Pakistan will not be the first to use nuclear weapons against India – by Hussain Bux Mallah
Zulifqar Ali Bhutto was the founder of Pakistan’s nuclear programme when he was a federal minister for fuel, power and natural resources during Ayub Khan’s government. He continued the nuclear programme as President and then Prime Minister of Pakistan and signed an agreement with France in 1974 for its further processing.
Benazir Bhutto said in March 2005 that her father as the former prime minister of Pakistan told her from prison bars
“I expect Pakistan to have its first nuclear test in August 1977. I was his conduit to the person who was actually running the nuclear program who is no longer alive now. His name was Mr. Munir and he was chairman of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission. He told us that the nuclear test had been delayed to December 1977, and then he told us the nuclear test had been indefinitely delayed.”
The arrival of Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan during 1975 enriched our nuclear arsenals; however, the increasing American pressure forced France to withdraw its technical assistance in 1976. The next year 1977 was the year of coup by an army General, Zia-ul-Haq, who took over democracy in the state of Pakistan.
Pakistan Army and the intelligence agencies completely controlled Pakistan after killing ZA Bhutto in 1978 and deliberately invited non-professional politicians on the basis of various ethnicities, sects and castes. At that time the role of America was acceptable to all religious powers in the world and overwhelmingly in Pakistan.
The Pakistani army and intelligence agencies became powerful supporters of political wings who were against the liberal paradigm and in favour of incursion of USA forces in Afghanistan. NATO forces invested heavily in Pakistan and Afghanistan to crush liberals with the help of local religious groups and non-professional individual politicians in this new political frame. Some could argue that Bhutto was not killed because he favoured liberal and secular states in the world but because of his inclination towards secularization of 25 Islamic states as the third power against extremist communist and religious fundamentalist states.
The political atmosphere and democratic approach of a large number of politicians from various political parties however could not change the inherited doctrine of a few politicians. Pakistan Muslim League by its name is a party of Muslims but in fact many of its factions were able to understand the global atmosphere and also universal politics of democracy, peace and harmony.
Historically, people of Pakistan are more liberal and democratic than the establishment of the state of Pakistan. People of Pakistan are better politicians than the non-professional politicians, anchors and opinion makers.
Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan on 18th October with a mission, which was against terrorism and to rebuild Pakistan as a prosperous democratic state. But on 19th October, her procession for democracy was welcomed with blasts and bullets.
On 18th October 2007 a massive influx of people came from all over Pakistan including Kashmir and they welcomed Benazir Bhutto to Pakistan after her 8 years of self exile. That welcoming party tormented non-professional, neo-liberal, fundamentalists and politicians grown under the shadow of the army.
Our neo-liberal intellectuals who want a rapid economic growth at any cost without any social changes in our country were also nervous. The core anti-democracy groups were not able to gather hundreds of thousands of people so there remained little option except to respond to Bhutto’s politics with bullets and blasts.
Benazir Bhutto’s statements about sharing information with NATO forces about the suspected presence of terrorist groups in Pakistan and her daring offer to IAEA for verification of past and future leakages in atomic energy had actually caused panic among the close allies of terrorists.
But she in actual fact wanted to protect Pakistan from any type of external incursion through a process of democratization in the state. Her welcome in all four provinces of Pakistan and especially in various districts of NWFP was a political challenge to militants, military agencies and their partner politicians. IAEA’s director general Mohamed ELBaradi in his communiqué said that Al-Qaida is preparing to attack western countries and Al-Qaida would use nuclear weapons.
Benazir Bhutto had called the 1990 coup an “atomic coup” because Benazir Bhutto openly declared her nuclear doctrine in April 1989, which was, not to put together different components of nuclear device, and that doctrine was not tolerated. The establishment had to remove Pakistan Peoples’ Party’s government.
A suspected meeting of Al-Qaida leaders with Pakistani nuclear experts in Afghanistan before 9/11 and the statement of ELBradi in the first week of 2008 after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto does not mean that Pakistan will remain a safe state. Benazir Bhutto wanted to save Pakistan at any cost and gave her life for this cause to protect the new generation. She never wanted to see Pakistan as a fragile state like Afghanistan and Iraq.
Political leaders and military generals-cum-politicians never could win the trust of poor and socially marginalized people in Pakistan so they always had to lie to the people. Those political leaders and military generals-cum-politicians have given us a new definition of a politician, ie some one who can cleverly hide or cover issues before the nation may be assumed as a good politician.
Benazir Bhutto came to Pakistan and went to the poor and gave them a clear explanation about national and international politics during her less than 45 days’ stay here. She spent more time with common and marginalized sections of population.
