General Kayani’s extension as army chief: A bad decision

Related post: Good riddance, General Pasha!

Pakistan’s Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani today (22 July 2010) extended the term of the country’s army chief General Ashfaq Kayani for three more years in a move to ensure continuity in the fight against extremist Deobandi militancy by the Taliban and Sipah-e-Sahaba.

“I have decided to extend tenure of army chief General Ashfaq Kayani for three years in consultations with President Asif Ali Zardari,” Gilani said in a brief televised address to the nation. He said the decision has been taken after relaxing the rules and keeping in view the active role played by Kayani in the war against terror.

The extension period will start from November 29. Kayani assumed command of the Pakistan army in November 2007 after his predecessor Pervez Musharraf relinquished command amid international pressure to end his eight years of military rule.

Effectively this means that after the apparent 8 years of General Musharraf’s military rule, Pakistan is currently (at the backstage) led by his successor, General Kayani, for at least six years.

While my friend Raza Rumi has lauded the decision by writing a column titled “Good luck, General Kayani” in the Express Tribune, my views are somewhat different. According to a commentator on ET: “Interesting to see Rumi Sb side with what amounts to a subversion of merit that a 3-year tenure is designed to guarantee. What this says is that the entire general staff of the world’s 6th largest military is incapable of fielding a suitable enough candidate to take over a position that comes with an end-date. Hardly the kind of stuff that boosts confidence in a nuclear-armed outfit. If such be the case, “good luck” Pakistan.”

There are some obvious concerns about this extension:

1. General Kayani is a proponent of the good Taliban theory. In other words, he is in favour of maintaining, protecting and supporting extremist networks of jihadi and sectarian groups, in particular the Haqqani group, the Quetta Shura, the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Sipah-e-Sahaba. One must not ignore the fact that Kayani led the ISI from 2004 to 2007, exactly the period when the Taliban staged their comeback in Afghanistan, allegedly with the agency’s support. Now Kayani is leading the Pakistan military’s efforts to cement a new regime in Kabul that is pro-Pakistan, which means including representatives of the (good) Taliban. (Source)

2. General Kayani personally made sure that a high power joint investigation into Benazir Bhutto’s murder in the light of the UN Commission Report remains ineffectual and inconclusive. He unduly used his powers to impede investigation of high ranking army officers involved in Benazir Bhutto’s murder.

3. General Kayani used his influence to restore a corrupt judge (Iftikhar Chaudhry) as Chief Justice of Pakistan’s apex court in order to gain cheap popularity and after taking an assurance that Justice Chaudhry will desist from taking further judicial action against the ISI (in the case of disappeared persons). (This is despite the fact that Kayani was present at the infamous March 2007 meeting that took place between Musharraf and Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, when the former military ruler informed the strong-willed top judge that he was suspended.)

4. General Kayani broke the rules and norms of parliamentary democracy by issuing a press release (after a corps commanders conference) forcing Pakistani generals’ terms and dictates on Pakistan’s civilian government’s negotiation with the USA on the Kerry-Lugar Bill. (It is the same army chief who slapped PM Gilani around when Gilani promised General Pasha would visit Mumbai after 26/11. It is the same army chief who sent President Zardari through the wringer for daring to put the ISI under civilian rule.)

5. General Kayani’s extension is also unfair from Pakistan Army’s organizational hierarchy perspective. Even though he might have done his job relatively well (compared to his predecessor General Musharraf), it is important to take into account that he is not pushed beyond retirement age as other Generals are waiting in line too, and their promotions are affected by such moves. (Source)

6. In Kamran Shafi’s words: Why should Kayani himself accept an extension even if it is handed to him on a silver platter? The Pakistan Army, we are told ad nauseam, is one of the best fighting forces in the world, commanded by some of the finest strategists in the universe. Is there no one who can replace Kayani then, when his tenure is over and he goes home like many generals before him, even some graceful Pakistani generals? More importantly, our generals should see how Indian army chiefs quietly go home every three years, handing over command to their replacements.

7. It may be noted that only a few months ago, in March 2010, General Kayani decided to extend the tenure of the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) chief Lt.Gen. Ahmad Shuja Pasha, a decision which according to an editorial in daily Dawn indicated that the Pakistan Army is acting as a “law unto itself”. The editorial in The Dawn questioned General Kayani’s move to grant a one-year extension in service to Shuja bypassing all necessary guidelines. It also rejected explanations that the country’s security situation demanded ‘continuity’ in the highest office of the ISI, while pointing out that there has been no talk of ‘exemptions’ and ’special considerations’ for top US or British military offices in Afghanistan, where the situation is far more hostile than Pakistan. “Technically, the ISI chief, supposedly selected by the Prime Minister, can be a civilian but the army has traditionally not allowed anyone from outside the service to occupy that office,” the editorial said. (Source)

8. Kamran Shaif identifies a number of reasons why General Kayani must not be given (or himself must not accept) an extension:

There are several other reasons why there should be no extensions: the new chief may well bring a fresh and a new and a more dynamic approach to the task at hand; second, that those standing in line are not deprived of their right to deserved promotion. In our case, we must note that both the COAS (Chief of Army Staff) and the CJCSC (Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee) are due to retire one after the other.

If the COAS gets an extension, why not the CJCSC too? In which case not one but two deserving officers get passed over, with a ripple effect going down the ranks leaving a bad taste in many mouths.

My advice to Gen Kayani would be to issue his last Order of the Day on the appointed date of his retirement, receive his successor in GHQ, and after a cup of tea get into his private car and fade away like many great generals before him. In the time that he has as COAS, might I suggest he announce the scrapping of the completely needless and wasteful new GHQ in Islamabad and the return of the land to the Pakistani government for auctioning it to the highest bidder and using the proceeds to provide potable water to the populace at large.

He should also order the immediate ceasing of all commercial activities by units and formations through their messes and clubs, such as holding marriage functions and running bakeries and bridal boutiques. Organisations such as the Fauji Foundation and the Army Welfare Trust, and the factories and banks and cement and real estate and travel businesses they run should immediately be auctioned to the highest bidder and the money realised put into a welfare fund for soldiers, junior commissioned officers and officers at the ratio of 85:10:5. He will then go down as a great COAS who corrected grave wrongs, and a good general who trained up his successor like other successful generals before him. (Extensions and prisons – by Kamran Shafi, Dawn, 22 July 2010).

9. According to Info Sage: Whispers in the corridors of power already suggested that General Kayani would not seek an extension but would gracefully accept if invited to serve the country for a little while longer. Arguing in the Pakistan media on behalf of Kayani, have been some patent assets of Pakistan’s ISI, e.g., Zafar Hilaly, a former diplomat and now a columnist, Shahzad Choudhry, a former Air Vice Marshall and High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Ikram Sehgal, a former Army Major and now a defence and strategic analyst.

10. Pakistan army’s top generals had previously communicated through their agent in Pakistani media, Muhammad Saleh Zaafir, that they had instructed the civilian government to grant extension to General Kayani. (Source)

11. Ayesha Siddiqa, writing on her blog on May 13 (What’s up in the GHQ), is very blunt when she says that the Army chief’s office was feeding its favourite journalists with stories about General Kayani’s continuation.Ayesha Siddiqa, writing on her blog on May 13 (What’s up in the GHQ), is very blunt when she says that the Army chief’s office was feeding its favourite journalists with stories about General Kayani’s continuation. Her contention, and this is a reasonable contention, is that a decision to extend the term would depend upon three factors – an agreement within the GHQ, a nod from the US and support of the political government. The political government is on the back foot and Zardari himself is considerably weakened. There would be very little resistance from the political set up. It is true that the US would like continuity and General Kayani becomes the preferred option, but only if he is perceived to be able to deliver on US objectives. (Info Sage)

Obviously, the decision of General Kayani’s extension was not made by but enforced upon the civilian government by our gods in khaki. A bad decision nonetheless.

There is however an interesting aspect of this extension. Effectively, General Kayani’s tenure as army chief (6 years at least) will be longer than the 5 year tenure of the elected government. Did we really vie for this type of continuity (military generals’ de facto or de jure power) in ‘the system’?

123 responses to “General Kayani’s extension as army chief: A bad decision”

  1. The usual suspects refute involvement:

    US denies reports of Hillary lobbying for Kayani’s extension
    Press Trust Of India
    Islamabad, July 21, 2010

    The US on Wednesday denied reports in Pakistani media that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had lobbied for an extension to be granted to powerful army chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani during her recent visit to the country. There have been reports that the government is mulling a proposal to

    grant an extension to Kayani, who is set to retire in November.
    The media reports had said Clinton had “effectively lobbied” for an extension in Kayani’s tenure.

    A statement issued by the US embassy said that when Clinton was questioned about her views on the matter during her visit, she had replied, “This is an internal matter for Pakistan. We have not, and will not, express an opinion.”

    The statement said some media reports had “deliberately misrepresented US policy” and made a “baseless claim of US interference”.

    Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani has said it is his prerogative to decide on the issue of extending the army chief’s term.

  2. Kayani: Pakistan’s quietly powerful army chief

    Friday, 23 Jul, 2010

    ISLAMABAD: General Ashfaq Kayani, Pakistan’s powerful army chief of staff, has masterminded decisive battles against the Taliban and kept the military out of politics.

    As head of the largest branch of Pakistan’s military, the 58-year-old is the most powerful man in the country and commands respect from the armed forces, civilian government and the masses, but is rarely in public.

    He took command in late 2007, succeeding General Pervez Musharraf when he hung up his uniform in a bid to cling onto power.

    Western-friendly, methodical and with a deep understanding of regional security, Kayani significantly reduced the army’s role in politics, withdrawing hundreds of officers from government positions and upholding civilian rule.

    Widely considered a general determined to improve Pakistan’s image abroad, Kayani forged close relations with US generals and launched a series of sustained offensives against the Taliban against their northwest havens.

    Those operations earned widespread praise in the United States and have contributed to a certain rapprochement in the testy relationship between Washington and Islamabad.

    America’s top military commander, Admiral Mike Mullen, has praised him for taking “bold steps”, saying he has moved troops to the Afghan border, cracked down against militants and equipped the paramilitary Frontier Corps.

    Kayani was also credited with helping prevent tensions with India over the November 2008 attacks in Mumbai from blowing up and was also seen as instrumental in helping to defuse a March 2009 political crisis at home.

    “Kayani is by nature a quiet and cool person. He is a man of few words. He listens to people more and speaks less,” said one senior military official.

    An avid golfer and president of the Pakistan Golf Association in his free time, Kayani is a chain smoker known to favour cups of tea.

    He was born into a working class family in April 1952 in a suburb of Rawalpindi, the garrison city where the Pakistan military is headquartered.

    His father was a non-commissioned officer from Punjab, where the army draws much of its manpower, and Kayani’s meteoric rise after joining the army in 1971 is a rarity in Pakistan’s privilege-dominated society.

    “Imbued with the qualities of head and heart,” a formal military statement describes Kayani in gushing terms as “a purposeful and pragmatic commander”.

    “Excellence and perfection remain the hallmark of his personality,” it said.

    Like other Pakistani officers fast-tracked for the top, Kayani underwent training in the United States, becoming a graduate of Fort Leavenworth military college and the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies, Hawaii.

    Once a military assistant to the late prime minister Benazir Bhutto as well as a trusted protege of her rival Musharraf, Kayani has been recognised as a chameleon in surviving Pakistan’s treacherous political waters.

    He commanded several infantry units, including the Rawalpindi Corps whose 111 Brigade led all four military coups that have ruled Pakistan for more than half its 63-year history.

    In 2004, Musharraf appointed him head of the premier spy agency, the much-feared Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), whose allegiance in the war on Al-Qaeda and battle against the Taliban has been a source of concern in the West.

    His ascendancy to the chief of staff position three years later makes him the only Pakistani in history to have served in both coveted positions.

