Running Karachi from London like Salvatore Luciano [ a real Mafia Don of New York USA in 30s and 40s] used to run Mafia in New York and Cuba from Rome. The Governor Sindh belongs to MQM Sindh Governor Dr. Ishratul Ebad has said that it is high time to mount check on the freedom of media that was extended by the government itself. He stressed that there should be some check and balance on the freedom and expression of the media. Referring to the May 12 incidents, the governor said it was a fateful day, adding, the government confronted the tragic incidents with courage and strategic policies and achieved success to restore peace in Karachi. He was speaking as chief guest at the inauguration of Chandni Park in Gulshan-e-Iqbal Town on Friday. But ! honourable and very decent and humble Governor Sindh failed to tell us all as to how he would check the freedom of The Guardian Unlimited in UK

The Karachi ruling party ‘run like the mafia’ from an office block in London

· MQM accused of planning carnage which left 42 dead
· Khan calls for leader in UK to face anti-terror charges

Declan Walsh in Karachi and Matthew Taylor Saturday June 2, 2007 The Guardian

http://www.guardian .co.uk/pakistan/ Story/0,, 2093822,00. html

Outside may be Karachi but inside the discreetly guarded room all minds are focused on London. The clock is set to British summer time and a pair of telephones connect to an office 5,000 miles away, from where a controversial Pakistani leader runs his political empire.
Altaf Hussain leads the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) – a powerful, popular and, critics say, thuggish political force that has a vice-like grip on Karachi. At “Nine Zero”, the party headquarters in a middle-class suburb, his presence looms large. A giant poster hangs over the entrance and reverential acolytes speak of “Altaf bhai”, or brother. But the great leader is missing.

Article continues

For the past 16 years Mr Hussain has lived in self-imposed exile in the UK, first as an asylum seeker and now as a British citizen. Based in an office block on Edgware High Street in north London he rules by phone, directing his closest lieutenants in long, late-night conversations. But in Pakistan that arrangement has become a matter of controversy – one about to land at the British government’s door.
Yesterday the cricketer turned politician Imran Khan arrived in London to try to have Mr Hussain prosecuted under British anti-terror laws. Three weeks ago gunmen opened fire on a rally in support of the chief justice, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, triggering a day of bloodshed that left 42 people dead. Mr Khan – as well as lawyers, human rights activists and opposition parties – accuse Mr Hussain of orchestrating the carnage from his sofa in London.

“The whole thing was planned. No British citizen is allowed to sit in London and direct terrorist operations abroad. So why should Altaf Hussain?” said Mr Khan who described the MQM as “a fascist movement run by criminals”.

If Pakistan has to arrest al-Qaida operatives then Britain has an obligation to pick up Mr Hussain, added Mr Khan, who plans to bring a petition to Downing Street. “There’s a war on terror going on but here we have Pakistan’s No 1 terrorist being given sanctuary by the British government,” he said.

The MQM denies the charges, and insists it was the victim and not the perpetrator of May 12. The party says 13 of its own activists were among the dead, and last week it produced a video from May 12 showing apparent supporters of the rival Pakistan People’s party firing their guns in the air. “This is a conspiracy against us. Our decision to hold a rally on May 12 may be open to criticism, but we were not involved in armed attacks,” said Dr Farooq Sattar, head of the party in Pakistan.

But Mr Hussain has little to say. At the MQM’s “International Secretariat” on Edgware High Street – a red brick office block opposite a supermarket – a party official said the leader was not available for comment. But he was happy to show the Guardian around the offices, which he confirmed was Mr Hussain’s London headquarters, and he vowed to repel any court action by Mr Khan.

The fight is getting personal. Back in Karachi graffiti slurs against Imran Khan appeared on walls and the MQM-dominated local government has banned him from the city for one month.

The MQM was founded in 1984 by Mr Hussain, a former Chicago cab driver, and won broad support among the “mohajirs” – Muslims who fled India after partition in 1947. The party prided itself on its well-oiled machine and its secular, liberal outlook. But it was also linked to extortion, gun smuggling and South African crime networks, according to a senior police officer speaking on condition of anonymity. “That’s what happens when a political party is run like the mafia,” he said.