Musharaf had accused Shaheed Mohataram Benazir Bhutto for her own death and the same time he had directly and indirectly observed appealing to people of other ethnicities to fight with Pashtuns and bearded people in Pakistan.
Each general-cum-politician in Pakistan had always ignited ethnic riots and divided people on a linguistic basis. Zia’s non-party basis of election aroused ethnic and caste divides in Pakistan and then Musharaf’s core team had tried to isolate Sindhi speaking people in Sindh and trying to limit the ambit of Pakistan Peoples’ Party as an ethnic Sindhi party only.
The core team of any establishment in Pakistan always stuck to the same objectives and now the judiciary and media which had hard time during Musharraf time have completely forgiven or forgotten Musharraf and his core team. The establishment with help of some anchors and high profile law firms and judiciary is trying to isolate the elected president of Pakistan because of his policy statement regarding use of nuclear arsenals that “his country will not be the first to use nuclear weapons against India”.
The recent verdict of supreme judiciary of Pakistan on NRO is full of Islamic sprit and this final decision has refueled and encouraged General Zia model of establishment in Pakistan. The newly formed establishment against a democratic government of Pakistan is rich comparatively to Zia’s and Musharraf’s because it has support of supreme judiciary, media, civil society and lawyer’s business firms.
The establishment is confident to demoralize the elected president of Pakistan and his democratic, liberal, non-violent and anti-terrorism political party. But the marginalized and poor voters of PPP believe that “democracy is the best revenge” and hopefully they will not allow their leaders for more life scarifications but come forward to save their brave leadership.
Hussain Bux Mallah
[email protected]
شھيد ذالفقارعلي ڀٽو۽ سندس غريب پنجابي دوست
حسين بخش ملاح
اسان وٽ انگريزي لفظ ”پور“ کي سنڌي ۾ غريب ۽ ”پاورٽي“ کي ”غربت“ طور لکيو ۽ پڙھيو ويندو آھي، اصل ۾ لفظ ”پور“ جي معنى آھي ”بکيو“ ۽ ”پاورٽي“ جي معنى آھي ”بک“. عربي لفظ غريب جي معنى آھي ”اجنبي“ ۽ انگريزي ۾ عربي لفظ غريب کي ”مارجينلاعيزڊ“ چيو ويندو آھي. اسان وٽ اصل مسعلو بک جو نه پر غربت جو آھي. ھتي جي معاشري ۾ انسانن جي مخطلف قومن يعني (ذاتن) کي حقارت جي نظر سان ڏٺو وڃي ٿو. انگريز جتي جتي پنهنجا خيمان کوڙيا اتي سماجي اڻبرابري کي قانوني شڪل ڏني.
پاڪستان جي سب ڪان وڏي صوبي پنجاب ۾ انگريزن ”لينڍ الينعيشن ايڪٽ1900“ تحت پنجاب جي غريب قومن کي زمين آباد ڪرڻ يا زمين خريد ڪرڻ کان روڪي ڇڏيو. انگريزن جي حڪومت جي دوران ۽ پاڪستان جو ھڪ ازاد رياست بنجڻ کانپوءِ مھاجر پنجابين جو هڪ وڏو تعداد پاڪستان واري صوبي پنجاب ۾ آباد ٿيو. پنجاب ۾ انسانن کي ٽن طبقن ۾ ورهايو ويو آهي هڪ زمين مالڪان (چوڌهري) ٻيو ڪمين (ناعي، ڪساعي، ميراسي، ڪنڀار وغيره) ٽيون وري خاص طبقو مسلم شيخ (مسلي) عيساعي (چوڙو) وغيره.
زمين مالڪان يعني اراعين، اعواڻ جيڪي پاڻ کي چوڌهري چون ٿا اهي رھاشي علاعقي جا پڻ مالڪ سمجها وڃن ٿا.
پاڪستان ٺھڻ کانپوءِ 1973 واري آئين پاڪستان ۾ رھندڙ ھر انسان کي برابر شھري جو درجو ڏنو۽ ذلفقارعلي ڀٽوجي زرعي اصلاحات واري پاليسي پنجاب ۾ غريب طبقي جي انسانن کي همٿ ۽ حوصلو ڏنو. پر انگريزدور ۾ لاڳو ٿيل ”لينڍ الينعيشن ايڪٽ 1900 “ ۾ ڪا سڌي تبديلي ڪان ڪئي وئي جنهن ڪري غريب طبقي جا انسان اگر زمين خريد ڪرڻ جي سگھ به ساريندا هئا تڏھن به انھن کي سندن زات يا قوم بدلائڻي پوندي ھوئي.
