The usual suspects refute involvement:

US denies reports of Hillary lobbying for Kayani’s extension
Press Trust Of India
Islamabad, July 21, 2010

The US on Wednesday denied reports in Pakistani media that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had lobbied for an extension to be granted to powerful army chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani during her recent visit to the country. There have been reports that the government is mulling a proposal to

grant an extension to Kayani, who is set to retire in November.
The media reports had said Clinton had “effectively lobbied” for an extension in Kayani’s tenure.

A statement issued by the US embassy said that when Clinton was questioned about her views on the matter during her visit, she had replied, “This is an internal matter for Pakistan. We have not, and will not, express an opinion.”

The statement said some media reports had “deliberately misrepresented US policy” and made a “baseless claim of US interference”.

Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani has said it is his prerogative to decide on the issue of extending the army chief’s term.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/US-denies-reports-of-Hillary-lobbying-for-Kayani-s-extension/Article1-575726.aspx

A very very bad decision, even if you look solely from the perspective of professionalism of army. Is there really no one in out mighty army who could command the army?. But who are we kidding? This decision must have been taken under arm twisting by the very general. Lest we could have a direct action in the light of fake degrees and all. But Gilani should not forget that Pak Army chiefs have a long history of biting their civil benefactors.

Ironically, Taliban apologists too are pained by this decision (for altogether different reasons):

کیانی ملازمت میں توسیع مسترد کر دیتے توبہترہوتا، حمید گل
کراچی: سابق جنرل حمید گل نے کہا ہے کہ اگر جنرل اشفاق پرویز کیانی ملازمت میں توسیع کا فیصلہ ازخود مسترد کردیتے توبہترہوتا۔ جنرل اشفاق پریز کیانی کی مدت ملازمت میں تین سال توسیع کا فیصلہ ہوا ہے۔ جس پرآج نیوز سے گفتگو میں سابق جنرل حمید گل نے کہا کہ دہشت گردی کی جنگ کے پس منظرمیں یہ فیصلہ غیر معمولی نوعیت کا ہے۔ یہ معاملہ این آراو کے تناظرمیں بھی دیکھا جاسکتا ہے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ اگر یہ فیصلہ نہ ہوتا توبہترہوتا۔

جمعیت العلمائے اسلام کے رہنما حافظ حسین احمد نے کہا کہ جنرل اشفاق پرویز کیانی کی ملازمت میں توسیع کا فیصلہ درست نہیں ہے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ فیصلہ امریکی دباؤ کا نتیجہ ہے جس کا خمیازہ بھگتنا پڑے گا۔ حافظ حسین نے کہا کہ شخصیات کو ترجیح دینا اداروں کی صحت کیلئے مضرہے۔ وزیراعظم کو یہ فیصلہ پارلیمنٹ کو اعتماد میں لیکر کرنا چاہئے تھا۔

http://www.aajtv.com/urdu/national/2010/07/23/88413_2_story.html

Let’s play democracy, democracy…

Extension is for this:
WASHINGTON: The US Treasury Department on Thursday placed the Haqqani network among the groups promoting terrorism and froze the assets of its emissary Nasiruddin Haqqani along with those of two other Taliban leaders. US acts against Haqqani network
By Anwar Iqbal
Friday, 23 Jul, 2010
http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/front-page/us-acts-against-haqqani-network-370

Kayani, a man for many seasons
BY SHUJA NAWAZ, JULY 23, 2010 Friday, July 23, 2010

In a timely though perhaps overly dramatic move, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani of Pakistan announced last night on national television the extension of army chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani for another three years beyond November this year, when his first term was to end. Timely, since any further delay in announcing it would have led to further speculation and confusion about what was to happen. Dramatic, since the normal manner would have been a press release from the Inter Services Relations Directorate.

But then this is Pakistan and anything to do with the army chief makes headlines. And this announcement further strengthens the view that the army continues to be a key player even as democracy struggles to establish itself in a country that has been ruled for more than half its life by the military.