Local reporters have a rich store of-tales from the 1990s. One said she found a severed hand as a warning in her front garden, another was kidnapped from his home.

But since it entered a coalition government with President Pervez Musharraf in 2002, the party has projected a different image based on secularism, economic development and support for the “war on terror”. Moderates such as the Karachi mayor, Mustafa Kamal, boast of new roads, sewage systems and billions of pounds in fresh investment. “MQM believes in every sect and religion. We are against extremism. We were the first people on the streets after 9/11,” he said.

But since May 12 the party’s aspirations of becoming a national force lie in shreds, and there are worrying echoes of past tactics. On Tuesday, three Karachi journalists with foreign news agencies found unmarked envelopes containing a single bullet on their car windscreens. Two of them had earlier been denounced as “anti-mohajir” by the MQM-linked Muhajir Rabita Council.

Will Mr Hussain ever come home? At Nine Zero, where beefy young men with baseball caps stand guard, there is little sign. “We do not want him to come back to Karachi; it is too dangerous here,” said parliamentarian Faisal Subzwari.

But there is always hope. A few doors down Mr Hussain’s deserted terraced house is waiting, protected by blastproof metal shutters. For now, though, it has just one occupant – a 24-hour telephone operator.

Same Aitzaz Ahsan more than year ago had asked to forget 12 May 2007

Same Aitzaz Ahsan more than year ago had asked to forget 12 May 2007 – ‘Forget May 12 mayhem’ March 06, 2008 Thursday Safar 27 ,1429
http://www.dawn.com/2008/03/06/top12.htm

KARACHI, March 5: SCBA president Aitzaz Ahsan on Wednesday advised lawyers to forget the bloody incident of May 12 in which dozens of people were killed on the occasion of a visit to Karachi by deposed chief justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. Mr Ahsan, who arrived in the city on Tuesday for the first time since May 12, said this while addressing members of the Sindh High Court Bar Association.
Mr Ahsan said the city needed peace and prosperity and must not suffer tragic incidents like that. “I have forgotten the May 12 mayhem and would like to request that it is better for all of us to forget that tragic incident,” he said. The May 12 riots were erupted when Mr Ahsan, the deposed chief justice and other leaders of lawyers were barred by the provincial administration from coming out of the airport to attend a gathering of lawyers on the high court premises. The SCBA chief urged the leadership of the city and elders of all the ethics groups to make Karachi a peaceful city, free of ethnic violence.—Reporter

Check this VDO clip !
MQM guys were fired upon by ANP at guru mandir near Aaj TV’s office !
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sfmDzyPY0YA

Pakistan: Information on Mohajir/Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Altaf (MQM-
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,USCIS,,PAK,,414fe5aa4,0.html

Running Pakistan’s biggest city – from London Last Updated: Wednesday, 16 May 2007, 11:33 GMT 12:33 UK http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6658231.stm

The bloody Saturday By M. Ziauddin DATELINE LONDON May 18, 2007 Friday Jamadi-ul-Awwal 01, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/18/fea.htm#2

Muttahida’s swinging pendulum By Maheen A. Rashdi METRO VOICE May 27, 2007 Sunday Jamadi-ul-Awwal 10, 1428 http://www.dawn.com/2007/05/27/fea.htm

Main Culprit of 12 May 2007 Tragedy.

De facto Sindh CM finally transferred Monday, April 21, 2008 By Hamid Mir
http://www.thenews.com.pk/print3.asp?id=14221

ISLAMABAD: The man who has ruled Sindh as a de facto chief minister for many years finally lost his powers on Saturday.

Brigadier Huda, who was an ISI commander in Sindh, was in fact the caretaker of the MQM-PML-Q provincial coalition government. He was responsible for running the coalition in a smooth manner. All major decisions were taken after his consultation.