    Kayani is married with a son and a daughter. — AFP

  3. A very very bad decision, even if you look solely from the perspective of professionalism of army. Is there really no one in out mighty army who could command the army?. But who are we kidding? This decision must have been taken under arm twisting by the very general. Lest we could have a direct action in the light of fake degrees and all. But Gilani should not forget that Pak Army chiefs have a long history of biting their civil benefactors.

  4. Extension by civilian set-up a rare event
    By Syed Irfan Raza
    Friday, 23 Jul, 2010

    ISLAMABAD: The extension of Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani’s term as Chief of the Army Staff (COAS) for three years is the second one given to a military general by a civilian government in the country’s history, according to defence analysts.

    The first such extension was given by former president Iskandar Mirza to Gen Ayub Khan.

    Three army chiefs — Field Marshal Ayub Khan, Gen Ziaul Haq and Gen Pervez Musharraf — extended their own terms when they were holding the office of the country’s president.

    Ayub Khan held the post from Jan 16, 1951, to Oct 26, 1958. He also gave two extensions to Gen Musa, the then COAS. He served from Oct 27, 1958, to June 17, 1966.

    Ziaul Haq was the third COAS who got extension by himself. He served from April 1976 to Aug 17, 1988.

    Gen Pervez Musharraf also enjoyed self-extension for two terms, holding the office of the COAS from Oct 7, 1998, to Nov 28, 2007.

    Gen Kayani is the 14th COAS of the country and will serve till Nov 2013.

    Analysts said that his extension had ruined the hopes of about a dozen other generals of becoming army chief as now they would retire before him.

    The three-star generals who will retire before Gen Kayani include Lt-Gen Khalid Shamim Wyne (March 8, 2011), Lt-Gen Javed Zia (Sept 21, 2011), Lt-Gen Shuja Zameer Dar (Sept 21, 2011), Lt-Gen Mohsin Kamal (Sept 21, 2011), Lt-Gen Jamil Haider (Sept 21, 2011), Lt-Gen Nadeen Taj (April 28, 2011), Lt-Gen Tahir Mehmood (Sept 29, 2011), Lt-Gen Tanvir Tahir (March 2011), Ayaz Saleem Rana (Sept 29, 2012), Lt-Gen Naeem Khan (Oct 13, 2012), Lt-Gen Khalid Nawaz Khan (Oct 4, 2013), Lt-Gen Sardar Mehmood Ali Khan (Oct 4, 2013), Lt-Gen Mohammad Alam Khatak (Oct 4, 2013) and Lt-Gen Shafqaat Ahmed (Oct 4, 2013).

  5. Ironically, Taliban apologists too are pained by this decision (for altogether different reasons):

    کیانی ملازمت میں توسیع مسترد کر دیتے توبہترہوتا، حمید گل
    کراچی: سابق جنرل حمید گل نے کہا ہے کہ اگر جنرل اشفاق پرویز کیانی ملازمت میں توسیع کا فیصلہ ازخود مسترد کردیتے توبہترہوتا۔ جنرل اشفاق پریز کیانی کی مدت ملازمت میں تین سال توسیع کا فیصلہ ہوا ہے۔ جس پرآج نیوز سے گفتگو میں سابق جنرل حمید گل نے کہا کہ دہشت گردی کی جنگ کے پس منظرمیں یہ فیصلہ غیر معمولی نوعیت کا ہے۔ یہ معاملہ این آراو کے تناظرمیں بھی دیکھا جاسکتا ہے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ اگر یہ فیصلہ نہ ہوتا توبہترہوتا۔

    جمعیت العلمائے اسلام کے رہنما حافظ حسین احمد نے کہا کہ جنرل اشفاق پرویز کیانی کی ملازمت میں توسیع کا فیصلہ درست نہیں ہے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ فیصلہ امریکی دباؤ کا نتیجہ ہے جس کا خمیازہ بھگتنا پڑے گا۔ حافظ حسین نے کہا کہ شخصیات کو ترجیح دینا اداروں کی صحت کیلئے مضرہے۔ وزیراعظم کو یہ فیصلہ پارلیمنٹ کو اعتماد میں لیکر کرنا چاہئے تھا۔

  6. Main parties quiet on Kayani’s extension
    By Amir Waseem
    Friday, 23 Jul, 2010

    ISLAMABAD: The mainstream political parties avoided commenting on Thursday on the government’s decision to grant extension to army chief Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani for three years, but most defence analysts termed it “the best decision” in the prevailing circumstances.

    Spokesmen and other leading figures belonging to both the Q and N factions of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) said they would come up with their reactions in a day or two after consulting their leaderships.

  7. Extension is for this: Read this [also filed in Dawn 22 July 2010] Here is the original story: U.S. forces step up role in Pakistan Special Operations teams begin venturing out on aid missions with Pakistani troops, but keep a low profile By JULIAN E. BARNES ASIA NEWSJULY 22, 2010 Printed in The Wall Street Journal Asia, page 8 WASHINGTON—U.S. Special Operations Forces have begun venturing out with Pakistani forces on aid projects, deepening the American role in the effort to defeat Islamist militants in Pakistani territory that has been off limits to U.S. ground troops. The expansion of U.S. cooperation is significant given Pakistan’s deep aversion to allowing foreign military forces on its territory. The Special Operations teams join the aid missions only when commanders determine there is relatively little security risk, a senior U.S. military official said, in an effort to avoid direct engagement that would call attention to U.S. participation. The U.S. troops are allowed to defend themselves and return fire if attacked. But the official emphasized the joint missions aren’t supposed to be combat operations, and the Americans often participate in civilian garb.

  8. Extension is for this:
    WASHINGTON: The US Treasury Department on Thursday placed the Haqqani network among the groups promoting terrorism and froze the assets of its emissary Nasiruddin Haqqani along with those of two other Taliban leaders. US acts against Haqqani network
    By Anwar Iqbal
    Friday, 23 Jul, 2010

    Kayani, a man for many seasons
    BY SHUJA NAWAZ, JULY 23, 2010 Friday, July 23, 2010

    In a timely though perhaps overly dramatic move, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani of Pakistan announced last night on national television the extension of army chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani for another three years beyond November this year, when his first term was to end. Timely, since any further delay in announcing it would have led to further speculation and confusion about what was to happen. Dramatic, since the normal manner would have been a press release from the Inter Services Relations Directorate.

    But then this is Pakistan and anything to do with the army chief makes headlines. And this announcement further strengthens the view that the army continues to be a key player even as democracy struggles to establish itself in a country that has been ruled for more than half its life by the military.

    This is the first time a civilian government has extended an army chief for a full term. In the past, extensions have been either short, given by military rulers to themselves or, in the case of the first military ruler, Ayub Khan, to an ineffectual army chief with no independent power base. Benazir Bhutto sought to break with tradition when she offered an extension to General Abdul Waheed in 1996 but he refused it. Kayani took pains to convey the impression that he would not seek an extension nor negotiate for one. It appears that the government made him an offer he could not refuse.

    Kayani is widely regarded as a quiet, professional soldier, who has helped transform the army in his tenure from a largely conventional force to one that is effectively fighting an irregular war inside its own borders. His new tenure gives him a rare opportunity to continue the transformation of the Pakistan into army into a professional body ready to fight insurgencies and conventional enemies equally well. He maintains a low public profile and is seen as a thinking general. Compared with his predecessor, General Pervez Musharraf, who was tempestuous and rarely had time to read, Kayani is deliberate. From the outset, he stated a policy of keeping the army out of politics, a policy that he tried to maintain even while selectively intervening in political squabbles as a referee. In recent months he has played a key role in moving the United States-Pakistan strategic dialogue onto a higher plane in terms of content and action.

    While many inside and outside the country have welcomed the move as providing continuity and stability at a time of a raging insurgency and the rise of militancy inside Pakistan, others view it as a retrogressive move away from institutionalizing the selection and promotion system by linking it to personalities. Above all, it is a political move since the final decision was made by a politician. The United States has studiously avoided taking a public position but conversations with U.S. diplomats and military officials over the past few months indicated their deep interest in the future of General Kayani and a noticeable desire to see him remain at the helm of affairs in Pakistan. Yet Kayani on his part has showed no signs that he is or even is willing to be painted as “America’s choice.”

    What are the implications of this extension? In the near term, it opens up the possibility of a routine promotion for the next senior most army general to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee when that position falls vacant in October 2010. There may well be an opportunity also to elevate one of the other service chiefs, from the air force or navy, to bolster inter-service cohesion. Within the army there has been some talk of a Vice Chief. This may make sense for such a large army but runs against the grain, since the Pakistan army has a steep pyramid structure. Authority rests in one man: the chief. When I suggested to my own brother, General Asif Nawaz, when he took over as Army chief in 1991 that he appoint a deputy chief to help manage the administrative details of his work, his reply was crisp: “Command is indivisible!” While not supported by historical evidence, this mantra has taken hold in Pakistan and was echoed by General Pervez Musharraf for different and perhaps political reasons, even though he appointed a Vice Chief of the Army Staff. But Musharraf made all the important decisions himself.

    In the longer run, the career paths of many senior generals will be affected by this decision. Nearly a dozen operational three-stars (Lieutenant Generals) will retire before Kayani’s new term expires in November 2013. These include a number of very bright and highly trained officers whom he has promoted to three star rank in April this year. As a result, the age and service gap between Kayani and his corps commanders in another two years will be quite large, as he digs down into the ranks order to promote new commanders. The nature and quality of the exchanges between him and his commanders will necessarily be affected, as was the case for General Zia ul-Haq and General Musharraf before him. Few junior officers will be willing to challenge the views of such a senior chief. Yet, he has exhibited a certain collegiality in his exchanges with fellow officers. If he can maintain that approach it will serve him in good stead. Politically, the country will of necessity see another election during Kayani’s extended term, unless things deteriorate so dramatically internally or in relations with Pakistan’s fractious neighbors that the army, under public pressure, mounts another coup. Here, Kayani will fight against historical precedent: in the past, an extension or the dismissal of a chief and replacement by a new chief invariably led to a coup, as mutual suspicions between the civilians and the military was compounded.

    A positive spin-off from the extension in the eyes of some may be that a slew of Musharraf promotees will also retire between now and 2013 reducing the tension between them and others vying for the next rung. Some of these are strong professional officers but the taint of having been favored by Musharraf may remain. After all, Kayani too was a Musharraf choice. A major advantage that might accrue is that the certainty provided by the new term for the army chief will allow the civilian government to become confident in asserting itself in policy matters, knowing that the army chief will not overtly intervene in its affairs. This may help strengthen political institutions. At the same time, civilians must resist the temptation to turn to the army to lead the battle against militancy (a national endeavor not purely a military one) or to arbitrate differences on the political field.

    These three years should also give Kayani time to assess the present Higher Defense Organization of Pakistan and perhaps come up with a more devolved structure for the army and a better system of command and control at the center. One possible scenario may include regional and centralized commands at four-star rank, appointed by the same authority who selects the service chiefs, and a Chairman of the Joint Chiefs with real powers to regulate all the services while acting as the main military advisor of the government. This approach has been taken by the United States and many other modern militaries, so it would hardly be unprecedented. Without having a stake in the chairman’s position in 2013, Kayani may be able to provide a dispassionate plan for the government to decide, well in advance of the next round of promotions in 2013. Any proposal that he presents as a disinterested party will have credibility and will also help override the parochial concerns of the army relative to the other services in Pakistan.

    All this will be against the backdrop of Pakistan’s traditional rivalry with emerging superpower India to the east. Kayani would be key to any effort to reduce hostility and to open the eastern border to trade and traffic. He has already played a role in opening up to Afghanistan and perhaps positioning Pakistan to play a role in the reconciliation efforts of Afghan President Hamid Karzai.