This is the first time a civilian government has extended an army chief for a full term. In the past, extensions have been either short, given by military rulers to themselves or, in the case of the first military ruler, Ayub Khan, to an ineffectual army chief with no independent power base. Benazir Bhutto sought to break with tradition when she offered an extension to General Abdul Waheed in 1996 but he refused it. Kayani took pains to convey the impression that he would not seek an extension nor negotiate for one. It appears that the government made him an offer he could not refuse.

Kayani is widely regarded as a quiet, professional soldier, who has helped transform the army in his tenure from a largely conventional force to one that is effectively fighting an irregular war inside its own borders. His new tenure gives him a rare opportunity to continue the transformation of the Pakistan into army into a professional body ready to fight insurgencies and conventional enemies equally well. He maintains a low public profile and is seen as a thinking general. Compared with his predecessor, General Pervez Musharraf, who was tempestuous and rarely had time to read, Kayani is deliberate. From the outset, he stated a policy of keeping the army out of politics, a policy that he tried to maintain even while selectively intervening in political squabbles as a referee. In recent months he has played a key role in moving the United States-Pakistan strategic dialogue onto a higher plane in terms of content and action.

While many inside and outside the country have welcomed the move as providing continuity and stability at a time of a raging insurgency and the rise of militancy inside Pakistan, others view it as a retrogressive move away from institutionalizing the selection and promotion system by linking it to personalities. Above all, it is a political move since the final decision was made by a politician. The United States has studiously avoided taking a public position but conversations with U.S. diplomats and military officials over the past few months indicated their deep interest in the future of General Kayani and a noticeable desire to see him remain at the helm of affairs in Pakistan. Yet Kayani on his part has showed no signs that he is or even is willing to be painted as “America’s choice.”

What are the implications of this extension? In the near term, it opens up the possibility of a routine promotion for the next senior most army general to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee when that position falls vacant in October 2010. There may well be an opportunity also to elevate one of the other service chiefs, from the air force or navy, to bolster inter-service cohesion. Within the army there has been some talk of a Vice Chief. This may make sense for such a large army but runs against the grain, since the Pakistan army has a steep pyramid structure. Authority rests in one man: the chief. When I suggested to my own brother, General Asif Nawaz, when he took over as Army chief in 1991 that he appoint a deputy chief to help manage the administrative details of his work, his reply was crisp: “Command is indivisible!” While not supported by historical evidence, this mantra has taken hold in Pakistan and was echoed by General Pervez Musharraf for different and perhaps political reasons, even though he appointed a Vice Chief of the Army Staff. But Musharraf made all the important decisions himself.

In the longer run, the career paths of many senior generals will be affected by this decision. Nearly a dozen operational three-stars (Lieutenant Generals) will retire before Kayani’s new term expires in November 2013. These include a number of very bright and highly trained officers whom he has promoted to three star rank in April this year. As a result, the age and service gap between Kayani and his corps commanders in another two years will be quite large, as he digs down into the ranks order to promote new commanders. The nature and quality of the exchanges between him and his commanders will necessarily be affected, as was the case for General Zia ul-Haq and General Musharraf before him. Few junior officers will be willing to challenge the views of such a senior chief. Yet, he has exhibited a certain collegiality in his exchanges with fellow officers. If he can maintain that approach it will serve him in good stead. Politically, the country will of necessity see another election during Kayani’s extended term, unless things deteriorate so dramatically internally or in relations with Pakistan’s fractious neighbors that the army, under public pressure, mounts another coup. Here, Kayani will fight against historical precedent: in the past, an extension or the dismissal of a chief and replacement by a new chief invariably led to a coup, as mutual suspicions between the civilians and the military was compounded.

A positive spin-off from the extension in the eyes of some may be that a slew of Musharraf promotees will also retire between now and 2013 reducing the tension between them and others vying for the next rung. Some of these are strong professional officers but the taint of having been favored by Musharraf may remain. After all, Kayani too was a Musharraf choice. A major advantage that might accrue is that the certainty provided by the new term for the army chief will allow the civilian government to become confident in asserting itself in policy matters, knowing that the army chief will not overtly intervene in its affairs. This may help strengthen political institutions. At the same time, civilians must resist the temptation to turn to the army to lead the battle against militancy (a national endeavor not purely a military one) or to arbitrate differences on the political field.

