Establishment – by Harris Khalique

To me, the ‘establishment’ is also a way of thinking. Its agenda is undoubtedly set by a significant segment of senior civil and military bureaucracy, not all of them, in cahoots with a certain kind of conservative, right-wing politicians. Together they serve the interests common between themselves, the landed elite and comprador bourgeoisie of this country.

In Pakistan, the political crisis is seldom over and most of us are used to blaming it on a thing called ‘establishment.’ Be it our internal matters or external affairs, lack of investment in social sector or heavy indebtedness to international financial institutions, defence spending or lavish non-development expenditures by politicos in power, military jingoism or whipping up of religious emotions by the media, the ‘establishment’ is held responsible for all our ills by commentators of various hues and colours. Even by those who are thought to be the stooges of the ‘establishment’ themselves by others in their own profession.

How do the critics of the ‘establishment’ define it? Some use it as a synonym for the army and since they find it risky to assail the most powerful institution, they liberally use the word ‘establishment’ instead. Others use it for the nexus of civil and military bureaucracy. In smaller provinces, a part of the middle class intelligentsia, qualify the word with an adjective, i.e. Punjabi. They think the ‘establishment’ is dominated by one province and decides everything in its favour.

If you are a sympathiser of a political government, you will somehow see every criticism on their incompetence and inefficiency, corruption and recklessness, as a conspiracy of the vicious ‘establishment’. Those in the opposition would think otherwise. They would believe the ‘establishment’ is unreasonably supportive of the incumbents for some ulterior motive. If the dictator is getting weak, the credit is not given to the struggle of the people. It is said that the ‘establishment’ has finally decided to ditch the dictator. The range of the critics of the ‘establishment’ is so broad that it includes parties from both right and left.

The impression you get from the usage of this word ‘establishment’ by all sorts of different people is that there is an inherent permanence in the concept and there is a group of individuals in certain institutions who call the shots and decide everything by themselves. There is also a feeling of omnipotence that you get from the commentators. Also, it seems to be a monolith. For the benefit of my own understanding and for my readers, all definitions combined would make the ‘establishment’ become ‘a nexus of civil and military bureaucracy dominated by those hailing from Punjab that overthrows governments, decides on behalf of the powerless and use politicians and all state institutions to its own interest — the interest which revolves around selfish pursuit for perpetual power and unabated economic benefit.’

There are two issues that I find troubling in the way the ‘establishment’ is understood by our media commentators and civil society activists as mentioned above. One, the definition has no class dimension, which in my view is essential to understand what the ‘establishment’ is like and how it operates in the interest of a particular class or classes of people. Two, the domination of Punjab is always overstretched. There is no denying the absence of a serious political understanding of other provinces among Punjabi affluent classes, but an honest assessment is required so that the teeming millions of Punjab who live below the poverty line and those inhabiting the southern and western parts of the province are not unfairly accused.

To me, the ‘establishment’ is also a way of thinking. Its agenda is undoubtedly set by a significant segment of senior civil and military bureaucracy, not all of them, in cahoots with a certain kind of conservative, right-wing politicians. Together they serve the interests common between themselves, the landed elite and comprador bourgeoisie of this country.

The writer is an Islamabad-based poet and rights campaigner. Email: harris@spopk .org

Friday, December 11, 2009 (The News)

Comments

comments

Latest Comments
  1. Aamir Mughal
    -