    The United States, as a key ally, must also understand that the army chief in Pakistan will think foremost about Pakistan’s interests. To the extent that they have an interlocutor who knows them well, from his extensive U.S. training and contacts, the U.S. will benefit from a clear dialogue. Removing years of mistrust will take a major and longer-term effort. Officer exchanges will help. But most important will be steady provision of the best possible equipment to the Pakistani forces in their battle against insurgents and militants, with no underlying threats or overhanging waivers accompanying those transfers. That is what trust means.

    Key to this entire enterprise is the man who will continue to head the Pakistan army beyond President Barack Obama’s first term and into the term of the next elected government in Pakistan: General Kayani, truly now a man for many seasons.

    Shuja Nawaz is Director of the South Asia Center of the Atlantic Council.

  9. One would caution General Kayani against opting for any role for himself other than that of the army chief. His is a full-time job and so much needs to be done to restore the fighting edge to the military and the morale of the soldiers. Known as a ‘thinking’ man, one hopes that he’ll not be tempted by talk of power troikas for the consequences of choosing such a path are disastrous. REFERENCE: Reading the subtext March 08, 2008 Saturday Safar 29, 1429

    Musharraf recalls in his memoir, “In the Line of Fire.” Within months Kiyani had unraveled the two plots and arrested most of the participants. He was rewarded in 2004 with a promotion to chief of ISI, and the next year his agency scored big with the arrest of Abu Faraj al-Libbi, the senior Qaeda lieutenant who masterminded the attempts on Musharraf’s life. A former U.S. intelligence official who dealt personally with Kiyani says the ISI “took a lot of bad guys down” under his leadership. Kiyani has earned his boss’s confidence, even serving as Musharraf’s personal envoy in recent talks with exiled opposition leader Benazir Bhutto. A former U.S. intelligence official who dealt personally with Kiyani says the ISI “took a lot of bad guys down” under his leadership. Kiyani has earned his boss’s confidence, even serving as Musharraf’s personal envoy in recent talks with exiled opposition leader Benazir Bhutto. REFERENCE: The Next Musharraf A Westernized, chain-smoking spy could soon become the most powerful man in Pakistan. By Ron Moreau and Zahid Hussain NEWSWEEK From the magazine issue dated Oct 8, 2007

  10. Couple of months back I wrote in a comment

    “There is no doubt that the current heat in the politics is due to the fact that the “Don” is going to be retired. One thing which each “Don” forgets is that even a PM as docile as Muhammad Khan Junejo wants to assert his authority when he knows that parliament and the people are behind him. And they also forget that even Nawaz Sharif would use his authority to appoint the COAS even if at the end he has to appoint Pervez Musharraf.
    “Don” wants his cake and eat it too…. however my worry is not the current “Don” but the future “Don” ,, I wish Mr. Zardari best of luck in his choice. Although he did not had a lot of it in case Chaudary Iftikhar who jumped into the lap of the same “Don” ,who took his class on 9th of March, as soon as he was restored by the same president whom he is after. The next 7 months are going to be very interesting…. good thing is that “Dehshat Gard” are on leave these days or perhaps they are busy in some other tasks…”

    There is no doubt that the current “Don” of the “mafia” needed an extension , United Nation’s report is a very “significant” document , with Hillary Clinton insisting that OBL is in Pakistan, it will be quite dangerous for him to relinquish the post of COAS. Just as a reminder Ashfaq Kiyani was the DG ISI when Iftikhar Chaudary uttered an “infamous” NO , and he was also present on 9th of March 2007 (nobody knows what he talked to IMC in that meeting). Then he was the VCOAS(practically the commandar of Army) and a month later on 28th of November 2007 he became the COAS, that was the trabulent period which included 27th December 2007 when BB was murdered. For those who have an insight into how the mafia works , know that from October 2007 it was Ashfaq Kiyani who was calling the shots , he quite successfully sidelined his boss (the mad dictator) by using the Media and Judicial movement.

    I always keep saying that “Battle is on…….” , the political forces despite all the odds against them have successfully managed to gain some room. Nawaz Sharif and Asif Zardari are back in the country they are at least back to the level where they were in 1999. However the battle is going to intensify in the next three months. Remember that Nawaz Sharif did make Pervez Musharraf Joint Chief of Army Staff and tried to create a feel good factor in media with the general , however within two months mad dictator overthrew NS government.

    The announcement by Yousaf Raza Gailani at the late hours of the night and so early before the retirement (which is supposed to be in November 2010) , speaks volume about how intense the battle is between the political forces and the army. The issues like “hearing of 18th amendment” , “Jaali (Fake) Degrees” and “TV anchors playing shouting matches on TV” are very much familiar to the people who know how agencies work in Pakistan. For the surprise of many people these things will not calm down in coming days they will get intensified, remember this extension will have ripple effect in the military, it will be very hard for the current DG ISI to quits when his boss is still in the chair. It looks to me that the visit of Hillary has paniced the army and they had forced the government in a hurry.

  11. This is most deserving and inevitable extension has been granted to General Kayani.
    —- It is not correct to say that Hon’ble President Zardari had no alternate, except, reciprocating the extension to General Kayani.
    —- It is also not correct to say that it is the duty of Hon’ble President Zardari to ensure that the Cheif Secretaries, Police Chiefs, Governors and C.O.A.S. etc, shall continue to work, because, they were appointed by out-going President Pevez Musharaf

  12. Gen Kayani’s rise from humble beginnings

    Wednesday, November 28, 2007

    By Rahimullah Yusufzai

    PESHAWAR: The new Chief of the Army Staff, General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, who would take command from General Pervez Musharraf today, enjoys the reputation of a thoroughly professional soldier.

    However, it remains to be seen if he would be able to resist the temptation of playing a political role. Some of his predecessors got tempted and ended up involving the armed forces in politics.

    General Kayani would be the 14th Chief of the Army Staff. Commissioned in the Pakistan Army in 1971, he has, by now, served as a soldier for 36 long years. He got his commission as 2nd Lieutenant as part of the 45th Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) course.

    Those who know General Kayani described him as a gentleman soldier. One of them mentioned two instances as evidence that the new Army chief was a professional soldier and a gentleman.

    Quoting lawyers, he said the deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry told them that General Kayani didn’t utter a word when he was summoned to President General Musharraf’s Camp Office in Rawalpindi on March 9 and asked to resign or face a presidential reference.

    General Kayani remained quiet while the other generals reportedly took part in the conversation. The other instance was that General Kayani, as the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief at the time, didn’t give any affidavit against Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry in the Supreme Court while other government functionaries close to President Musharraf promptly submitted affidavits in support of the presidential reference.

    It was learnt that General Kayani as the ISI head declined to help his first cousin Major (retd) Iftikhar who wanted to contest the election for District Nazim, Rawalpindi. Major (retd) Iftikhar, presently the Nazim of Union Council Mangot in Gujjar Khan Tehsil, later decided not to contest the election for the District Nazim.

    General Kayani belongs to Mangot village, which is often referred to as Ghora Mangot because the two villages, Ghora and Mangot, are located close to each other. Mangot is located about 16 kilometres from Mandra on the Chakwal Road in Gujjar Khan Tehsil of Rawalpindi district.

    General Kayani’s late father, Lehrasab, was Naib Subedar in the Pakistan Army. He got his talented son admitted to Military College, Sarai Alamgir, Jhelum, and thus laid the foundation for his career in the Army. He died when the young Kayani was training as a cadet at the PMA Academy in Kakul near Abbottabad. The tragedy put the burden of supporting his family on his shoulders as he was the eldest of four brothers.

    As 2nd Lieutenant, Kayani’s initial salary was a meagre Rs 169. He was allotted a house and was, therefore, able to keep his family with him. He managed to educate his three brothers and three sisters. One of his brothers Khalid Pervez retired as Brigadier from the Army while another, Babar, served as Major. His third brother, Kamran, is a businessman. His sisters are all married.

    General Kayani is married to the daughter of his maternal uncle. She is a housewife. The couple has a son and a daughter.

    Though he is highly qualified and held a number of important positions, General Kayani’s appointment as the General Officer Commanding (GOC) at Murree gave a fillip to his military career. His next job was the coveted Director General Military Operations (DGMO) at the General Headquarters (GHQ). He then got the prestigious position of Corps Commander, Rawalpindi. Subsequently, in October 2004, he was appointed as the head of the ISI. And finally, President General Musharraf made him the Vice Chief of the Army Staff and practically chose him as his successor. This would become a reality today when he steps into the shoes of General Musharraf as the new Chief of the Army Staff. With General Musharraf’s extended term finally coming to an end, it would be after nine years that the Pakistan Army would get a new Chief of the Army Staff.

  13. salam

    i seen your article above disagree on kamran shafi comments and your own comments:

    Chief or army staff general kiyani appointment is good for the ppp government. Although they should have thought about a new chief to get more belief in the ppp about their comfort level with the army and instill confidence in the national assembly’s power relative to the army in terms of army out of politics which is now practically guaranteed by extending the general term as coas.

    The purpose of the extension is the keep army out of politics and to make ppp get to the end of 5 year term which they will if they hold their coalition together. coas kiyani has kept the army out of politics that is what the ppp need . i strongly suggest that whoever comes in gets a new person to take over from him as they should realise the bloke cant continue regardless whichever political party desire to keep the army out of politics. so that should happen in 2013 and whoever gets the job should do it and this should be announced by the new government of pakistan and thats what ppp should do leave the next chief to the next government of pakistan and dont mean caretaker pm government as this will allow for people to retire and new officers to come through

    about army welfare trust and fauji foundation.
    Personally i would like the army to get more money for their old soldiers from these business so more self sufficiency from these businesses so less dependency on the pakistan government defense budget wise. They should try to improve the profits of the business they have to push money into army itself so less government spending and the government can spend on the health and education parts they stupidly cut this year. The army needs people in pakistan who have a chance to be something by education and people in the country need to spend less on healthcare if they have a better healthcare system, drinkable water, cheaper healthier food like fruits and vegetables, education not to do or make dirty food or drink dirty water and clean places in villages, cities and other places and there no chance of illness from water or from rubbish or bad sanitation or getting rid of insects that spread illnesses and these people must not end up joining a bunch of extremists.

  14. قوم کو مبارک ہو۔ قوم کے سپہ سالار کو مبارک ہو اور خاص طور پر ان عسکری تجزیہ نگاروں کو مبارک ہو جو پہلے ہی کہہ رہے تھے کہ جنرل اشفاق پرویز کیانی کو ریٹائر نہ ہونے دیا جائے گا اور جب وزیر اعظم نے کل قوم کو یہ خوش خبری سنائی تو سب سے پہلے انہی تجزیہ نگاروں نے اس فیصلے کا خیر مقدم کیا۔ (ملک کی بڑی سیاسی جماعتیں خیر مقدمی الفاظ کے چناؤ کے لیے ابھی مشورہ کر رہی ہیں)

    یہ فیصلہ ظاہر ہے خصوصی حالات میں کیا گیا ہے، ہمیں بتایا گیا ہے کہ ہم حالت جنگ میں ہیں۔ بیچ جنگ کے سپہ سالار نہیں بدلا جاتا جیسے بیچ منجدھار کے کشتی نہیں بدلا کرتے۔

    ہمیں بچپن سے یہ بتایا گیا ہے کہ فوج پاکستان اس ملک کا سب سے زیادہ پروفیشنل ادارہ ہے۔ بلکہ اکثر عسکری ماہرین یہ بھی کہیں گے کہ ملک کا واحد ادارہ ہے، جو ڈسپلن کا پابند ہے۔ جہاں پر افسر کے حکم پر جوان اور بڑے افسر کے حکم پر چھوٹا افسر اپنی جان دے دیتا ہے لیکن یہ نہیں پوچھتا کہ میں ایسا کیوں کروں۔