These three years should also give Kayani time to assess the present Higher Defense Organization of Pakistan and perhaps come up with a more devolved structure for the army and a better system of command and control at the center. One possible scenario may include regional and centralized commands at four-star rank, appointed by the same authority who selects the service chiefs, and a Chairman of the Joint Chiefs with real powers to regulate all the services while acting as the main military advisor of the government. This approach has been taken by the United States and many other modern militaries, so it would hardly be unprecedented. Without having a stake in the chairman’s position in 2013, Kayani may be able to provide a dispassionate plan for the government to decide, well in advance of the next round of promotions in 2013. Any proposal that he presents as a disinterested party will have credibility and will also help override the parochial concerns of the army relative to the other services in Pakistan.

All this will be against the backdrop of Pakistan’s traditional rivalry with emerging superpower India to the east. Kayani would be key to any effort to reduce hostility and to open the eastern border to trade and traffic. He has already played a role in opening up to Afghanistan and perhaps positioning Pakistan to play a role in the reconciliation efforts of Afghan President Hamid Karzai.

The United States, as a key ally, must also understand that the army chief in Pakistan will think foremost about Pakistan’s interests. To the extent that they have an interlocutor who knows them well, from his extensive U.S. training and contacts, the U.S. will benefit from a clear dialogue. Removing years of mistrust will take a major and longer-term effort. Officer exchanges will help. But most important will be steady provision of the best possible equipment to the Pakistani forces in their battle against insurgents and militants, with no underlying threats or overhanging waivers accompanying those transfers. That is what trust means.

Key to this entire enterprise is the man who will continue to head the Pakistan army beyond President Barack Obama’s first term and into the term of the next elected government in Pakistan: General Kayani, truly now a man for many seasons.

Shuja Nawaz is Director of the South Asia Center of the Atlantic Council.

http://afpak.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/07/23/kayani_a_man_for_many_seasons

Couple of months back I wrote in a comment
http://pkpolitics.com/2010/05/18/capital-talk-18-may-2010/#comment-314883

“There is no doubt that the current heat in the politics is due to the fact that the “Don” is going to be retired. One thing which each “Don” forgets is that even a PM as docile as Muhammad Khan Junejo wants to assert his authority when he knows that parliament and the people are behind him. And they also forget that even Nawaz Sharif would use his authority to appoint the COAS even if at the end he has to appoint Pervez Musharraf.
“Don” wants his cake and eat it too…. however my worry is not the current “Don” but the future “Don” ,, I wish Mr. Zardari best of luck in his choice. Although he did not had a lot of it in case Chaudary Iftikhar who jumped into the lap of the same “Don” ,who took his class on 9th of March, as soon as he was restored by the same president whom he is after. The next 7 months are going to be very interesting…. good thing is that “Dehshat Gard” are on leave these days or perhaps they are busy in some other tasks…”

There is no doubt that the current “Don” of the “mafia” needed an extension , United Nation’s report is a very “significant” document , with Hillary Clinton insisting that OBL is in Pakistan, it will be quite dangerous for him to relinquish the post of COAS. Just as a reminder Ashfaq Kiyani was the DG ISI when Iftikhar Chaudary uttered an “infamous” NO , and he was also present on 9th of March 2007 (nobody knows what he talked to IMC in that meeting). Then he was the VCOAS(practically the commandar of Army) and a month later on 28th of November 2007 he became the COAS, that was the trabulent period which included 27th December 2007 when BB was murdered. For those who have an insight into how the mafia works , know that from October 2007 it was Ashfaq Kiyani who was calling the shots , he quite successfully sidelined his boss (the mad dictator) by using the Media and Judicial movement.

I always keep saying that “Battle is on…….” , the political forces despite all the odds against them have successfully managed to gain some room. Nawaz Sharif and Asif Zardari are back in the country they are at least back to the level where they were in 1999. However the battle is going to intensify in the next three months. Remember that Nawaz Sharif did make Pervez Musharraf Joint Chief of Army Staff and tried to create a feel good factor in media with the general , however within two months mad dictator overthrew NS government.