He resolved the differences between former CM Arbab Ghulam Rahim and the MQM many a time. Many provincial ministers even used to say “ooper Khuda aur neechay Huda”. The brigadier’s name figured in the power circles of Islamabad in the evening of May 12, 2007. Brigadier Huda was given credit for the show of massive government power in Karachi on that day.

Initially, the MQM was reluctant to hold a rally in Karachi on May 12. The then ISI DG Gen Ashfaq Kayani also had the same opinion that the MQM should not come out on the streets when Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry would visit Karachi. It was Huda who played an important role in convincing the MQM not to cancel its rally. He assured the MQM leadership that there will be no riots on that day though he was proved wrong. He was supposed to be very close to the then Army chief General Pervez Musharraf. However, no action was taken against him.

The blasts in the rally of Benazir Bhutto on October 18, 2007 in Karachi were another failure of Brigadier Huda. He was responsible for the security of Benazir Bhutto on that day more than anybody else. However, he was not transferred despite his repeated failures. His downfall started on April 9, 2008, when many people including lawyers were killed in the Karachi violence. It was another failure on the part of Huda. The new PPP government in Sindh felt that Brigadier Huda was still having immense political influence. It believed that he was in contact with the anti-PPP forces. Many important bureaucrats reported to the provincial government that Huda was interfering in different departments. He was more interested in “political makings and breakings” than doing his security job.

After the episode of April 9, PPP leaders asked ISI Director General Lt Gen Nadeem Taj through the prime minister that Huda must be transferred. It took just a few days and Huda was transferred. He was replaced by another brigadier. The PPP gave a message that it means business and it will not tolerate any ambitious spymasters.

There are rumors in the capital that the ISI DG will also be transferred soon but highly-placed sources in the new government dispelled all these rumours. “The prime minister has the authority to change the ISI DG anytime but right now we don’t need to change him,” claimed a top PPP leader.

Jafeery : Seems Aamir Mughal an Ethnic Sindhi appointed in IB on political grounds by PPP and always worked against the Mohajirs and MQM in 1992 Operation feeling the heat and starts his rhetoric against MQM in Bugz e Mavia. Mr Mughal were you sleeping on 12 May 1999 when you didn\’t said a single word against MQM ?

For example I have written long ago:

GEO TV’s Tickers & Shaheen Sehbai incite MQM-PPP Clash.
http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2010/01/geo-tvs-tickers-shaheen-sehbai-incite.html

Jafeery : Seems Aamir Mughal an Ethnic Sindhi appointed in IB on political grounds by PPP and always worked against the Mohajirs and MQM in 1992 Operation feeling the heat and starts his rhetoric against MQM in Bugz e Mavia. Mr Mughal were you sleeping on 12 May 1999 when you didn\’t said a single word against MQM ?

Dear Jaffery Sahab,

Would you like to explain as to why MQM despite knowing the role of the police promoted those very officers who took part in MQM Operation????

It is entirely a different debate whether MQM {Ethnic Party of Southern Province Sindh, Pakistan and partenr of Musharraf Military Govt}is Fascist party, Terrorist Party, Extortionist group, simply a mob to be precise Mafia, and any other bad name you want to give the group. It is also a different debate that MQM is a back stabber {back stabbed PPP in 1989}.

The MQM leadership is least bothered that it is their own voters who are suffering due to their petty politics, the MQM is doing the same what the Jamat-e-Islami did right from 1947 to 1986 and it cost JI much. On Oct 31 2004 Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz assured families of the 28 missing supporters of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement that his government would make every possible effort to locate the missing people. The prime minister expressed his serious
concern over the situation and noted that these people could not be located for a decade together. “I realize that the absence of a family member, especially a male one, creates a great vacuum in the family. It is really agonising when a loved one goes missing and the family fails to get any information about the person’s whereabouts,” he said. “The history cannot be changed,” he remarked, and added that the government, however, would certainly make efforts to locate the missing people. They complained that for the past eight years, they had been appealing to different quarters for help in locating them, but to no avail. They complained that no action had been taken again the police officials involved in the affair although eyewitnesses were there. Instead of punishment, such officials got promotions, they regretted. They recalled that in 1997, due to the efforts of the then army chief Gen Jehangir Karamat, lives of four other arrested people had been saved. However, they added, the matter had been pushed into dormant alleys. The adjutant general of the army had termed it ‘a sensitive matter’.

