Establishment’s bastards and people’s bastards – by Wusatullah Khan
We are cross-posting an old article published on BBC Urdu on 20 December 2009. Written by Wusatullah Khan, the following lines provide the crux of the article:
بقولِ شیخ سعدی اصفہان کے بھیڑئیے سے اصفہان کا کتا ہی نمٹ سکتا ہے۔جب تک اسٹیبلشمنٹ اپنے حرام زادوں کو تحفظ دیتی رہے گی۔عوام اپنے حرامزادے ان کے مقابل لاتے رہیں گے ۔۔۔۔
That about sums it up. Given that Pakistan’s military establishment has never tired of fielding their bastards (right from Junejo to Nawaz Sharif to PML-Q to Imran Khan), why should the people, to whom this country really belongs, exercise restraint?
We will keep using the power of vote to bring our own bastards, at least they will be our bastards, so that we don’t have to take to the streets yet again, like we did against previous military dictators and their hand-picked puppets.
While urban-centric liberal proxies of the military establishment are usually busy in writing and publishing articles to prove that the PPP is military establishments’ B-Party, other more objective analysts have offered an alternative perspective.
Nadeem Paracha explains this phenomenon in one of his recent articles on PPP Jiyalas:
In the last thirty years or so, the Urdu word ‘jiyala’ has come down to become an iconic term in the realm of Pakistan’s populist politics. Almost entirely associated (in this context) with diehard supporters and members of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), it is used both as a term of endearment as well as for ideological dogmatism. It continues to attract the curiosity and attention of a number of young Pakistanis.
The PPP jiyala, though sometimes ridiculed by the detractors of the PPP, is largely witnessed as a passionate phenomenon that even the staunchest anti-PPP parties would like to see in their ranks.
So who or what is a PPP jiyala and where did he or she appear from; and why can such people only be found among the PPP’s supporters in spite of the fact that in the last two decades, almost all mainstream political parties have successfully adopted the antics of the country’s first ever purveyor of populist politics, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (the founder of the PPP)?
A jiyala in this respect is a PPP supporter who is bound to stick with the party or with the Bhutto family’s overriding claim over the leadership of the party no matter what state the party is in. He or she would defend it passionately, even fight on the streets and campuses for it, and there have also been cases in which jiyalas have died for the party.
Contrary to the belief, especially among the party’s opponents, that jiyalas are ‘blind followers of the PPP ‘ who unquestionably nod at everything that is dished out to them by the party, the fact is that jiyalas have also been some of the harshest critics of the party that they so intensely love.
There have been a number of reported cases in which jiyalas have publicly confronted the party’s leadership over various issues. According to economist and researcher, Haris Gazdar, who is in the process of conducting an elaborate research on the PPP ‘s support base in the Punjab, the party’s traditional voters remain passive and almost impersonal to the fate of the party when it is in power, but become highly active when it’s in the opposition or facing a challenge from the establishment or the opposition.