ذلفقارعلي ڀٽوجي زرعي اصلاحات واري پاليسي زمين مالڪان يعني اراعين، اعواڻ وغيره سان سڌي ٽڪر هوئي. پرذلفقارعلي ڀٽو1974 ۾ پنجاب جي زمين مالڪان ۽ حڪمران طبقي سان ھڪ ٻي وڏي جنگ جو اعلان ڪيو. ذلفقارعلي ڀٽو پنجاب صوبي ۾ قانونسازي ذريعي غير مالڪان يعني (ڪمي ۽ مسلي وغيره) لاءِ پنج مرلا رهائشي اسڪيم جو اعلان ڪيو. پنجاب ۾ سفيد رنگت وارا انڍين مهاجر پنجابي جن هميش پنجاب ۽ وفاق تي حڪمراني ڪئي آهي انهن اصل پنجابي يعني (ڪمي ۽ مسلي وغيره) کي غلام رکڻ چاهيو پر ذلفقارعلي ڀٽوانهن کين رهائشي زمين جي مالڪي جو درجو ڏنو.
پنجاب ۾ رهندڙ اڪثر ماڻهون جيڪي پنهنجي نالي سان گڏ زات نٿا لکن انهن جو شمارڪمي ۽ مسلي جهڙي زاتن ۾ ڪري سگھجي ٿو. ”مسلي“ ۽ ”ڪمين“
لفظن کي پنجاب جي خطي ۾ وڏي ۾ وڏي گار سمجهيو وڃي ٿي. جيو ٽي وي کي انٽرويو ۾ عمران خان جيڪو خد مهاجر پنجابي آهي چيو ته ”هم کسي کي ڪمين نهين هين جو ان ڪي هربات مان لين“. ها اگر توهان پڪ ڪرڻ چاهيو ٿا ته ڪنهن چوڌهري دوست کي
” مسلي“ چئي ڏسوسب ڪجھ سمجھ ۾ اچي ويندو. پنجاب ۾ ڪمين، مسلي ۽ چوڙها هڪ وڏي تعداد ۾ موجود آهن پرمھاجر چوڌهري حڪمرانن انهن کي پنهنجن سرن جي بٺن ۽ مينهن جي سنڀال جي آڙ ۾ قرض ۾ وڪوڙي غلامي واري زندگي گذارڻ تي مجبور ڪيوآهي. ڇو جو انهن غريب قومن جو قانوني طور تي رهائشي علائقي (ديه آبادي) ۾ ڪنهن قسم مالڪاڻو حق نه آهي ۽ انسان لاءِ رهائشي زمين ۽ گهر جو پنهنجو هجڻ غلامي کان آزادي واري پنڌ ۾ هميش مددگارثابت ٿيو آهي.
شھيد ذلفقارعلي ڀٽو۽ سندس غريب پنجاب جي اصل وارث دوستن کي رهائشي زمين ۽ گهر جومالڪ بنائي غلامي کان آزادي واري پنڌ ۾ مدد ڪئي پر پنجاب جي انڍين مهاجر پنجابي ارائين زات واري جنرل زيالحق ۽ ٻين چوڌھرين سان جنگ جو اعلان ڪيو.
پنجاب جا اصل وارث موٽ ۾ شھيد ذلفقارعلي ڀٽوکي اڄ به ياد ڪن ٿا ۽ هنن مرلا اسڪيمن کي ”ڀٽو ڪالوني“ جو نالو ڏئي انگريزن جي غلام چوڌهرين کان سندن آزادي جو اعلان ڪري چڏيو آهي. شهيد راڻي بينظير ڀٽو پڻ شھيد ذلفقارعلي ڀٽوجي واٽ تي هلي هڪ دفعو چوڌهرين جي سرن جي بٺن تي قرض ۾ گهيريل مسلم شيخ ”مسلي“ ۽ عيسائي ”چوڙهن“ کي قرض معاف ڪري سندن معاشي ۽ سماجي حيثيت ۾ بهتري آندي. پنجاب جا اصل وارث شھيد ذلفقارعلي ڀٽوجا غريب دوست اڃ به پاڪستان پيپلز پارٽي جا ووٽر آهن ۽ اميد ٿي ڪئي وڃي ته ايندڙ وقت ۾ پاڪستان پيپلز پارٽي شھيد ذلفقارعلي ڀٽوجي ”مارجينلاعيزڊ“ غريب قومن سان تعلق رکڻ وارن دوستن سان يقجهتي جواضهار ڪندي.
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