The words and contents of Police Press releases and Govt. News agencies were taken as a cardinal truth particularly in the case of Extra judicial Encounters rather fake encounters in respect of MQM activists, the authorities after annihilating any such political activist used to declare them Hardcore Terrorist. Nobody asked any questions about the claims regarding MQM activists {some of them carried head money like nowadays suspects of Jihadi Activists} . It is very simple if somebody is a terrorists then he or she may be produced in the court of law to be prosecuted properly and his or her cases be analyzed threadbare as to how they are Terrorists? Declaring somebody Terrorist is no nonsense issue, it’s really a serious matter.

Let see how these Extra judicial Killing, Camera Trial, Summary Military Courts, Habeas Corpus media Trials, Unlawful Entry, False Witnesses for desired conviction from courts and other such repressive measures are Anti-Justice even if the accused are worst offenders:

ALL OF THOSE MEASURES WHICH ABSOLVE AUTHORITY FROM ANY RESPONSIBILITY NEGATES QURAN:

a- O ye who believe! Be ye staunch in justice, witnesses for Allah, even though it be against
yourselves or (your) parents or (your) kindred, whether (the case be of) a rich man or a poor man, for Allah is nearer unto both (than ye are). So follow not passion lest ye lapse (from truth) and if ye lapse or fall away, then lo! Allah is ever Informed of what ye do {Women-IV (Soorah Al-Nisa) Verse 135}.

b- O my people! Give full measure and full weight in justice, and wrong not people in respect of their goods. And do not evil in the earth, causing corruption. {Hud-XI (Soorah Hud) Verse 85}.

CAMERA TRIALS NEGATES QURAN:

a- Lo! Cospiracy is only of the devil, that he may vex those who believe; but he can harm them not at all unless by Allah’s leave. In Allah let believers put their trust. {She That Disputeth LVII (Soora Al-Mujadila) Verse 10 and 11}.

b- “With hearts preoccupied. And they confer in secrets”. {The Prophets XXI (Soora Al-Anbia) Verse 3}.

c- “There is no good in much of their secret conferences save (in) him who enjoineth almsgiving and kindness and peace-making among the people.{Women IV (Soora Al-Nisa) Verse 114).

MEDIA TRIALS NEGATES QURAN:

a- O ye who believe! Let not a folk deride a folk who may be better than they (are), nor let women (deride) women who may be better than they are; neither defame one another by nicknames. Bad is the name of lewdness after faith. And whoso turneth not in repentance, such
are evildoers. {Private Apartments XLIX (Soora Al-Hujrat) Verse 11).

b- O ye who believe! Shun much suspicion ; for lo! some suspicion is a crime. And spy not, neither back bite one another. Would one of you love to eat the flesh of his dead brother? Ye abhor that (so abhor the other)! And keep your duty (to Allah). Lo! Allah is relenting and Merciful.{Private Apartments XLIX (Soora Al-Hujrat) Verse 12).

UNLAWFUL ENTRY NEGATES QURAN:

a- O ye who believe! Enter not houses other than your own without first announcing your presence and invoking peace upon the folk thereof. That is better for you, that ye may be heedful. {Light XXIV (Soora Al-Noor) Verse 27}.

