“The sympathy vote for PPP in rural Sindh is still alive”
Nazir Leghari, a senior journalist and resident editor Jang Karachi, who had been visiting the length and breadth of Sindh province, predicted the precise victory of the PPP a long time back. Here he analyses the reasons that led to this victory for a party that was routed in the rest of the country
By Sidrah Roghay
The News on Sunday: How do you look at the Pakistan People’s Party’s victory in rural Sindh?
Nazir Leghari: The sympathy vote for Pakistan Peoples’ Party is still alive. People in rural Sindh feel they are indebted to the two slain Bhuttos. They also feel that other institutions (judiciary and media) pushed the party to the wall. The party could not save its prime minister, they were not allowed to deliver. This is the general perception in rural Sindh. Therefore the people felt that the Pakistan Peoples’ Party deserved a final chance.
TNS: Will the next five years be important for the PPP in rural Sindh. If they do not deliver, will they loose seats in the next elections?
NL: People do not vote again and again for the same party. There comes a time when they reject the status quo. Take the example of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Even though the Awami National Party gave the province its new name, it gave the Pakhtoons an identity, yet the ANP failed to win a single seat in the province. This was because, in their five years, they did not deliver.
But when you talk about the PPP, there were some programmes which worked in their favour in rural Sindh.
TNS: How much did the Benazir Income Support Programme help?
NL: For a woman who stands for eight hours in a queue for Rs1000, imagine the value of that money for her. The Benazir Income Support Programme definitely played a vital role. Then the PPP government distributed land in many villages to women. This was the first time, any government in Sindh took an initiative to empower the rural women. The government also gave loans of Rs3,00,000. For a small scale farmer, this amount was like so big was a dream come true.
TNS: Was there any other development work apart from BISP?
NL: Despite the two floods in the last five years, agriculture in Sindh did not suffer. In fact, even today Sindh is exporting wheat to Iran. Before the PPP came to Sindh, wheat was going through its worst crisis.
A rural voter is very different from an urban voter. Development for him is not only jobs and schools.
TNS: Are you trying to say that the PPP delivered on the promise of good governance in the last five years?
NL: No, there was massive corruption. Most of their ministers were involved in buying and selling jobs, and promoting their favourites.
TNS: Why did all these ‘programmes’ not work in favour of the Pakistan Peoples’ Party in Southern Punjab a stronghold of the party, otherwise?
NL: The PPP government had promised a Seraiki province. They raised the hopes of the people but then failed to come up to it. The people there felt dejected and depressed. So they did not vote for the PPP.
TNS: Did rigging play a role in PPP’s victory?
NL: Yes it did.
TNS: Are the people of rural Sindh politically mature? Does the role of feudal landlords play a role in defining the voting behaviour?
NL: The collective wisdom of the people is higher than any intellectual. It is wrong to consider them stupid. People vote for their needs. When Zulfikar Ali Bhutto first campaigned in this area, the Islamic parties resisted. They asked people to vote for them to improve their hereafter. But the people voted for ‘roti, kapra aur makaan’. That was their need. Salvation was God’s promise, but from politicians, mortals, they expect tangible promises.
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