New York to Calcutta? On the side of the murderers, they have quite openly turned their backs upon the poor peasants in the Dar-el-Islam whose sole ambition is to survive, and perhaps aspire to the sort of earthly existence that the credentialled liberal bastard takes for granted.

    Win or lose, you are doing the right thing by bringing into the public eye what the `official’ news organisations are keeping under their HIJAABS.

    Blessings, heaps of them.

  6. Oppressed people of Pakistan open your eyes. The state of Pakistan has been hijacked by Saudi Arabia. The evil ideology is on offensive, while “wise” Iranians have pitched Shias against America, Israel and India. Shias open your eyes. Did Jews, Christians or Hindus killed 11 out of 12 Imams?

  7. Shades of grey
    By Asad KharalPublished: August 5, 2012
    Share this articlePrint this page Email

    Despite also being named in at least two attacks on foreigners in Pakistan, Malik Ishaq is a free man.
    The frequency with which terrorists are acquitted by courts is considered one of the major failings of Pakistan’s judicial system. But where does the fault truly lie?
    Fida Hussain Ghalvi’s long fight to put Malik Ishaq, the leader of banned militant outfit Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, behind bars appears to have been in vain. Despite having warded threats to his own life for several years and losing dozens of family members, today Ghalvi is resigned to the fact that Ishaq will walk free.
    Fifteen years ago, Ghalvi was one of the four men who had boldly testified against Ishaq, under arrest for killing 12 members of Ghalvi’s family in a sectarian murder. Ishaq and several other accused men were on trial in 44 different cases for the murder of 70 people from the Shia sect and Ghalvi and others had been summoned for an identification parade. At long last, justice seemed to be at hand.
    “At the very onset, all of us pointed to Ishaq [as the killer], but he appeared least perturbed,” recalls Ghalvi. “In the presence of the judge and the deputy superintendent of the jail, Ishaq brazenly turned to us and said: ‘Dead men don’t talk.’”
    Despite this blatant threat and other, often violent pressure tactics, the four witnesses refused to back down. “Eight people — five witnesses and three of their relatives — were killed [during the trial],” says Ghalvi. “Ishaq unleashed his entire network against his opponents, killing witnesses, threatening judges and intimidating police, leading to the eventual collapse of all prosecution against him.”
    “Over the course of the trial, which went on for a decade, we appeared at least a hundred times before the court,” recounts Ghalvi.
    And yet, predictably but no less disappointingly for Ghalvi, Ishaq was acquitted despite the testimonies and identification. “He escaped conviction in every case due to ‘lack of evidence’ and was eventually released from jail,” says Ghalvi, with resignation.
    Ghalvi’s resignation is perhaps borne out of what he went through after the case was closed. The vengeful militants were baying for blood and for his defiance, Ghalvi was in their direct line of fire. “Ishaq, with seven others, attacked a majlis that our family had organised for a deceased aunt in our native village of Kot Chaudhry Sher Muhammad Ghalvi. Twelve of my family members were killed in the attack,” he says.
    Aggrieved he may be, but Ghalvi is clear about why Ishaq walks a free man and believes that there was a lack of cogent evidence in the case. “Poor investigation and prosecution as well as the case file lacking concrete evidence led to the acquittal,” he admits.
    In July 2011, amid intense public outcry, the Supreme Court acquitted Ishaq after he had served 14 years in jail as an under-trial prisoner. Outside Kot Lakhpat Jail, Lahore’s central prison, Ishaq was given a hero’s reception by leaders of yet another outlawed militant group, the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (now operating freely as the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat) and soon after his release, he went on a so-called ‘preaching’ tour throughout Punjab.
    It was only after the September 2011 attack in Mastung, Balochistan, for which the LeJ claimed responsibility, that the Punjab government finally detained Ishaq under the Maintenance of Public Order Act. Ishaq was released in January after several stints in detention, during which his family was provided ‘sustenance’ by the Punjab government. Although under the watch of intelligence agencies, Ishaq attended a Jamaatud Dawa-Difa-e-Pakistan Council rally in Multan in February.
    Today, Ishaq is a free man despite also being named in at least two attacks on foreigners in Pakistan — the Sri Lankan cricket team attack in Lahore in 2009, which he allegedly planned from within his jail cell, and the assassination of the Iranian cultural consul Muhammad Ali Rahimi in Multan in 1997.
    But he is not the only known terrorist to have slipped through the cracks of Pakistan’s judicial system.
    There is also the notorious Akram Lahori who, along with Basra and Ishaq, was one of the founders of the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ).
    Lahori, who is named in the killings of many Shias in Karachi as well as in the Gojra riots, has been under trial in various cases for years without a single conviction as yet. Even when we look beyond these admittedly high profile cases, we find that terrorism cases, in general, tend to fail in the courts. In the court of public opinion, this results in disdain for what is seen to be an overly politicised judiciary.