    کچھ قاعبت نااندیش یہ پوچھیں گے کہ اگر ملک کے واحد مستعد اور مستحکم ادارے کا سربراہ بھی اس ادارے کے اپنے قاعدے اور قانون کے مطابق تبدیل نہیں کیا جاسکتا تو یہ کیسا نظم و ضبط ہے۔ کچھ ایسے شہری جو عسکری امور میں مہارت نہیں رکھتے یہ بھی کہہ سکتے ہیں کہ اگر صرف اور صرف ایک شخص ہی یہ جنگ لڑ سکتا ہے تو پھر باقی ہزاروں جنرل اپنے کندھوں پر ایک دو اور تین پھول سجائے کیا چنے بیچتے ہیں؟

    کیا یہ ان سینئر جنرلوں کے ساتھ بے انصافی نہیں ہے جو پینتیس چالیس سال جاں فشانی کے ساتھ نوکری کر چکے ہیں
    کیا یہ ان سینئر جنرلوں کے ساتھ بے انصافی نہیں ہے جو پینتیس چالیس سال جاں فشانی کے ساتھ نوکری کر چکے ہیں لیکن اب فوج کی کمان نہیں کر پائیں گے کیوں کہ ان کے اوپر بیٹھا ہوا جنرل ابھی گھر جانے اور کل وقتی طور پر گولف کھیلنے اور عسکری تجزیہ نگار بننے کے لیے تیار نہیں ہے۔

    وہ لوگ جن پر ہندوستان کا بھوت سوار رہتا ہے یہ یاد کرائیں گے کہ 63 سال میں ہندوستان میں تو 25 سے زیادہ سپہ سالار آئے لیکن ہمارے ہاں صرف ایک درجن اور ان میں سے بھی تین تقریباً 32 سال تک اس عہدے پر فائز رہے اور اپنے عہدے میں خود ہی توسیع کرتے رہے (وہ بھی سب کے سب حالت جنگ میں تھے)۔ اور کوئی سادہ دل یہ بھی پوچھ سکتا ہے کہ یہ تو قبول ہے کہ ہم حالت جنگ میں ہیں لیکن یہ جنگ شروع کس نے کی؟ اور کتنے لوگ دل پر ہاتھ رکھ کر کہہ سکتے ہیں کہ ہم یہ جنگ جیت رہے ہیں؟

    صدر زرداری کو تا حیات صدر بنا دیں

    محمد حنیف
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، کراچی

  15. Good decision. We cannot lose this experienced General at this critical juncture. The Public does not trust the Govt. and it is good to have this steady hand at the Helm.

  16. ISI’s patent agent Haroon Rasheed appreciates the decision:

    حق بحق دار رسید….ناتمام…ہارون الرشید

    قسم ہے وقت کی
    بے شک انسان خسارے میں ہے
    مگر وہ لوگ جو ایمان لائے اور اچھے عمل کئے
    سچائی کی تاکید کی اور صبر کی تاکید کی
    تین دن ہوتے ہیں، نصف شب کو 19سالہ محمد اویس نے کمرے کا دروازہ کھولااور سوال کیا، کیا جنرل کیانی کو توسیع مل جائے گی۔ ”اغلب امکان یہی ہے “ میں نے اسے بتایا۔ ”واقعی“اس نے اپنا سوال دہرایااور اس کے چہرے پر تشویش تھی۔ محمد اویس ایک غور و فکر کرنے والا بچہ ہے ۔ درویش نے کہا تھا، عمر بھر وہ ایسا ہی رہے گا، محتاط، مشوش اور ریاضت کیش۔ الفاظ میں بخیل اور عمل میں کشادہ۔یہ پاکستان کی نئی نسل ہے۔ ابھی کچھ دیر پہلے ٹیلی ویژن پر گیلپ کے سربراہ ڈاکٹر اعجاز شفیع گیلانی نے کہا، ہماری قوم ان رہنماؤں سے بہتر لیڈروں کی مستحق ہے اور ہمارے ناظرین حالاتِ حاضرہ پر زیادہ بہتر مباحث کے۔ جنرل کی توسیع کے بعد اگر پتنگ بازی سے گریز کیا جاتا؟
    محمد مالک نے سچ کہا کہ جنرل اشفاق پرویز کیانی نے جنرل وحید کاکڑ سے مشورہ کیا تھا ۔ہلیری کلنٹن کے دورہٴ پاکستان یا ان کی کسی مبیّنہ سفارش کا اس فیصلے سے مگر کوئی تعلق نہیں۔ اس سے پہلے صاد تھا۔ ایک مرحلے پرجنرل توسیع سے گریزاں تھا۔ اس نے گھر جانے اور اپنا آرام بڑھانے کا فیصلہ کر لیا تھا ۔ خیر خواہوں کے مشورے پر وہ رک گئے۔ کسی ایک یا چند اشخاص کا نہیں، یہ حالات کا فیصلہ ہے۔ امریکہ بہادر نہیں یہ پاکستانی قوم کی ضرورت ہے اور حکومت کی مجبوری۔ ممکن ہے میاں نوازشریف ناشاد ہوں۔ ممکن ہے وہ اظہار کریں یا مصلحت کی ردا اوڑھ لیں۔ بڑے پیمانے پر مگر خیر مقدم کیا جائے گا۔ بہت دن کے بعد یہ ایک اچھی خبر ہے۔

    Teen Chittar Ba Haroon-ur-Rasheed Raseed

    Jang, 24 July 2010

  17. Nazir Naji is wrong:

    وحید کاکڑ سے اپنی نسبت ظاہر کر کے حقیقت میں جنرل کیانی نے یہ بتایا تھا کہ اگر ان کی توسیع پر اعتراضات ہوئے‘ تو وہ اسے قبول نہیں کریں گے۔ وہ خوش نصیب ہیں کہ ملک میں کسی بھی طبقے نے انہیں توسیع دینے پر اعتراض نہیں اٹھایا۔ توسیع بھی ایک سال کی نہیں‘ چیف آف آرمی سٹاف کی مکمل مدت ملازمت کی ہے۔ اس پر بھی پرجوش خیرمقدم کیا گیا۔ میڈیا کا کوئی حصہ‘ کوئی سیاسی لیڈر‘ رائے عامہ کی ترجمانی کرنے والا کوئی حلقہ ایسا نہیں‘ جس نے جنرل کیانی کی توسیع پر اظہار ناپسندیدگی کیا ہو۔

    کیا جمہوریت کو گارنٹی مل گئی؟ …..سویرے سویرے …نذیرناجی

    Jang, 24 July

  18. جنرل کیانی بارے تاثرات و پیغامات!!….آفتابیاں …آفتاب اقبال

    سید یوسف رضا گیلانی
    میں نے کیانی صاحب کو فقط تین منٹ کی تقریر میں پورے تین سال کی ایکسٹنشن بے شمار وجوہات کی بنا پر دی ہے۔ نہایت ہنس مکھ اور خوشگوار آدمی ہیں اکثر مسکراتے رہتے ہیں۔ صدر زرداری صاحب کے ساتھ ملاقات میں اگر سنجیدہ بھی ہوں تو نجانے مجھے ایسا کیوں محسوس ہوتا ہے کہ اندر ہی اندر مسکرا رہے ہیں بلکہ مسکراتے چلے جا رہے ہیں۔ تاہم میرے ساتھ ان کا رویہ انتہائی مشفقانہ ہے چنانچہ میری طرف جب بھی دیکھتے ہیں شفقت اور رحمدلی کی نظر سے ہی دیکھتے ہیں جس کا مطلب میں صاف سمجھ جایا کرتا ہوں مگر بعض ناگزیر وجوہات اور پارٹی ڈسپلن کے سبب میں یونہی خواہ مخواہ انجان بنا رہتا ہوں۔
    یہ بات بذات خود بڑی اہم ہے کہ بری فوج کے جرنیل ہوتے ہوئے بھی ایف سولہ جیسا حساس طیارہ اڑا لیتے ہیں۔ مجھے تو لگتا ہے کسی دن ڈرون طیارہ بھی اڑا لیں گے۔ جمہوریت کو دل و جان سے پسند کرتے ہیں میں دل کی اتھاہ گہرائیوں سے انہیں اس ایکسٹنشن پر مبارکباد پیش کرتا ہوں اور امید رکھتا ہوں کہ ان کی طبیعت ہمیشہ کی طرح جمہوریت پسند ہی رہے گی اور حالات خواہ کیسے ہی کیوں نہ ہوں ماضی کے طالع آزما جر نیلوں کی طرح ”وطن کے وسیع تر مفاد“ میں کچھ نہیں کریں گے۔ انشاء اللہ تعالیٰ۔
    چودھری نثار علی خان
    جنرل کیانی صاحب دیگر اہم جرنیلوں کی طرح میرے تو برادر عزیز ہیں اور جب بھی ملتے ہیں ہمیشہ خندہ پیشانی سے ہی ملتے ہیں ملاقات خواہ دن کے اجالے میں ہو یا رات کے اندھیرے میں ہم نے (ہم سے مراد میں نے اور شہباز صاحب) انہیں ہمیشہ اپنے دل کے قریب ہی پایا ہے البتہ قائد محترم قبلہ نواز شریف صاحب کے نظریات ہم سے قدرے مختلف ہیں میں دل و جان سے کہتا ہوں کہ کیانی صاحب کو ایکسٹنشن کی خوشیاں مبارک ہوں مجھے یقین ہے کہ اللہ تبارک و تعالیٰ نے ان سے کوئی ”خاص“ قسم کا کام لینا ہے اور یہ ایکسٹنشن اسی کا پیش خیمہ ہے۔ یہ خاص قسم کا کام کوئی بھی ہو سکتا ہے اس لئے بیکار قیاس آرائی کی قطعاً ضرورت نہیں ہے۔
    آصف علی زرداری
    نامور شاعر ظفر اقبال کے ایک شعر میں تھوڑا رد و بدل کر کے استعمال کریں تو میرے دلی جذبات کی کما حقہ ترجمانی ہو سکے گی۔ عرض کیا ہے :
    اصرار تھا انہیں کہ ”بنا“ دیجئے ظفر
    ہم نے ”بنا“ دیا تو وہ اس پر بھی خوش نہیں
    یہ درست ہے کہ ابتداً میں کیانی صاحب کی ایکسٹنشن کے سخت خلاف تھا کیونکہ میں چاہتا تھا کہ موصوف ریٹائرمنٹ کے بعد اطمینان کے ساتھ ایک طرف بیٹھ کر کوئی اچھی سی کتاب لکھیں مگر؟ اے بسا آرزو کہ خاک شدہ۔
    بعض بیوقوف یہ سمجھتے ہیں کہ ہم لوگوں نے جنرل صاحب کو ایکسٹنشن دینے کا فیصلہ ہیلری کلنٹن کی حالیہ سفارش پر کیا ہے میں ذاتی طور پر تو اس قسم کے احمقوں کو زیادہ اہمیت نہیں دیتا تاہم ریکارڈ سیدھا رکھنے کے لئے بتاتا چلوں کہ ہم کوئی ”بنانا ریپبلک“ نہیں ہیں کہ ہیلری کلنٹن جیسوں کی سفارشوں پر اپنے اعلیٰ افسر رکھتے اور فارغ کرتے رہیں ہم تو سچے اور کھرے پاکستانی ہیں اس لئے صرف وہائٹ ہاؤس اور پنٹاگون کے براہ راست احکامات ہی مانتے ہیں چھوٹے موٹے وزیروں مشیروں اور ان جیسے اہلکاروں کے کہنے پر کچھ نہیں کرتے۔ اس طرح اگر ہم ہر ایرے غیرے کی سنتے رہے تو کسی بھی دن ہالبروک جیسا آن دھمکے گا کہ فلاں شخص کو وزیراعظم بنا دو اور فلاں کو چیف جسٹس۔ چنانچہ رابرٹ گیٹس صاحب یا اوبامہ صاحب کے سوا تمام سفارشی عناصر سے پیشگی معذرت۔
    خیر، اصولی طور پر تو جنرل صاحب کو میرے ساتھ بھی خوش و خرم رہنا چاہئے کیونکہ ہم سب ایک ہی کشتی کے سوار ہیں مگر بد قسمتی سے میرے اور ان کے درمیان اعتماد کا رشتہ قائم نہیں ہو سکا یہاں بدقسمتی سے مراد میری بدقسمتی ہے ان کی نہیں کیونکہ انہیں تو یہ بے اعتمادی بیحد سوٹ کرتی ہے جس کی جملہ تفصیلات میں جانا انتہائی خطرناک ثابت ہو سکتا ہے اس لئے تھوڑے کہئے کو ہی زیادہ سمجھا جائے۔
    میں بھی جنرل صاحب کو ”بالآخر“ یہ ایکسٹنشن حاصل کر گزرنے اور میری سوچوں کو طوالت بخشنے پر دل کی گہرائیوں سے مبارکباد پیش کرتا ہوں۔