ہمارے اور انکے باسٹرڈز
وسعت اللہ خان
بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، اسلام آباد
ہمیں انیس سو اٹھاسی سے اب تک بتایا جا رہا ہے کہ مرحومہ بے نظیر بھٹو اور ان کے شوہر آصف زرداری اور ان کے حوالی موالی اس ملک کا سب سے کرپٹ سیاسی ٹولہ تھا اور ہے۔
مگر یہ کوئی نہیں بتا رہا کہ ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کے ساڑھے چار برس چھوڑ کر یہ کرپٹ ٹولہ تیسری بار کیسے اقتدار میں آگیا۔مسٹر ٹین پرسنٹ کس طرح پارلیمنٹ اور صوبائی اسمبلیوں میں بیٹھے مومنینِ کرام، حاجی صاحبان اور متقی و پرہیزگار ارکان کی اکثریت کے ووٹ سے پاکستان کے صدر بن گئے۔یا تو زرداری کو صدر بنانے والے نیند میں چل رہے تھے یا پھر اتنے بھولے اور معصوم تھے کہ انہوں نے یقین کرلیا کہ جسے وہ صدر منتخب کر رہے ہیں اس کی شکل تو زرداری جیسی ہے لیکن اس مرتبہ اس کے جسم میں ایک معصوم نومولود کی روح حلول کرگئی ہے۔
جس طرح ہم بچپن سے سنتے آئے ہیں کہ آدمی اپنی صحبت سے پہچانا جاتا ہے۔اسی اصول کی بنیاد پر ہم یہ بھی کہہ سکتے ہیں کہ آدمی اپنے ووٹ سے پہچانا جاتا ہے۔اگر کروڑوں عام اور ان کے منتخب کردہ پارلیمانی زرداریوں نے ووٹ دے کر آصف علی اور ان کی جماعت کو پانچ برس کے لیے اقتدار دے دیا تو اس میں افسوس اور واویلا کاہے کو ؟
کیا آپ نے کبھی کسی ایسے ووٹر کو ووٹ کے حق سے محروم کرنے کا قانون بنایا جس پر دودھ میں پانی، پٹرول میں مٹی کا تیل، مرچوں میں سرخ اینٹ کا چورا، چائے میں لکڑی کا برادہ ، منرل واٹر کی بوتل میں نلکے کا پانی ملانے، بلیک مارکیٹنگ کرنے اور دو نمبر دوا، جعلی کھاد، جعلی بیج اور کاغذی سڑک بنانے کا الزام ثابت ہوجائے۔
کیا آپ نے کبھی ایسے شخص کو ووٹ دینے سے انکار کیا جس کی شہرت ہو کہ وہ بینکوں کے قرضے ہڑپ کرگیا ، ٹیکس چوری میں مسلسل مبتلا ہے، جس نے بدمعاشوں، ڈاکووں ، قاتلوں، چوروں اور املاک پر قبضہ کرنے والے پیشہ وروں کا گروہ پال رکھا ہے۔جو عصمت دری کرنے والوں کی ضمانتیں کراتا ہے۔جو جھگڑے کے تصفیے میں نوعمر بچیوں کو بطور ہرجانہ دینے کے فیصلے کرتا ہے۔
کیا آپ نے کبھی سیاست میں آنے والے کسی ایسے ریٹائرڈ ایماندار بیوروکریٹ، جج یا جرنیل کو قومی و صوبائی اسمبلی کا رکن یا ضلعی ناظم منتخب کرنے کی کوشش کی جس کے پاس ایک سے زائد گھر، گاڑی ، بینک بیلنس ، سینکڑوں ایکڑ مراعاتی زمین ، کھاد یا گیس کا مراعاتی کوٹہ یا کسی غیرملکی بینک میں اکاؤنٹ نہ ہو۔
کیا آپ میں سے کسی نے کبھی یہ مطالبہ کیا کہ ہر حاضر سروس جرنیل، جج، بیوروکریٹ یا سیاستداں، جب بھی اعلیٰ عہدہ یا ترقی پائے تو اپنی منقولہ و غیر منقولہ املاک اور کھاتوں کا گوشوارہ پیش کرے۔اور ان میں سے ہر سال بیس فیصد گوشوارے بذریعہ قرعہ اندازی مکمل چھان بین کے لیے منتخب کیے جائیں تاکہ باقی اسی فیصد اگلے گوشوارے میں غلط بیانی نہ کرسکیں۔
یہ وہ سوالات ہیں جو ہر ووٹر کے گریبان میں چھپے ہوئے ہیں لیکن اسے بوجوہ نظر نہیں آتے۔مگر ان گذارشات کا یہ مطلب نہیں کہ گند صاف کرنے کا آغاز ہی نہ ہو۔چلئے آپ مشرف، شوکت، شجاعت سے آغاز نہ کرسکے نہ سہی، زرداری گیلانی سے ہی سہی۔لیکن ان ووٹروں کا بھی تو کچھ کیجئے جو موقع پاتے ہی پھر ایسے لوگوں کو کرسی پر بٹھا دیتے ہیں۔
ایک بات بتاؤں
براعظم وسطیٰ امریکہ کے ملک نکاراگوا میں سموزا خاندان سنہ انیس سو تیس سے انیس سو اناسی تک مسلسل برسرِ اقتدار رہا۔ کسی نے امریکی صدر فرینکلن روزویلٹ کی توجہ دلاتے ہوئے کہا کہ حضور نکاراگوا میں جمہوریت کا سورج کب نکلے گا اور وہاں کے لوگوں کو سموزا خاندان کی حرم زدگیوں سے کب چھٹکارا ملےگا۔روزویلٹ نے کہا یہ سچ ہے کہ سموزا حرامزادے ہیں۔لیکن وہ ہمارے حرامزادے ہیں۔۔۔
بقولِ شیخ سعدی اصفہان کے بھیڑئیے سے اصفہان کا کتا ہی نمٹ سکتا ہے۔جب تک اسٹیبلشمنٹ اپنے حرام زادوں کو تحفظ دیتی رہے گی۔عوام اپنے حرامزادے ان کے مقابل لاتے رہیں گے ۔۔۔
Source: BBC Urdu
Yay! LUBP Endorses Swearing!