    When sentences are handed down to politicians the question is always asked: why do the courts move so quickly in these cases but drag their feet when it comes to terrorists? A similar reaction was seen when the rangers accused in the shooting of Sarfraz Shah in Karachi were convicted and awarded punitive sentences. Once again the question was asked: why do the rangers get convicted while others like Malik Ishaq walk free? Well, it seems that the Punjab public prosecution department, counter-terrorism department and Punjab police have been asking this very question, and The Express Tribune has now obtained a copy of a report prepared by them to analyse just why terrorism cases tend to fail in court.
    The report, which was prepared following mounting public criticism over court acquittals of terrorists contains some disturbing facts: it states that, between 1990 and 2009, out of 311 cases, 231 resulted in acquittals. That amounts to 74% of all cases during the 19 year period.
    “While acquittals deny justice to the victims of terrorism, they also increase police problems, because the acquitted terrorists mostly recidivate to terrorism or join other organised crime gangs,” the report reads. An example of this is Ishaq’s vendetta attack on Ghalvi’s family.
    The report analyses the judgments of 178 cases in which the accused were deemed not guilty to conclude that most cases end in acquittals due to defects in the registration of cases i.e. the lodging of the FIR at the relevant police station. Five of these cases were termed ‘doubtful’ by the court, simply because an FIR was registered with an unexplained delay. However, the leading reason for acquittals, the report says, is that the accused are often not even nominated in an FIR, an objection raised by anti-terrorism courts in 36% of the judgments. Even when suspects are named in the FIR, it is without a description of the accused or of the role that that person is believed to have played in an attack, rendering the report almost useless before the court.
    “To ensure convictions in terrorism cases, there is a need for better infrastructure and skills enhancement, and also of combining prosecution with police. Prosecutors should be involved in the case right from the beginning, starting with the registration of the case,” says Chaudhry Muhammad Jehangir, chief prosecutor of the Punjab prosecution department. “A crime scene investigation unit should be established that consists of prosecutors, medical and forensic experts as well as the police,” he says.
    Jehangir corroborates the findings of the report and says that in most high-profile cases that have ended in acquittals, faults in investigation have weakened the case. “Because the police did not consult prosecution officers [in these cases], evidence could not be collected properly from crime scenes, which were in turn not preserved properly, and witness statements were also not recorded correctly,” he says.
    Further undermining the cases is the fact that in many instances, the actual attacker is a suicide bomber who dies in the assault thus complicating the process of finding out the attack’s financiers, planners, abetters and others who may have extended logistical help. “Such connections can only be proved in a courtroom when basic formalities regarding the preservation of crime scenes and collection of evidence have been fulfilled. Conviction is based only on investigation as well as admissible evidence but when the foundation of the case is this weak, prosecutors can do only so much before the court,” says Jehangir.
    By the time prosecutors are brought on board, it is too late to take corrective measures that would make the evidence strong enough to prove guilt in court. “When the police is ready to submit the charge-sheet before an anti-terrorism court, there is no time to correct the errors in the recovery memo and other proof such as reports of DNA tests and finger and footprints etc,” Jehangir explains.
    The capacity and competence of government officials to handle high profile cases is also questionable. A case in point is the Benazir Bhutto assassination case, where the Supreme Court issued orders to suspend senior police officials for hosing down the crime scene and possibly hampering investigations. And a logistical nightmare makes the process even more inefficient if a terrorist manages to cross one province’s boundary into another.
    “Police and other law enforcement agencies are controlled by provinces but terrorist networks are spread across the country. So if a terrorist crosses over to another province, police and LEA personnel are unable to chase him as they require formal approval from the home department of the respective province,” says Mohammad Azhar Chaudhry of the Federal Investigation Agency who was the main prosecutor in the Benazir assassination case as well as the Mumbai attack case.
    “Terrorism is a national issue and provincial governments are unable to deal with it. The entire cadre — investigators, prosecutors and judges — should be a federal subject,” says Chaudhry.
    Perhaps due to his own frustrating experience with a long-drawn-out case like the Benazir Bhutto assassination case, Chaudhry lays special emphasis on training police investigators in dealing with terrorism. “Terrorism investigation is totally different from other cases so traditional police is unable to deal with it. A qualified and dedicated force needs to be established that will work only on cases of terrorism,” he says. “Because most evidence is circumstantial, the role of forensic evidence as well as intelligence is most important to ensure convictions in terrorism cases.”