The announcement by Yousaf Raza Gailani at the late hours of the night and so early before the retirement (which is supposed to be in November 2010) , speaks volume about how intense the battle is between the political forces and the army. The issues like “hearing of 18th amendment” , “Jaali (Fake) Degrees” and “TV anchors playing shouting matches on TV” are very much familiar to the people who know how agencies work in Pakistan. For the surprise of many people these things will not calm down in coming days they will get intensified, remember this extension will have ripple effect in the military, it will be very hard for the current DG ISI to quits when his boss is still in the chair. It looks to me that the visit of Hillary has paniced the army and they had forced the government in a hurry.

salam

i seen your article above disagree on kamran shafi comments and your own comments:

Chief or army staff general kiyani appointment is good for the ppp government. Although they should have thought about a new chief to get more belief in the ppp about their comfort level with the army and instill confidence in the national assembly’s power relative to the army in terms of army out of politics which is now practically guaranteed by extending the general term as coas.

The purpose of the extension is the keep army out of politics and to make ppp get to the end of 5 year term which they will if they hold their coalition together. coas kiyani has kept the army out of politics that is what the ppp need . i strongly suggest that whoever comes in gets a new person to take over from him as they should realise the bloke cant continue regardless whichever political party desire to keep the army out of politics. so that should happen in 2013 and whoever gets the job should do it and this should be announced by the new government of pakistan and thats what ppp should do leave the next chief to the next government of pakistan and dont mean caretaker pm government as this will allow for people to retire and new officers to come through

about army welfare trust and fauji foundation.
Personally i would like the army to get more money for their old soldiers from these business so more self sufficiency from these businesses so less dependency on the pakistan government defense budget wise. They should try to improve the profits of the business they have to push money into army itself so less government spending and the government can spend on the health and education parts they stupidly cut this year. The army needs people in pakistan who have a chance to be something by education and people in the country need to spend less on healthcare if they have a better healthcare system, drinkable water, cheaper healthier food like fruits and vegetables, education not to do or make dirty food or drink dirty water and clean places in villages, cities and other places and there no chance of illness from water or from rubbish or bad sanitation or getting rid of insects that spread illnesses and these people must not end up joining a bunch of extremists.

Good decision. We cannot lose this experienced General at this critical juncture. The Public does not trust the Govt. and it is good to have this steady hand at the Helm.

Nazir Naji is wrong:

وحید کاکڑ سے اپنی نسبت ظاہر کر کے حقیقت میں جنرل کیانی نے یہ بتایا تھا کہ اگر ان کی توسیع پر اعتراضات ہوئے‘ تو وہ اسے قبول نہیں کریں گے۔ وہ خوش نصیب ہیں کہ ملک میں کسی بھی طبقے نے انہیں توسیع دینے پر اعتراض نہیں اٹھایا۔ توسیع بھی ایک سال کی نہیں‘ چیف آف آرمی سٹاف کی مکمل مدت ملازمت کی ہے۔ اس پر بھی پرجوش خیرمقدم کیا گیا۔ میڈیا کا کوئی حصہ‘ کوئی سیاسی لیڈر‘ رائے عامہ کی ترجمانی کرنے والا کوئی حلقہ ایسا نہیں‘ جس نے جنرل کیانی کی توسیع پر اظہار ناپسندیدگی کیا ہو۔

کیا جمہوریت کو گارنٹی مل گئی؟ …..سویرے سویرے …نذیرناجی

Jang, 24 July

The announcement that he will serve an extra three years caused widespread surprise. Most observers expected the general, who is due to retire in November, to get an extension of service, but few thought it would be so long.

The sudden move underscores the army’s strength over the democratically elected government of President Asif Ali Zardari, which has been racked by political turmoil. Kayani will now outlast the prime minister and the president and is likely to oversee the next general election.