Yay,
LUBP endorses profanities, much like their leader who used to call his opponents “suar kay bachay, Behnchood” etc etc.
Pak Tea House » Pakistan » The Establishment’s B-Team : The PPP
The Establishment’s B-Team : The PPP
May 18th, 2008 | 3 Comments
By Samad Khurram and Aqil Sajjad
PPP sympathisers complain about the mysterious “Establishment” and their alleged role in destroying democracy in Pakistan for decades now. The Establishment, as defined by them, is a collection of dark, mystifying hands that apparently have many vested interests in upholding the status quo. This inexplicable group comprises rich army officers, the intelligence agencies and foreign hands who scheme together for their own economic and geo-strategic interests. To support this argument, examples of the Mullah-Military Alliance from the 1980s are repeated. The Establishment supposedly destroys institutions, murders politicians, blackmails judges and leaders, and sustains the Military Inc.
One major threat to the Establishment’s hold would be an independent judiciary – a judiciary that will not bow down to pressure, sticks or carrots. Historically, many verdicts of our courts were not independent but extorted by threats and intimidation. Judges had regularly fallen victim to blackmail and “sex tapes” and received dictations from the Establishment. Judges who were bold enough not to obey the whims of the Establishment were conveniently removed.
Things changed considerably when Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry took charge and reoriented the judiciary’s direction in favour of the people. He was becoming increasingly independent and was beginning to check the excesses of the establishment. Among the most noted examples in this regard were the attempted loot privatisation of the Steel Mills well below their real worth and the case of the missing people illegally abducted and detained by the intelligence agencies.
As he became a growing threat to the Establishment, Iftikhar Chaudhry was summoned to General Musharraf’s camp office in the presence of serving military officers and the infamous Brig (r) Ejaz Shah on March 9, 2007. When he refused to resign, the nation stood up in his defence. This was unprecedented in the history of Pakistan and soon Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry became a national hero, arguably the most popular Pakistani alive today.
After his reinstatement with the support of lawyers, students and civil society the judiciary was able to exercise its powers with increasing independence. Naturally, the Establishment could not allow such a judiciary to flourish, as their dirty games could now be brought to justice before an independent tribunal.
Pervez Musharraf struck back with his Nov 3 martial law and 60 judges refused to recognise it as legitimate. New cronies were appointed in the place of those who refused to bow down and the judiciary was tamed once again.
The results of the Feb 18 elections, however, have presented the PPP and PML-N with a golden opportunity to undo the illegal actions of Nov 3 and restore the real judiciary. Unfortunately, while the PML-N has maintained a clear stance in favour of restoring the judiciary, the PPP has been acting as the “B team” of the Establishment.