    But Chaudhry does not lay the blame squarely on investigators and believes that existing laws need to be strengthened as well. “Amendments need to be made to the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1997 as well as the Evidence Act of 1984. A witness protection programme should also be instituted and properly enforced,” he says.
    The need for a strong witness protection programme is felt in police quarters too. “In various cases, witnesses have resiled due to fear or were forced to agree on a compromise with the accused,” says a senior police officer on condition of anonymity owing to his current direct involvement in a number of terrorism cases.
    The report corroborates this claim: 27% of the cases ended in acquittals because witnesses changed their statements or struck an agreement with the accused. The number is almost as high as that of witnesses refusing to show up for hearings.
    The report also recommends that instead of section 161 of the Criminal Procedure Code, under which witnesses are required to record statements before a police official, testimonies should be recorded under section 164 which requires witnesses to record a statement before a magistrate before a trial begins. This would make it difficult for witnesses to resile or change statements as the testimony will become a part of the legal record and the witness will be charged with perjury.
    Nonetheless, says the officer, the police force is now seriously focusing on strengthening its investigation procedures, weaknesses in which he admits lead to acquittals, and on collaborating with the prosecution in high-profile terrorism cases.
    But putting together a report is one thing and implementing its findings quite another. The filing cabinets of Pakistan’s bureaucracy are filled with similar well-meaning reports that have never seen the light of day and have little chance of ever being acted upon. Still, if the state is serious in fighting the terrorists that have killed tens of thousands of Pakistanis then immediate action is needed to finally close the loopholes that allow murderers to walk free.
    Other cases, other acquittals
    In most terrorism cases, suspects have been acquitted or released on bail by the Anti-Terrorism Courts and superior courts.
    In the Sri Lankan cricket team attack case, apart from Malik Ishaq, Qari Ashfaq, Zaubai alais Naik Muhammad, Amanullah, Mohsin Rasheed, Abdul Rehman, Javed Anwar, Ubaidur Rehman and Wahab were released on bail by the Lahore High Court and the Supreme Court.
    Hijratullah, accused in the June 10, 2010 attack on the police training school in Manawan, Lahore, has been acquitted by the Anti-Terrorism Court.
    On May 13, 2010, Muhammad Ilyas alias Qari Jameel, Osama Bin Waheed alias Hadayatullah and Muhammad Jameel were acquitted by the Anti Terrorism Court Rawalpindi in the case of the killing of Army Surgeon General Mushtaq Baig who died in a suicide attack on Rawalpindi Mall Road in Cantt on February 25, 2008.
    Malik Ishaq, Ghulam Rasool Shah, Usman alias Chota and others including Riaz Basra who were killed in an encounter in 2002 were previously acquitted by the Anti-Terrorism Court Gujranwala on May 20, 2010. Ironically, the same trial court had earlier awarded capital punishment to these persons for the murder of Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Gujranwala Ashraf Marth. The LHC upheld the sentence but when the SC remanded the case back to the ATC Gujranwala, the trial court acquitted the accused in the 11-year-old case due to missing evidence and resiling of witnesses.
    Accused Muhammad Rizwan alias Shamsul Hassan, Muhammad Jameel, Osama Bin Waheed alias Hadayatullah, Ilyas alias Qari Jameel were also acquitted by the Anti Terrorism Court Rawalpindi in a case of a bomb blast near the Headquarters of the National Logistics Cell (NLC) in Rawalpindi in 2008 owing to inadequate evidence.
    Alleged al Qaeda member and former Pakistan Army Major Haroon and two other co-accused who were imprisoned on charges of murdering Major General (retd) Ameer Faisal Alvi and his driver in 2008 were also acquitted in both cases.
    Dr Niaz Ahmed, Mazharul Haq, Shafiqur Rehman, Mohammad Aamir, Syed Abdul Majid, Abdul Basit, Syed Abdul Saboor, Shafique Ahmed, Saeed Arab, Gul Roz and Tahseenullah, who had been arrested in 2008 in the cases of suicide attacks on ISI buses, firing anti-aircraft rounds at the plane of former president General (retired) Pervez Musharraf and firing rockets on the Kamra Aeronautical Complex were all acquitted.
    Nine men have already been acquitted by an ATC in the case of the killing of Army Surgeon General Mushtaq Baig in a suicide attack in Rawalpindi on February 25, 2008 for want of evidence.
    In 2009, an ATC acquitted the accused in the 2004 suicide attack on former prime minister Shaukat Aziz in Fateh Jang. The ATC-II judge Sakhi Muhammad Kahut in his judgment said that the prosecution had failed to prove its case. The government of the Punjab filed appeals in the LHC in June 2010 and the then LHC chief justice Khawaja Sharif issued orders to constitute a special bench to dealing with such high-profile appeals. Despite the lapse of more than two years, this special bench has not been constituted.
    Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, August 5th, 2012.