    نواز شریف
    دیکھیں جی، میں تو جرنیلوں کو ہر قسم کی ایکسٹنشن وغیرہ دینے کے سخت خلاف ہوں اس طرح ان کی عادات و اطوار میں بگاڑ پیدا ہوتا ہے جو کہ سیاسی حکومتوں کے لئے جان لیوا ثابت ہو سکتا ہے اور پھر اس حوالے سے میں تو کچھ زیادہ ہی متفکر ہوں کیونکہ جنرل کیانی اپنے غیر سیاسی امیج کے باوجود میرے حساب سے انتہائی سیاسی ہیں آپ بینظیر بھٹو مرحومہ کے ڈپٹی ملٹری سیکرٹری ہوا کرتے تھے پھر آپ ہی تھے جو مشرف کو فہم و فراست سے مالا مال کئے رکھتے تھے ورنہ وہ بیچارہ ذاتی طور پر تو فقط ملٹری بینڈ کا سربراہ ہونے کی اہلیت رکھتا تھا دیگر لفظوں میں یہ کہنا بھی غلط نہ ہو گا کہ کیانی صاحب مشرف کی ٹیم کا اہم جزو رہے ہیں اور مشرف بی بی ڈیل میں انتہائی حساس ”وچولے“ یعنی ثالث کا کردار بھی ادا کرتے رہے ہیں پھر وہ غیر سیاسی کہاں کے ہوئے ، ہیں جی؟
    آپ کو یاد ہو گا کہ نثار اور شہباز میری غیر موجودگی میں موصوف کے در دولت پر حاضر بھی ہوئے تھے اور یہ ملاقات رات کی تاریکی میں کی گئی حالانکہ اسے دن کے اجالے میں ہونا چاہئے تھا اور آخری گزارش یہ ہے کہ مشرف تو اپنا جاں نشیں بنانا چاہتا تھا جنرل طارق مجید کو مگر بعض پراسرار قوتوں کا دست شفقت کیانی صاحب کے سر پر دیکھ کر اس بیچارے کو بھی عین وقت پر اپنا ارادہ تبدیل کرنا پڑا آج موجودہ حکمران لاکھ میسنے بنتے رہیں مگر یہ بات کسی سے ڈھکی چھپی نہیں کہ وہ کیانی کو ایکسٹنشن نہیں دینا چاہتے تھے مگر وہی پراسرار قوتیں آڑے آئیں اور نتیجہ آپ کے سامنے ہے۔
    تاہم میں بھی احتیاطاً جنرل صاحب کو مبارکباد پیش کرتا ہوں۔

    Jang, 24 July

  19. The announcement that he will serve an extra three years caused widespread surprise. Most observers expected the general, who is due to retire in November, to get an extension of service, but few thought it would be so long.

    The sudden move underscores the army’s strength over the democratically elected government of President Asif Ali Zardari, which has been racked by political turmoil. Kayani will now outlast the prime minister and the president and is likely to oversee the next general election.

    The ruling Pakistan Peoples party has no love for the military. The party’s founder, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was hanged in 1979 by an army chief who had staged a coup, while two governments led by his daughter, Benazir Bhutto, were removed through military interventions in the 1990s. Many in the party, now headed by Bhutto’s widower, Zardari, blame the military for her 2007 assassination.

    Some government figures had wanted to give a maximum one-year extension to Kayani. But democracy remains fragile and his case was quietly backed by the US military. Opposition politicians have remained silent on the issue.

    “This shows that democracy has not taken root. The decision was taken on the basis of obvious pressure from the military. It just shows who’s in power, who’s pulling the strings,” said Asma Jahangir, Pakistan’s leading human rights lawyer and former chairman of the human rights commission of Pakistan. “Every time politicians have promoted someone out of turn, democracy has suffered.” Former prime ministers Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1977 and Nawaz Sharif in 1999 were both ousted by army chiefs that they had hand-picked by breaking the promotion norms.

    So far, Kayani has tried to steer clear of political controversy, commanding with a deft touch. He secretly intervened to defuse a political crisis in March 2009, when civil rights activists were marching on Islamabad to try to restore the ousted chief justice to office. Kayani demanded that the chief justice be reappointed, an order that was then carried out in the dead of night.

    Kayani’s military runs Pakistan’s security policy and has resisted all attempts by civilians to exercise control over it. The military headquarters in Rawalpindi also controls sensitive areas of foreign policy, meaning relations with India, Afghanistan and the US.

    He is a favourite of the west despite the fact that he led the ISI from 2004 to 2007, exactly the period when the Taliban staged their comeback in Afghanistan, allegedly with the agency’s support. Now Kayani is leading the Pakistan military’s efforts to cement a new regime in Kabul that is pro-Pakistan, which means including representatives of the Taliban.

    Pakistan increases power of army strongman General Ashraq Kayani
    Saeed Shah in Islamabad, Friday 23 July 2010

  20. As was once said of Prussia, Pakistan is not so much a country with an army but an army with a country. That fact was made clear when Pakistani Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani announced that the army chief, General Ashfaq Kayani, has been given an extension for another three years.

    But many here also question the move. “It augurs badly for democracy in this country,” said Kamran Shafi, a respected commentator and former soldier. “The last time a civilian government gave a military chief an extension, it was General Ayub Khan. Later, he took over and ruled the country as a dictator for a decade, in the first of four military dictatorships. It’s been downhill ever since.”

    A general tightens his grip on power in Pakistan
    World Focus: General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani

    By Omar Waraich

  21. when civilian govt took a stand by declining to extend Justice ramaday tenure as ad-hoc and promote CJ of LHC to supreme court ,the kind of bashing from media,opposition& establishment . It was almost impossible for civilian government not to extend general Kiyani tenure.

  22. @ Humza: Worse than the fact of the tenure being extended was the manner in which it was done. It was very apparent that the whole speech act was only staged because Zardari had refused to sign extension and army didn’t want to wait. I agree that the media would have been up in arms had he not been given an extension but a simple notification would have sufficed.

  23. سپاں دے پتر یار نہیں بندے ؛ چونیاں دودھ پیااے

  24. btw it’s funny that a so-called propaganda mouthpiece for PPP is one of the only wrtiers to critically write on this decision of the government. All our critical anchors and analysts seem to be ‘stunned’ into silence 🙂

  25. thanks to humza for pointing out this article – no wonder that the “civil society” reaction to the extension has been so quiet 🙂

    LAHORE, July 24 (APP): The business community has widely hailed the judicious decision of the government for granting one more term to Chief of the Army Staff, General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani for effectively defeating terror and attaining durable peace in the region.

    President Federation of Pakistan Chamber of Commerce and Industry Sultan Ahmad Chawla and VP SAARC Chamber of Commerce and Industry,Iftikhar Ali Malik said that the extension of Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani as Chief of the Army Staff was a must to ensure successful continuation of the war against terror not only in Pakistan but in whole of the region.
    They said that peaceful environment coupled with democratically elected stable government is a pre-requisite for sustained economic growth, development and prosperity of the country which they added will only come through a decisive war against terror.
    Iftikhar Ali Malik, Founder Chairman Pak-US Business Council, veteran trade leader said that due to the war on terror and unrest in Afghanistan, Pak economy,in all terms including total destruction of infrastructure has so far suffered 3 trillion dollar loss since 9/11. He said it is the massive loss any country faced in the world just for global peace.
    He said all its affiliated chambers and associated trade bodies unanimously had already announced unflinching and unwavering full support to the government to stamp out the menace of terrorism.

  26. N-League says ‘not taken into confidence on COAS tenure’
    Updated at: 2030 PST, Saturday, July 24, 2010 ShareThis story

    ISLAMABAD: Ahsan Iqbal, Central Information Secretary of Pakistan Muslim League-N, Saturday said the government did not take his party into confidence over the extension of Army Chief”s service tenure.

    Addressing a press conference, here Ahsan Iqbal said that the party’s stand on the issue will be presented upon return of PML-N Chief Nawaz Sharif to the country.

    On the issue of fake degrees, the PML-N leader said that his party is ready to sacrifice Punjab Government.

    On a question regarding making secure the heads of four state institutions, he described Prime Minister’s argument as illogical, saying it will give birth to a new crisis.

    “Two and a half year’s time has passed but the government has so far failed to resolve even the most fundamental issues,” he maintained.

    He demanded of the government to uncover by passing an accountability bill the corrupt mafia that it (government) has been patronizing.

  27. PML-N still undecided on Gen Kayani’s extension

    Ahsan Iqbal says Nawaz Sharif was not consulted by PM on the move

    ISLAMABAD: The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) is still in a “mysterious” state of indecision over whether it should support or oppose a government move to extend the tenure of army chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani.

    And the most “intriguing” part is that the largest opposition group is also unsure about how much more time it needs to frame an official response to one of the crucial political decisions.

    Three days after Gen Kayani was given an extension in service, a spokesperson for the party appeared before the media but parried all questions about the party’s official reaction.

    “Nawaz Sharif is out of the country…we will let you know about our reaction when he comes back,” the party’s information secretary, Ahsan Iqbal, told a news conference on Saturday. However, he did not say when Sharif planned to return from London.

    And when journalists continued to press him for his personal opinion on the move, he said: “Well, if I say something about my own thinking without consulting my party leadership…it will be undemocratic.”
    Ahsan, however, rejected a claim by the government that Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani had consulted Sharif before announcing the extension on Thursday night or had won muted endorsement from the PML-N chief.

    “We (the party) were never taken into confidence,” Ahsan said, creating ambiguity about the move which has encountered little resistance from political circles.

    Ahsan’s refusal to comment on Gen Kayani’s extension came a day after it was reported that the party is divided over the extent of cooperation with the military.

    Ahsan denied a rift in the party and said reports in this regard are fed to the media to malign the ‘principled’ politics of the Sharif brothers.
    Fake degrees

    While evading questions about his party’s reaction to Gen Kayani’s extension, he continued to rake up the issue of fake academic degrees, criticising the government’s handling of it.

    He said the PML-N is ready to sacrifice its provincial government for its “principled” position that “parliamentarian cheats” be punished.
    His comment came in response to a question about how the PML-N would react if the disqualification of fake degree holders from the party poses a threat to the Punjab government.

    Published in The Express Tribune, July 25th, 2010.

  28. This will help a lot: This will help to understand Mullen and you wouldn’t have to read the article, picture would be enough: Islamic militancy is a foreign policy tool of the US and Pakistani establishments By Yousuf Nazar Wednesday, December 24th, 2008 at 9:12 am Admiral Mike Mullen (first from left), the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, Pakistani Army Chief Gen. Pervez Kayani (third from the left) and next to him, the ISI Chief Ahmed Shuja Pasha (then Major. Gen. and Director General Military Operations) aboard the US naval carrier Abraham Lincoln in Indian Ocean; in a secret meeting on August 26, 2008. Pasha was promoted to the rank of Lt. Gen. and appointed as the head of the Inter-Services Intelligence on Sept. 29, 2008.

  29. Here is yet another “liberal” voice???

    Good luck, General Kayani
    Raza Rumi

    The writer is a policy analyst and consulting editor, The Friday Times
    In a hurried non-speech, the prime minister has confirmed that the incumbent army chief will stay on for three years. Unprecedented as the decision might be, it is perhaps the best option under the current circumstances. Pakistan is battling against domestic and external terrorism. Given how the army works, it is clear that the military establishment wants a continuation of national security policy.