The ruling Pakistan Peoples party has no love for the military. The party’s founder, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was hanged in 1979 by an army chief who had staged a coup, while two governments led by his daughter, Benazir Bhutto, were removed through military interventions in the 1990s. Many in the party, now headed by Bhutto’s widower, Zardari, blame the military for her 2007 assassination.

Some government figures had wanted to give a maximum one-year extension to Kayani. But democracy remains fragile and his case was quietly backed by the US military. Opposition politicians have remained silent on the issue.

“This shows that democracy has not taken root. The decision was taken on the basis of obvious pressure from the military. It just shows who’s in power, who’s pulling the strings,” said Asma Jahangir, Pakistan’s leading human rights lawyer and former chairman of the human rights commission of Pakistan. “Every time politicians have promoted someone out of turn, democracy has suffered.” Former prime ministers Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1977 and Nawaz Sharif in 1999 were both ousted by army chiefs that they had hand-picked by breaking the promotion norms.

So far, Kayani has tried to steer clear of political controversy, commanding with a deft touch. He secretly intervened to defuse a political crisis in March 2009, when civil rights activists were marching on Islamabad to try to restore the ousted chief justice to office. Kayani demanded that the chief justice be reappointed, an order that was then carried out in the dead of night.

Kayani’s military runs Pakistan’s security policy and has resisted all attempts by civilians to exercise control over it. The military headquarters in Rawalpindi also controls sensitive areas of foreign policy, meaning relations with India, Afghanistan and the US.

He is a favourite of the west despite the fact that he led the ISI from 2004 to 2007, exactly the period when the Taliban staged their comeback in Afghanistan, allegedly with the agency’s support. Now Kayani is leading the Pakistan military’s efforts to cement a new regime in Kabul that is pro-Pakistan, which means including representatives of the Taliban.

Pakistan increases power of army strongman General Ashraq Kayani
Saeed Shah in Islamabad
guardian.co.uk, Friday 23 July 2010

سپاں دے پتر یار نہیں بندے ؛ چونیاں دودھ پیااے

thanks to humza for pointing out this article – no wonder that the “civil society” reaction to the extension has been so quiet 🙂

http://www.app.com.pk/en_/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=110243&Itemid=2

LAHORE, July 24 (APP): The business community has widely hailed the judicious decision of the government for granting one more term to Chief of the Army Staff, General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani for effectively defeating terror and attaining durable peace in the region.

President Federation of Pakistan Chamber of Commerce and Industry Sultan Ahmad Chawla and VP SAARC Chamber of Commerce and Industry,Iftikhar Ali Malik said that the extension of Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani as Chief of the Army Staff was a must to ensure successful continuation of the war against terror not only in Pakistan but in whole of the region.
They said that peaceful environment coupled with democratically elected stable government is a pre-requisite for sustained economic growth, development and prosperity of the country which they added will only come through a decisive war against terror.
Iftikhar Ali Malik, Founder Chairman Pak-US Business Council, veteran trade leader said that due to the war on terror and unrest in Afghanistan, Pak economy,in all terms including total destruction of infrastructure has so far suffered 3 trillion dollar loss since 9/11. He said it is the massive loss any country faced in the world just for global peace.
He said all its affiliated chambers and associated trade bodies unanimously had already announced unflinching and unwavering full support to the government to stamp out the menace of terrorism.

With General Kayani’s blessings, let’s derail the Pakistan-India talks.

لشکر طیبہ کے سربراہ کی پاکستان آمد

ذوالفقار علی
بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، مظفر آباد
پاکستان کی کالعدم تنظیم لشکر طیبہ کے سربراہ مولانا عبدالواحد کشمیری منگل کے روز پہلی مرتبہ پاکستان کے زیر انتظام کشمیر میں منظر عام پر آئے۔

لشکر طیبہ کا سربراہ مقرر ہونے کے بعد یہ پہلی مرتبہ ہے کہ عبدالواحد کشمیری منظر عام پر آئے

دسمبر سن دو ہزار ایک میں لشکر طیبہ کا سربراہ مقرر ہونے کے بعد یہ پہلا موقع ہے کہ عبدالواحد کشمیری نے پاکستان کے زیر انتظام کشمیر میں کسی اجمتماع سے خطاب کیا ہے۔