  8. Killing any innocence human is totally Haram in Islam and the murderer would placed in Hell forever either he belong from any caste creed sect or nationality.Any terrorist involved in Killing of innocence Human being must be punished according to the Sharia Law and people show discard them. Never intervene in any one’s religious matter and State should ensure all the communities safety and security and nabbed all the terrorist those are creating disturbance in our country. All the SAHABA KARAM R.A is like a star which light would never hidden by Evil darkness and their enemy would be failed in their mission forever. We the Muslim must have to follow Our Prophet SAW and SAHABA KARAM R.A path to be blessed and successful rather than wasting our effort to make pledge with misguided and ignorant enemy

  9. “Actor: Geoffrey Rush, “Shine”Actress: Frances McDormand, “Fargo”Supporting actor: , “Jerry Maguire”Supporting actress: Juliette Binoche, “The English Patient”Director: Anthony Minghella, 1998 Best picture: ‘Titanic’ Shrine It is a night to remember for “Titanic. The wins come not long after the film supplants “Star Wars” as the highest-grossing film in Hollywood history. Actor: , “As Good As It Gets”Actress: Helen Hunt, “Good Will Hunting”Supporting actress: .

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  13. Before coming to NPR in 2011, a production team consisting of Mars, His debut album, and they heard all sorts of things in the music that he never wrote to be there.” He wove together poems from four quite disparate sources, From the Top comes from the Harris Concert Hall in Aspen, He loves the rustic beauty of the area, MARTIN: Barbara Bradley Hagerty is NPR’s religion correspondent. who intercede for people just as Catholic saints intercede for people. In Bakersfield.

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  17. I trust too that NYT digital chief Martin Nisenholtz will do his best to encourage bloggers to keep on linking to, just as he came to an agreement with Dave Winer, before he freed up the NYT’s archives, to create a way of linking to stories whereby the links would continue to work even after the story should have disappeared behind the archive wall. One easy and obvious policy would simply be to say that the first story you see after following a link to from some other site is always free. If purpose-built websites started popping up which existed only to allow people to get around the paywall very easily, the NYT could always exempt those sites from the policy.

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  26. The TOPPs Celebration provides an opportunity for graduating Boys & Girls Clubs students to dine with corporate sponsors and community leaders. Most of the teens are the first in their families to attend college and will rely on financial aid to support their education.

  27. The Gemini Award winner finds striking similarities between Quebec and a couple of U.S. states, Oklahoma and Arizona. Mr Macdonald thinks that neither the nationalist Parti Québécois in Quebec nor the Republicans in those American states are popular among new immigrants and ethnic groups.

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