It is commonly believed that the NRO prevented the PPP from including the widely popular demand for restoration of the judges in its manifesto. The IRI polls of November suggested that an overwhelming majority (73 per cent) of Pakistanis opposed the PCO judges and Musharraf’s re-election (72 per cent). In addition, 61 per cent of Pakistanis and more than half of PPP voters opposed a Musharraf-Bhutto deal in November 2007. By going against popular opinion and supporting an unconstitutional and widely hated president, the PPP was starting its political decline.
Public sentiment swayed towards the PPP after the tragic assassination of Benazir Bhutto. IRI’s January polls suggested that 50 per cent of Pakistan would vote for the PPP in the elections, up from 30 per cent in November. When the PPP refused to take a clear position for the restoration of the judiciary, its success was reduced to 31 per cent of the total votes in the country and 35 per cent of National Assembly seats. Many people still voted for the PPP in the hope that the absence of an unequivocal stance was only a reflection of different priorities and not as part of the Musharraf-Bhutto deal. The PML-N, on the other hand, gained 5 per cent more seats than earlier calculated — a reward from the people of Pakistan for clearly declaring a no-compromise policy on the restoration of the heroes of Pakistan.
The stance for the restoration of the judges is not only popular but also in the greater interests of Pakistan. By restoring all judges who refused to take oath under the Nov 3 PCO, the judiciary would be cleared of those who could be bought or blackmailed. The judges would only be those who had refused to obey the Establishment’s instructions and stood for principles over positions or money. If the PPP plans to bring to justice the killers of Benazir Bhutto, this independent judiciary will be its best hope for the punishment of the culprits.
Unfortunately, instead of standing up for such a judiciary, the PPP is deliberately confusing a straightforward issue when all that is needed is to provide administrative support to Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and the other deposed judges so that they can go to their chambers and resume their duties. Legally, they are still the real judges since the Nov 3 action was a clear violation of the Constitution.
In the same way, the judges who agreed to collaborate with Pervez Musharraf in this conspiracy can and should be made dysfunctional and tried by a supreme judicial council in light of the last order by the real Supreme Court on Nov 3 barring any judge from taking oath under the new PCO. This is the constitutional position and there is no need to deliberately find excuses for retaining these PCO judges, as the PPP is doing.
The PPP’s delaying tactics and the minus-one, minus-two formulas are seriously undermining its credibility among the people of Pakistan. This is not only threatening its vote bank and creating rifts within the party, it also suggests that the PPP of today is no longer the party of Zulfikar Bhutto – a party that promised justice to all. And worse, by not purging the Nov 3 conspirators from the courts, it is implicitly welcoming similar future takeovers. If an act of the Establishment were to be taken to a court dominated by PCO-powered scions we can easily tell in whose favour they would vote.
We firmly believe that the only way for the PPP to put Pakistan on a sustainable path of democracy is to strengthen institutions and submit to the will of the real rulers — the people of Pakistan. As we had pointed out earlier, an overwhelming majority of Pakistanis not only wants an immediate restoration of the deposed judges but also the dismissal of the Nov 3 PCO judges. By not doing so and aligning itself with the Establishment, the PPP is committing political suicide which, as well as affecting its votes, will leave open the way for future coups by the military establishment.
The wirters are students at Harvard University and members of the Student Action Committees (SAC) of Islamabad and the US. Emails: skhurram@fas.harvard.edu & aqil_sajjad@yahoo.ca
http://pakteahouse.net/2008/05/18/the-establishments-b-team-the-ppp/
The PPP vs the holy nexus of Punjab and the establishment – by Ayaz Amir
http://criticalppp.com/archives/38428
Bhains meree lund pai charh aur ghoom. Yeh LUBP walay mushkil say kisee ko gaalian dainay daitay hain, magar mein in ko maheenoon say keh raha tha gaalian dainay do, kyoun kay Bhains, tum jaisay logon ki haisiat hi gaalion ki hi hai.
@O BHains,
do you have a recorded proof of our leader giving these gaalis? The one you maybe referring to maybe of ZAB, but then he did apologize in a satirical manner?