    In a hurried non-speech, the prime minister has confirmed that the incumbent army chief will stay on for three years. Unprecedented as the decision might be, it is perhaps the best option under the current circumstances. Pakistan is battling against domestic and external terrorism. Given how the army works, it is clear that the military establishment wants a continuation of national security policy.

    Lack of policy continuity has been the hallmark of Pakistan’s governance. At least with General Kayani’s extension, the military operations in the northwest and approach to the Afghanistan imbroglio will also remain unchanged. This is good for Pakistan for three reasons.

    First, Pakistan desperately needs uninterrupted operations to counter militancy. This is no longer a ‘foreign war’ but very much our own. Second, past efforts to sensitise the west on Pakistan’s concerns in Afghanistan should not be squandered. Finally, General Kayani’s tightrope walk at home has worked well and the democratic system has not been truncated despite the frantic calls of several media-persons. One TV anchor before he left a popular channel, had appealed to Takht-e-Rawalpindi to intervene to save the country.

    The troubled civil-military equation is not going to change overnight. Realism demands that we have to deal with the army’s ubiquitous role, at least in the medium term. Civilian supremacy is not guaranteed through the merely powers of appointing army chiefs. This erroneous view needs to be challenged. Parliament will only be supreme when it governs and with transparency and delivers the goods. We also need to recognise that the dominance of the unelected institutions stunts the performance of the elected governments. How will this change? Not by manipulating service contracts but through continuation of the democratic system.

    General Kayani so far has not been a party to any effort to destabilise the system. If anything, his public image is that of a moderate, professional and a no-nonsense soldier, not interested in political gerrymandering. For this very reason, the PPP government has made a calculated gamble. We are a land of constant melodrama, but instability is not written on the wall, at least for now.

    The army’s interests require a stable economy and functional civilian governance. As a national institution, it should enable Pakistan’s transformation into a more manageable polity. More importantly, it ought to be aware of its limitations in governing this complex, and crumbling country. All indications so far suggest that the current military leadership is cognisant of such realities.

    General Kayani has three hectic years ahead. Stabilising Pakistan’s northwest and getting Pakistan on the Afghanistan-table are already under way. However, its Balochistan and India strategies require creative reassessment; and the dated doctrines of ‘strategic depth’ need reconfiguration. Instead of civil-military power struggles, we need a broad consensus and workable formulae for effective cooperation to cleanse Pakistan’s proverbial stables.

    For this reason, we wish General Kayani all the luck.

    Published in The Express Tribune, July 25th, 2010.

  30. The Haqqani network, the Lashkar-e-Taiba and General Kayani:

    General Mullen’s concern

    لشکر طیبہ عالمی خطرہ، سخت کارروائی کی ضرورت: مولن

    میرا یقین ہے کہ اسامہ بن لادن پاکستان میں روپوش ہیں: ایڈمرل مولن

    امریکی مسلح افواج کے سربراہ ایڈمرل مائیک مولن نے کہا ہے کہ پاکستان کی کالعدم تنظیم لشکر طیبہ ایک بہت خطرناک تنظیم بن چکی ہے جو نہ صرف خطے بلکہ عالمی سطح پر بھی خطرے کا باعث بننے کی استطاعت رکھتی ہے۔

    پاکستان کی سرکاری خبر رساں ایجنسی اے پی پی کے مطابق سنیچر کو اسلام آباد میں امریکی سفارت خانے میں صحافیوں کے ایک گروپ سے بات کرتے ہوئے امریکی جنرل ایڈمرل مائیک مولن نے کہا کہ لشکر طیبہ کی سرگرمیوں کو روکنے کے لیے سخت کارروائی کی ضرورت ہے۔

    انھوں نے کہا کہ لشکر طیبہ بہت زیادہ خطرناک تنظیم بن چکی ہے جو نہ صرف خطے بلکہ عالمی سطح پر خطرے کا باعث بننے کی استطاعت رکھتی ہے۔

    انھوں نے کہا کہ ’ لشکر طیبہ کی صلاحیت بڑھ رہی ہے اور قابل تشویش بن گئی ہے، سب سے قابل ذکر پہلوں اس کا بڑھتا ہوا خطرہ ہے اور یہ زیادہ مہک ہو رہی ہے۔‘

    لشکر طیبہ کی صلاحیت بڑھ رہی ہے اور قابل تشویش بن گئی ہے، سب سے قابل ذکر پہلوں اس کا بڑھتا ہوا خطرہ ہے اور یہ زیادہ مہک ہو رہی ہے
    ایڈمرل مائیک مولن
    انھوں نے کہا کہ لشکر طیبہ اپنی کارروائیوں کے دائرہ کار کوافغانستان اور خطے سے باہر دوسرے ممالک تک بڑھا رہی ہے۔

    ایک سوال کے جواب میں ایڈمرل مائیک مولن نے امریکی سیکریٹری خارجہ ہیلری کلنٹن کے اس بیان کو حمایت کی جس میں انھوں نے کہا تھا کہ اسامہ بن لادن اور القاعدہ کی اعلیٰ قیادت پاکستان میں موجود ہے۔

    ایڈمرل مولن کا کہنا تھا کہ اسامہ بن لادن اور القاعدہ کی قیادت بڑی محفوظ جگہ پر روپوش ہیں اور انھیں تلاش کرنا بہت مشکل کام ہے۔انھوں نے کہا کہ’ میرا یقین ہے کہ اسامہ پاکستان میں ہیں۔‘ انھوں نے کہا کہ پاکستان کی مغربی سرحد کے قبائلی علاقے القاعدہ کے نیٹ ورک کا گلوبل ہیڈ کواٹر ہیں۔

    ایڈمرل مائیک مولن کا کہنا تھا کہ’ حقانی نیٹ ورک افغانستان میں جاری سرکشی میں شدت سے سرگرم عمل ہے، اور اس کے خلاف ایک سخت پوزیشن لینے کی ضرورت ہے۔‘

    لشکر طیبہ کے سربراہ مولاناعبدالواحد پاکستان کے زیر انتظام میں

    انھوں نے پاکستان کی جانب سے شدت پسندوں کے خلاف مزید کارروائیاں کرنے کے فیصلے کو سراہا لیکن اس کے ساتھ زور دیا کہ حقانی گروپ جو افغانستان کے امن کو خراب کر رہا ہے کے خلاف کارروائی کی ضرورت ہے۔

    ایڈمرل مائیک مولن کا کہنا تھا کہ حقانی نیٹ ورک سب سے زیادہ خطرناک نیٹ ورک ہے جس کا سامنا افغانستان میں تعینات امریکی اور نیٹو افواج کو ہے۔ ایڈمرل مولن کا کہنا تھا کہ پاکستان پر متعدد بار زور دیا ہے کہ وہ اس نیٹ ورک کے خلاف کارروائی کرے۔ ایڈمرل مولن کے مطابق پاکستان حقانی نیٹ ورک کے خطرے سے آگاہ ہے۔

    انھوں نے دہشت گردی کے خلاف جنگ میں پاکستانی فوج کی کارکردگی کو سراہتے ہوئے کہا کہ پاکستان اور امریکہ دہشت گردی کے خلاف جنگ میں بہت اہم اتحادی ہیں اور یقین دلاتے ہیں کہ امریکہ کی شدید خواہش ہے کہ اس جنگ میں پاکستان کے ساتھ تعاون اور مدد کو وسعت دی جائے ۔

    پاکستان میں خفیہ طور پر امریکی فوج موجود نہیں ہیں۔ پاکستانی درخواست پر امریکی فوجی پاکستان میں موجود ہیں اور یہ صرف تربیت دینے کے لیے ہیں
    ایڈمرل مائیک مولن
    ایک سوال کے جواب میں ایڈمرل مولن نے کہا کہ پاکستان میں خفیہ طور پر امریکی فوج موجود نہیں ہیں۔ انھوں نے کہا کہ پاکستانی درخواست پر امریکی فوجی پاکستان میں موجود ہیں اور یہ صرف تربیت دینے کے لیے ہیں۔‘

    پاکستان کی بری فوج کے سربراہ جنرل کیانی کی مدت ملازمت میں توسیع میں کسی امریکی کردار کو مسترد کرتے ہوئے انھوں نے کہا کہ یہ پاکستان کا اندرونی معاملہ ہے۔

  31. With General Kayani’s blessings, let’s derail the Pakistan-India talks.

    لشکر طیبہ کے سربراہ کی پاکستان آمد

    ذوالفقار علی
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، مظفر آباد
    پاکستان کی کالعدم تنظیم لشکر طیبہ کے سربراہ مولانا عبدالواحد کشمیری منگل کے روز پہلی مرتبہ پاکستان کے زیر انتظام کشمیر میں منظر عام پر آئے۔

    لشکر طیبہ کا سربراہ مقرر ہونے کے بعد یہ پہلی مرتبہ ہے کہ عبدالواحد کشمیری منظر عام پر آئے

    دسمبر سن دو ہزار ایک میں لشکر طیبہ کا سربراہ مقرر ہونے کے بعد یہ پہلا موقع ہے کہ عبدالواحد کشمیری نے پاکستان کے زیر انتظام کشمیر میں کسی اجمتماع سے خطاب کیا ہے۔

    یہ اجتماع پاکستان کے زیر انتظام کشمیر کے علاقے کوٹلی قصبے میں ہوا جس میں سینکڑوں لوگوں نے شرکت کی۔

    عسکری تنظیموں کے رہنماؤں نے اس موقع پر خطاب کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ بھارت سے کشمیر کی آزادی تک جہاد جاری رہے گا۔

    کالعدم تنظیم لشکر طیبہ کے سربراہ عبدالواحد کشمیری نے اپنے خطاب میں کہا کہ ان کی تنظیم اسوقت تک کشمیری عوام کی حمایت جاری رکھی گی جب تک وہ بھارت سے آزادی حاصل نہیں کرلیتے۔

    دسمبر سن دو ہزار ایک میں لشکر طیبہ کا سربراہ مقرر ہونے کے بعد یہ پہلی مرتبہ ہے کہ عبدالواحد کشمیری منظر عام پر آئے۔

    ان کے بارے میں بہت کم معلومات ہیں کہ وہ کون ہیں اور ان کا تعلق کہاں سے ہے۔

    دسمبر سن دو ہزار ایک میں بھارتی پارلیمان پر حملے کے کوئی ایک ماہ بعد پاکستان نے لشکر طیبہ پر پابندی عائد کی تھی۔ بھارت نے پارلیمان پر حملے کا الزام لشکر طیبہ اور جیش محمد پر لگایا تھا لیکن دونوں تنظیمیں اس کی تردید کرتی رہی ہیں۔

    نومبر دو ہزار آٹھ میں ممبئی حملوں کے بعد لشکر طیبہ ایک بار پھر دنیا کی توجہ کا مرکز بن گئی۔

    ہنددستان نے ممبئی حملوں کا الزام لشکر طیبہ اور جماعت الدعوۃ پر عائد کیا اور اس کا موقف یہ کہ یہ دونوں تنظیمیں ایک ہی ہیں۔

    لیکن ان دونوں تنظیموں نے اس الزام کی تردید کی اور جماعت الدعوۃ کا کہنا ہے کہ اس کا لشکر طیبہ سے کوئی تعلق نہیں اور یہ کہ یہ ایک رفاعی تنظیم ہے۔

    پاکستان نے ممبئی حملوں کے الزام میں لشکر طیبہ کے آپریشنل کمانڈر ذکی الرحمان لکھوی سمیت سات افراد کو گرفتار کیا اور ان کے خلاف مقدمہ عالت میں زیر ساماعت ہے جبکہ پاکستانی حکام کا کہنا ہے کہ حافظ سعید کے خلاف کاروائی کے لئے بھارت نے جو شواہد فراہم کئے ہیں وہ ناکافی ہیں۔