یہ اجتماع پاکستان کے زیر انتظام کشمیر کے علاقے کوٹلی قصبے میں ہوا جس میں سینکڑوں لوگوں نے شرکت کی۔

عسکری تنظیموں کے رہنماؤں نے اس موقع پر خطاب کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ بھارت سے کشمیر کی آزادی تک جہاد جاری رہے گا۔

کالعدم تنظیم لشکر طیبہ کے سربراہ عبدالواحد کشمیری نے اپنے خطاب میں کہا کہ ان کی تنظیم اسوقت تک کشمیری عوام کی حمایت جاری رکھی گی جب تک وہ بھارت سے آزادی حاصل نہیں کرلیتے۔

دسمبر سن دو ہزار ایک میں لشکر طیبہ کا سربراہ مقرر ہونے کے بعد یہ پہلی مرتبہ ہے کہ عبدالواحد کشمیری منظر عام پر آئے۔

ان کے بارے میں بہت کم معلومات ہیں کہ وہ کون ہیں اور ان کا تعلق کہاں سے ہے۔

دسمبر سن دو ہزار ایک میں بھارتی پارلیمان پر حملے کے کوئی ایک ماہ بعد پاکستان نے لشکر طیبہ پر پابندی عائد کی تھی۔ بھارت نے پارلیمان پر حملے کا الزام لشکر طیبہ اور جیش محمد پر لگایا تھا لیکن دونوں تنظیمیں اس کی تردید کرتی رہی ہیں۔

نومبر دو ہزار آٹھ میں ممبئی حملوں کے بعد لشکر طیبہ ایک بار پھر دنیا کی توجہ کا مرکز بن گئی۔

ہنددستان نے ممبئی حملوں کا الزام لشکر طیبہ اور جماعت الدعوۃ پر عائد کیا اور اس کا موقف یہ کہ یہ دونوں تنظیمیں ایک ہی ہیں۔

لیکن ان دونوں تنظیموں نے اس الزام کی تردید کی اور جماعت الدعوۃ کا کہنا ہے کہ اس کا لشکر طیبہ سے کوئی تعلق نہیں اور یہ کہ یہ ایک رفاعی تنظیم ہے۔

پاکستان نے ممبئی حملوں کے الزام میں لشکر طیبہ کے آپریشنل کمانڈر ذکی الرحمان لکھوی سمیت سات افراد کو گرفتار کیا اور ان کے خلاف مقدمہ عالت میں زیر ساماعت ہے جبکہ پاکستانی حکام کا کہنا ہے کہ حافظ سعید کے خلاف کاروائی کے لئے بھارت نے جو شواہد فراہم کئے ہیں وہ ناکافی ہیں۔

دسمبر دو ہزار ایک میں ہندوستان کی پارلیمان پر حملے کے کچھ دن بعد حافظ سعید نے خود کو لشکر طیبہ سے الگ کیا اور یہ دعویٰ کیا تھا کہ لشکر طیبہ کے مراکز پہلے ہی بھارت کے زیر انتظام کشمیر میں منتقل کئے گئے ہیں اور یہ کہ عبدالواحد کشمیری کو لشکر طیبہ کا سربراہ مقرر کیا گیا۔

حافظ سعید نے جماعت الدعوۃ کے نام سے نئی تنظیم قائم کی اور ان کا کہنا ہے کہ جماعت الدعوۃ کا لشکر طیبہ سے کوئی تعلق نہیں اور یہ کہ ان کی جماعت پاکستان میں مذہبی اور فلاحی کاموں میں سرگرم ہے۔

لشکر طیبہ کے رہنما ایک ایسے مرحلے پر منطر عام پر آئے جب ہندوستان اور پاکستان کے درمیان خارجہ سیکریڑیوں کی سطح پر ہونے والے مذاکرات بے نیجہ رہے اور بھارت بدستور پاکستان کے ساتھ کشمیر سمیت تمام متنازعہ امور پر جامع مذاکرات بحال کرنے سے انکار کررہا ہے۔

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