    دسمبر دو ہزار ایک میں ہندوستان کی پارلیمان پر حملے کے کچھ دن بعد حافظ سعید نے خود کو لشکر طیبہ سے الگ کیا اور یہ دعویٰ کیا تھا کہ لشکر طیبہ کے مراکز پہلے ہی بھارت کے زیر انتظام کشمیر میں منتقل کئے گئے ہیں اور یہ کہ عبدالواحد کشمیری کو لشکر طیبہ کا سربراہ مقرر کیا گیا۔

    حافظ سعید نے جماعت الدعوۃ کے نام سے نئی تنظیم قائم کی اور ان کا کہنا ہے کہ جماعت الدعوۃ کا لشکر طیبہ سے کوئی تعلق نہیں اور یہ کہ ان کی جماعت پاکستان میں مذہبی اور فلاحی کاموں میں سرگرم ہے۔

    لشکر طیبہ کے رہنما ایک ایسے مرحلے پر منطر عام پر آئے جب ہندوستان اور پاکستان کے درمیان خارجہ سیکریڑیوں کی سطح پر ہونے والے مذاکرات بے نیجہ رہے اور بھارت بدستور پاکستان کے ساتھ کشمیر سمیت تمام متنازعہ امور پر جامع مذاکرات بحال کرنے سے انکار کررہا ہے۔

  32. جنگ جرنیلوں پر نھیں چھوڑی جا سکتی

    وسعت اللہ خان
    بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، کراچی

    فرانسیسی مدبر اور پہلی عالمی جنگ کے دور میں وزیرِ اعظم رہنے والے جارج کلیمنشیو کا یہ فقرہ لاکھوں بار دہرایا جاچکا ہے کہ جنگ ایک سنجیدہ کام ہے اسے جنرلوں پر نہیں چھوڑا جاسکتا۔

    جنرل خالد بن ولید کو کسی اور نے نہیں رسول اللہ نے سیف اللہ کا خطاب دیا تھا۔ جنرل خالد بن ولید کی فوجوں نے پہلے پورا جزیرہ نما عرب، اس کے بعد ایران کی ساسانی سلطنت اور پھر مشرقی رومن سلطنت کو کھدیڑ ڈالا اور لاکھوں مربع میل خلافتِ راشدہ میں شامل کردیے۔ شمال تا جنوب یہ تاثر پھیل گیا کہ جہاں خالد بن ولید کے قدم پہنچیں گے فتح یقینی ہے۔

    جب خلیفہ دوم حضرت عمر تک یہ بات پہنچی تو انہوں نے خالد بن ولید سے عین اس وقت کمان لے کر ابوعبیدہ ابنِ جراح کے حوالے کردی جب ناقابلِ تسخیر خالد کا لشکر مدینہ سے ہزاروں میل دور رومی سلطنت کے اہم مرکز دمشق کو فتح کرنے کی لڑائی کے آخری مرحلے میں الجھا ہوا تھا۔

    حضرت عمر سے پوچھا گیا یہ آپ نے کیا کیا ؟ کہنے لگے کامیابی و ناکامی تو اللہ کے ہاتھ میں ہے۔ یہ انسان کے بس کی بات کب سے ہوگئی۔

    جب اٹھارہ سو اکسٹھ میں امریکی خانہ جنگی شروع ہوئی اور وفاق عملاً معطل ہوگیا۔ ملک شمال اور جنوب میں بٹ گیا تو صدر ابراہم لنکن کی فوج کے سربراہ جنرل ارون میکڈوول تھے۔

    چار سالہ جنگ کے دوران صدر لنکن نے سات جرنیل تبدیل کیے۔ ان میں جنرل جارج میڈ جیسا باصلاحیت اور جری کمانڈر بھی تھا جس نے گیٹس برگ کی جنگ جیت کر وفاق مخالف قوتوں کی شکست کا راستہ ہموار کیا۔

    چار سالہ جنگ کے دوران صدر لنکن نے سات جرنیل تبدیل کئے۔ان میں جنرل جارج میڈ جیسا باصلاحیت اور جری کمانڈر بھی تھا لیکن صدرِ مملکت انکی کارکردگی سے بھی مطمئن نہ ہوئے، کسی نے ابراہام لنکن سے نہیں پوچھا کہ عین جنگ میں چار سال کے دوران سات جرنیل یکے بعد دیگرے کیوں تبدیل کردئیے ۔
    لیکن صدرِ مملکت ان کی کارکردگی سے بھی مطمئین نہ ہوئے اور جب جنگ ختم ہوئی تو جنرل یولیسس گرانٹ نے باغی جنوب کے آخری دستوں سے ہتھیار رکھوائے۔ کسی نے ابراہم لنکن سے نہیں پوچھا کہ عین جنگ میں چار سال کے دوران سات جرنیل یکے بعد دیگرے کیوں تبدیل کردیے ۔

    اگر دوسری عالمی جنگ کا کوئی ایک امریکی فوجی ہیرو چنا جائے تو بلاشبہہ وہ جنرل ڈگلس میک آرتھر ہوگا۔ جس نے پورا بحرالکاہل جاپانیوں سے خالی کروایا۔ فلپینز آزاد کروایا ۔جاپان پر قبضہ کیا اور یورپ میں لڑنے والے اتحادیوں کو موقع دیا کہ وہ پوری توجہ ہٹلر کے خلاف مبذول کرسکیں۔

    سن پچاس میں جنگِ کوریا شروع ہوئی تو جنرل میک آرتھر کو شمالی کوریا سے نبرد آزما اتحادی افواج کی قیادت دی گئی۔ لیکن ایک برس بعد عین اس وقت جب جنگ کا پانسہ کسی بھی طرف پلٹ سکتا تھا، صدر ٹرومین نے جنگی پالیسی پر جنرل میک آرتھر کے اظہارِ ناپسندیدگی کو مسترد کرتے ہوئے انہیں کمان سے برخواست کردیا اور جنرل رج وے کو کمان دے دی۔

    کتنےعجیب تھے وہ رہنما جو عین حالتِ جنگ میں اپنے کمانڈر بدل دیتے تھے۔

    آپ سمجھ تو گئے ہوں گے!!

  33. From Ayesha Siddiqa’s blog:

    Ayesha Siddiqa said…

    I personally don’t find outsiders responsible for everything that happens in Pakistan. However, on this occasion the general did ask the US to intervene because those are the key interlocutors between him and the political government. The politicians, unfortunately, will not manage to divert attention towards the army or its high command because they have extended the general’s term probably to buy some time from him and his institution. Kindly see my latest article on the subject:

    The real fear, however, lies elsewhere. It is what happens in the army that worries me. Kindly see my next blog in a day for more.
    July 25, 2010 10:53 PM

  34. This is most deserving and inevitable extension has been granted to General Kayani.
    —- It is not correct to say that Hon’ble President Zardari had no alternate, except, reciprocating the extension to General Kayani.
    —- It is also not correct to say that it is the duty of Hon’ble President Zardari to ensure that the Cheif Secretaries, Police Chiefs, Governors and C.O.A.S. etc, shall continue to work, because, they were appointed by out-going President Pevez Musharaf

  35. I guess the guy who wrote this article is to naive in his assertions. One has to be objective while writing not just write what ever he hears in the streets.
    1- The reasons of extension, should be evaluated in the pre text of current situation. He is fighting a war, he is apolitical and works not on the camera like Zia and Mush but behind it. Has created a positive vibe about Pak army which it lost during Mush’s times.

    2- One has to be realistic than emotional. Pak depends militarily on US. General is pro-American (who is not? from Ayub till Mush) we use American armory and he is probably the last US trained army officer who will and has bargained a lot of arms for the army. he has categorically said he is “India Centric”

    3- We need a guy who can work inside and outside for us to get goods (militarily) He is best suited, we respected in international military circles about his lack of talking and more action (a trait opposite to Mush- selected by none other than Nawaz by superseding 4 generals)

    4- Army as institution has never mutinied against their chief, eg. Zia who superseded 7 and Mush who at least superseded 3 general in his quest to become COAS. This decision regarding his extension must have taken place in GHQ and taken well by the political government.

    5- American role, no matter how much you dislike them, we are dependent on US for all arms and many airforce equipment. We want our F16’s flying but always suspect US against PAkistan. Time is to act like Kayani does. not sit in drawing rooms and devise conspiracy theories.

    Under these circumstances, Kayani got an extension. If we had gotten another General, it might have taken him sometime to get a hold of all affairs, its easy for him to carry the job. He is not selling the country! After a long time, we have a COAS who talks less and does more and is extremely egoistic and very well respected internationally.

    And stop cribbing about USA, try to become like them and give them back what they do to you!

  36. Does Army really support Sipah-e-Sahaba? I don’t want to believe that. Pakistan Army has fought rigorously with Tehreek-e-Taliban and got Swat freed from them, including one of the great shrines there that is now open to masses to pay homage.

  37. JULY 25, 2010 · 7:44 PM

    Good luck, General Kayani
    Raza Rumi

    In a hurried non-speech, the prime minister has confirmed that the incumbent army chief will stay on for three years. Unprecedented as the decision might be, it is perhaps the best option under the current circumstances. Pakistan is battling against domestic and external terrorism. Given how the army works, it is clear that the military establishment wants a continuation of national security policy.

    Lack of policy continuity has been the hallmark of Pakistan’s governance. At least with General Kayani’s extension, the military operations in the northwest and approach to the Afghanistan imbroglio will also remain unchanged. This is good for Pakistan for three reasons.

    First, Pakistan desperately needs uninterrupted operations to counter militancy. This is no longer a ‘foreign war’ but very much our own. Second, past efforts to sensitise the west on Pakistan’s concerns in Afghanistan should not be squandered. Finally, General Kayani’s tightrope walk at home has worked well and the democratic system has not been truncated despite the frantic calls of several media-persons. One TV anchor before he left a popular channel, had appealed to Takht-e-Rawalpindi to intervene to save the country.

    The troubled civil-military equation is not going to change overnight. Realism demands that we have to deal with the army’s ubiquitous role, at least in the medium term. Civilian supremacy is not guaranteed through the merely powers of appointing army chiefs. This erroneous view needs to be challenged. Parliament will only be supreme when it governs and with transparency and delivers the goods. We also need to recognise that the dominance of the unelected institutions stunts the performance of the elected governments. How will this change? Not by manipulating service contracts but through continuation of the democratic system.

    General Kayani so far has not been a party to any effort to destabilise the system. If anything, his public image is that of a moderate, professional and a no-nonsense soldier, not interested in political gerrymandering. For this very reason, the PPP government has made a calculated gamble. We are a land of constant melodrama, but instability is not written on the wall, at least for now.

    The army’s interests require a stable economy and functional civilian governance. As a national institution, it should enable Pakistan’s transformation into a more manageable polity. More importantly, it ought to be aware of its limitations in governing this complex, and crumbling country. All indications so far suggest that the current military leadership is cognisant of such realities.

    General Kayani has three hectic years ahead. Stabilising Pakistan’s northwest and getting Pakistan on the Afghanistan-table are already under way. However, its Balochistan and India strategies require creative reassessment; and the dated doctrines of ‘strategic depth’ need reconfiguration. Instead of civil-military power struggles, we need a broad consensus and workable formulae for effective cooperation to cleanse Pakistan’s proverbial stables.

    For this reason, we wish General Kayani all the luck.

    Published in The Express Tribune, July 25th, 2010.

  38. ‘Suitable Decision’: Mehdi Hassan. ‘A capitulation’: Kamran Shafi
    No political party opposes army. There is a rumor that Zardari was not on board and Prime Minister has played the dice on his own
    Farooq Sulehria, Adnan Farooq

    In separate interviews with Viewpoint, Dr Mehdi Hassan describes extension granted to General Kiyani as a ‘suitable decision’ while Kamran Shafi terms this decision a ‘bad omen for democracy’.

    Dr Mehdi Hassan is a leading political analyst. He has been teaching journalism, for 30 years, at the Punjab University. He is also Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). However, he granted the interview in his individual capacity. The views expressed below in no way reflect or represent HRCP’s policy.

    Kamran Shafi is a leading columnist and a public debater frequently appearing at TV talk shows. He writes a regular column for Dawn.

    Viewpoint: Is this extension a capitulation by the civilian government?

    Mehdi Hassan: I think that it is a suitable and correct decision. General Kiyani has been leading this war on terrorism for many years now. He has vast experience. He should finish, at least try to finish this job. It is a suitable decision to retain him till the conclusion of this war. I hope in a year or two there will be at least as much peace in both North and South Waziristan as in Swat. True, Swat has not fully recovered but there is lot of improvement. If we have a situation like Swat in North Waziristan and South Waziristan, it will be a welcome development. Hence, I think in view of these considerations, this extension was a suitable decision.

    Kamran Shafi: Yes it is a capitulation. Of course, it is. There were three months to General Kiyani’s scheduled retirement but they were in a great hurry. This was an opportunity for a civilian government to establish its supremacy and send off an army chief in an honorable way. In India such extensions never happen. There is a rumor that President Zardari was not on board and the Prime Minister has played the dice on his own.

    Viewpoint: Is it a bad omen for democracy in Pakistan in view of past history of extensions to army chiefs?

    Mehdi Hassan: Look the extension was granted by an elected Prime Minister in line with the constitution. Generals Ayub, Yahya, Zia and Musharraf were themselves granting them extensions. Now a civilian government has granted an extension which I think is a positive development, a positive change.

    Kamran Shafi: Absolutely, it is a bad omen. Nothing can be achieved by this extension, First time in country’s history, an extension was granted to General Ayub Khan by Iskandar Mirza. Look what it meant for Pakistan. Now a democratically elected government has done this. Army always wrestles more out of government’s hand once a government grants anything. If the government gives an inch away, the army will secure twenty inches by itself.

    Viewpoint: Do you think the PPP government will be more stable now?

    Mehdi Hassan: The federal government is already in a stable position at least when it comes to number game. The ruling coalition has a clear majority and there is no chance for the Opposition to bring it down. In the 1990s, it was either army toppling an elected government or the president dissolving the government on army’s bidding. This time, we do not have such a situation. I do not believe in the conspiracy theories peddled by a section of the media.

    Kamran Shafi: No way, this decision will not in any way help stabilize the present government rather government is bit destabilized after this step. The extension reflects government’s weakness.

    Viewpoint: Opposition has been mute too. How would you interpret this silence on the part of Opposition?

    Mehdi Hassan: No political party opposes army. Today (on July 26) I saw Nawaz Sharif on TV talking to journalists. When asked by journalists about the government’s decision to grant General Kiyani an extension, he recited Faiz’ famous verse aur bhi dukh hain zamaane meiN mohabbat ke siwa (‘for there are sorrows other than heartache’). Nawaz Sharif was non-committal as are other oppositional parties.

    Kamran Shafi: As an observer, it surprises me also.

    Viewpoint: Media have been supportive too, save some individual examples. Your comments?

    Mehdi Hassan: We do not have a situation in Pakistan yet where we can openly criticize the army. There are individuals who opposed the extension. But no media organization is ready to take a stand as such. The situation in Pakistan does not permit that. However, the media support for the extension is not support for the PPP government. The media in fact have supported the army by endorsing the extension.

    Kamran Shafi: Yes some media Taliban are trying o give impression that this way the Peoples Party has cornered PML N and Nawaz Sharif. But I don’t agree. You can not corner a political party with such steps. And yes some journalists have nothing to say against generals.

    (Farooq Sulehria interviewed Dr Mehdi Hassan. Adnan Farooq conducted interview with Kamran Shafi).


    Reader’s Comments
    Azad ( ) :
    I am inclined to agree with Kamran Shafi but, I don’t think a new commander would have been any different than Kiyani. It is not the faces, it is about the army’s interest as an institution. Kiyani serves that and the new person would served the Army’s interest too. I hope readers have no questions about what the army’s interests are in Pakistan. The US supported a civilian set up in Pakistan but that set up was not intended to confront or defy the army. It was just a front to satisfy the US Congress. The US still relies on the army to deliver and if the US wanted Kiyani to continue, the civilian government had no choice. It would do what it is told to do. Expecting Zardari or Gilani to stand up to the army, is something that is just not gonna happen. Thanks. Posted on : 29/07/2010
    shahzad ( ) :
    true face of Mehdi Hassan Posted on : 30/07/2010

    Bushra Saeed ( ) :
    On theoretical principle, the extension is not up to the mark. But if some unavoidable circumstances exist then we should compromise on certain things for better un-compromised future. Personalities are not so important; the existence of Pakistan is indeed. Posted on : 31/07/2010

    javaid haider :
    three years extension is a fairly long extension and enough to raise eyebrows. gilani did not give that extension because of good politics, in my opinion. he was probably told to go through the required motions, probably by the americans. keep in mind the royal treatment given to kiyani when he visited america and his helicoptering to american carrier for meeting with mike mullen. i think kiani is america’s “man” who is expected to deliver. i wont be surprised if he moves to cushy life in america when he retires. quite a few of senior pakistani military ranks are now comfortably residing in america after their retirement. i also, don’t think that zardari was not aboard on the decision. he probably knew all along and had given his blessings to the decision. he probably didn’t want to be associated with the decision. Posted on : 01/08/2010

    Salman Abduhoo ( ) :
    It is very strange for me to Dr Mehdi Hassan to hail the extension decision. i am totally unable to digest his remarks in favour of army. No doubt Mr Kamran Shafi is 100 per cent right in saying that govt has capitulated and this decision reflects its weakness. To quote Dr Ayesha Siddiqa, i think the decision will also affect negatively on the army institution. Posted on : 02/08/2010
    The army will not surrender to the will of the people even if Kiyani’s extention recalled becuase they have nexus with Feudals, Mullah and bureaucracy without breaking that the extention or not have no meaning. But the extention is unjust and unfair which made it clear to the second in command to Kayani that only blackmailing has result. Posted on : 16/08/2010

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    Looking back at General Kayani’s tenure
    By Raza RumiPublished: November 29, 2013
    Share this articlePrint this page Email

    The writer is a policy analyst, consulting editor for The Friday Times and hosts a show on Capital TV. He tweets @razarumi
    General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani retired after leading Pakistan’s most powerful institution for six years. As a close confidante and successor of former president General Musharraf, General Kayani ensured policy continuity and facilitated the return of the army into the barracks. His tenures were eventful yet, turbulent and thus, he leaves behind a chequered legacy. Before his extension in 2010, Kayani led successful operations in Swat and the tribal areas against extremists, and save a few instances, did support the democratic transition. In 2008, he ordered all serving military officials in civil departments to relinquish charge. Despite these commendable measures, the military firmly set and managed foreign and security policies, and faced little or no challenge from the civilian rulers. In fact, following the 2008 Mumbai attacks, former president Asif Ali Zardari and his prime minister(s) gave up the management of the security policy, which had serious ramifications for Pakistan’s governance and economy.
    During 2008-2013, a weak democracy beset by civil-military schisms defined Pakistan’s governance. The military strongly resisted attempts by the civilian government to reform the country’s premier intelligence agency, the ISI. A campaign was orchestrated, which moulded public opinion against the Kerry-Lugar-Berman (KLB) bill in 2009. The KLB bill was projected as an assault on Pakistan’s ‘national interest’). An unprecedented reaction through an ISPR press release (bypassing the ministry of defence) was given to the civilian authorities when the military aired its reservations about the KLB bill. The latter marked a significant shift in Pakistan-US relations: for the first time, an attempt was made by the Obama Administration to engage with the civilian government. Earlier, US relations with Pakistan were mediated through military cooperation, which bred domestic perceptions that the US always backed military dictators in the country. The establishment identified the orchestrator of the KLB bill as Husain Haqqani, our then ambassador in Washington.
    General Kayani’s second term marked a period when relations soured with the US. The Raymond Davis case in 2011 brought into perspective the troubling fault lines in Pak-US ties. There was a propaganda campaign against the civilian PPP government for allegedly helping the US by giving many of its spies visas. Yet, as we found out later, Davis was given safe passage to leave the country by invoking the Qisas and Diyat laws. The popular belief was that this was done through intervention of the establishment. Perhaps, the worst moment in Pak-US relations was the OBL raid of May 2011, which led to much public criticism and even the military’s most ardent supporters were angry over the ‘negligence’ shown by the armed forces.
    The infamous Memogate case was another needless intervention that created more fissures in the civil-military relationship. An unsigned memo addressed to US authorities asking their help in the event of a coup, was the subject of public outcry. The ISI chief reportedly visited Middle Eastern governments, checking potential reactions to a coup in Pakistan. Civilians were seen as ‘traitors’ seeking outside help against ‘national institutions’. All of this happened under the stewardship of General Kayani.
    The ineptitude of Pakistan’s civilians cannot be overlooked either. They were divided and often seemed clueless, especially in terms of giving a direction for the security policy. The end result was that Ambassador Haqqani was sacrificed by the civilian government to pacify the establishment.
    It was expected that after Musharraf, the army would rethink some of its worn-out security paradigms, chiefly, the containment of India at all costs in Afghanistan, the related preference for the good Afghan Taliban and ambiguity in Pak-US relations. Nothing changed. Take the case of drones: the lack of a clear policy has resulted in major public confusion. The state owns and disowns them according to the targets and convenience. This may be a tactical response to manage relationships with a powerful ‘ally’, but it has now divided society and obfuscated discourse on extremism. Most Pakistanis now cite extremism as a ‘reaction’ to drone strikes, which is a fallacious argument. The first suicide bombing took place in 1995, well before the US war on terror. However, these facts have been buried under the imperatives of using anti-Americanism as a bargaining tool.
    Serious questions were also raised about the manner in which the army tackled the Baloch insurgency. Dozens of missing persons still haunt our polity and court petitions, thus far, remain ineffective. The question of ‘foreign’ intervention and support to Baloch separatists is far from settled. A political question needs to have a wider policy response than just brute force.
    On the issue of extremism, General Kayani made several encouraging statements but he could not follow through on the changes that were required. In part, the civilians failed to lead. But the security framework vis-a-vis Afghanistan and India needs to change. For instance, in a speech in August 2012 General Kayani said: “ … the war against [extremism] is our own war and a just war too. Any misgivings in this regard can divide us internally, leading to a civil war situation … ”. Such top-level policy statements remain to be translated into operational strategies. To give credit to General Kayani, he did support the civilian government’s initiative on visa liberalisation and trade with India. Contrary to all speculations, the army did not block or sabotage the relations, except perhaps, that it still wants a carefully calibrated, slower approach to normalisation. Sadly, since January 2013, the clashes along the Line of Control have denuded the modest gains made earlier.
    General Kayani could have done much more, especially during his second tenure but then, narrow institutional interests and short term-ism drive policy in Pakistan. The complicated relationship of the state with the multiple brands of non-state actors will have to be recalibrated for our long-term security. There is acknowledgement that the ‘strategic depth’ doctrine and reliance on proxies have landed us in a royal mess. Our assets have turned into nightmares and for this to change, the army will have to make a fresh start. Let’s hope the civilians will not abandon their role for political expediency. Nawaz Sharif will have to avoid past mistakes, needless power contests to guide the military and assume the responsibility to reset our direction.
    Published in The Express Tribune, November 30th, 2013.
    Like Opinion & Editorial on Facebook, follow @ETOpEd on Twitter to receive all updates on all our daily pieces.


    رذ یل پاکستانی بلاگرز اور صحافیوں کی نشانی: جنرل کیانی کے دور طاقت میں تعریف، ملازمت میں توسیع کی تائید ، ریٹائرمنٹ کے بعد تنقید

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