FALSE WITNESSES NEGATES QURAN:

a- O ye who believe! If an evil-liver bring you tidings, verify it, lest ye smite some folk in
ignorance and afterward repent what ye did {Private Apartments XLIX (Soora Al-Hujrat) Verse 6).

b- (O man), follow not that whereof thou hast no knowledge. Lo! The hearing and the sight and the heart- of each of these it will be asked. {Children of Israel XVII (Soora Bani Israel) Verse 36}.

c- Lo! Allah commandeth you that ye restore deposits to their owners, and, if ye judge between mankind, that ye judge justly. Lo! Allah is ever Hearer, Seer {Women – IV (Soora Al-Nisa) Verse 58}.

d- O ye who believe! Be steadfast witnesses for Allah in equity, and let not hatred of any people seduce you that ye deal not justly. Deal justly, that is nearer to your duty. Observe your duty to Allah. Lo! Allah is informed of what ye do {The Table Spread V (Soora Al-Maida) Verse 8}.

e- And those who accuse honorable women but bring not four witnesses, scourge them (with) eighty stripes and never (afterwards) accept their testimony. They indeed are evil doers {Light – XXIV (Soora Al-Noor) Verse 4}.

Holy Prophet Muhammad {PBUH} said: He who misappropriates the right of a Muslim by taking a false oath, Allah will make the fire of Hell expatiate for him and will declare Paradise forbidden for him. A person said to him: Messenger of Allah, even if it is something insignificant? He {PBUH} replied: Yes, even if it is the twig of the Arakk tree. {Muslim}

POLICE TORTURE IN THE LIGHT OF HADITHS:

1- Holy Prophet Muhammad {PBUH} said: A woman was tormented because of a cat, which she had confined until it died and she had to get to Hell. She did not allow it either to eat or drink as it was confined nor did she free it so that it might eat the insects of the earth. {Muslim}.

Note: Keep in mind that above Hadith is about a cat and what our State do with innocent citizens in the name of Interrogations must be reviewed rather this whole method be dumped. Human Life is far superior than Cat and Hazrat Omer {RA} declared that life of a Muslim is sacred than Holy Kaaba. All those who were persecuted in Pakistan were Muslims but Mullahs and their Decree Issuing tongues were tied before 9/11.

2- Ibn Umar {RA} reported that he happened to pass by some young men of the Quraish who had tied a bird at which they have been shooting arrows. Every arrow that they missed came into the possession the owner of the bird. No sooner did they see Ibn Umer {RA} they went away. Thereupon Ibn Umer {RA} said: Who has done this? Allah has cursed him who does so? Verily, Holy Prophet Muhammad {PBUH} invokes curse upon one who makes a living thing the target (of one’s marksmanship). {Agreed Upon Hadith}.

3- Abu Masud {RA} reported: I was beating my slave with a whip when I heard a voice behind me. It was: Abu Masud, bear in mind. I did not recognize the voice due to intense anger. Abu Masud reported: As he came near me, I found that he was the Messanger of Allah {PBUH} who was saying: Bear in mind, Abu Masud, bear in mind Abu Masud. Abu Masud said: I threw the whip from my hand. There upon he {PBUH} said: Bear in mind, Abu Masud: Verily Allah has more dominance upon you than you have upon your slave. Then I said: I would never beat my servant in future. {Muslim}.

PREREQUISITE FOR JUDGES AND LAW ENFORCERS:

a- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said: The people before went astray and were ruined because if a noble person committed theft, they used to leave him but if a weak person among them committed theft, they used to inflict the legal punishment on him. By Allah, if Fatima, the daughter of Mohammad, committed theft, I will cut off her hand. (Agreed upon Hadith).

b- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said: If Allah appointed anyone of you rules over a people and he died when he was still treacherous to his people, Allah would forbid his entry into Paradise. {Bukhari and Muslim}.

c- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said: He who doesnot look after his subjects with goodwill sincerity will be deprived of the fragrance of Paradise. {Ref}.

d- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said: A ruler who having control over the affairs of the Muslims, doesnot strive diligently for their betterment and does not serve them sincerely, will not enter Paradise with them. {Ref}.

e- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said: Allah, when one who is appointed as a ruler over my people troubles them, you should trouble him also and when he adopts a gentle attitude towards them, you should show mercy to him. {Muslim}.

f- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said: Fulfil the covenant of allegiance which is sworn first (then swear allegiance to the others). Conced to them their due rights and ask Allah for that which is due to you. Allah will call them to account in respect of the subjects whom He had entrusted them. {Bukhari and Muslim}.

g- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said: If Allah invites some one with administration over the Muslims and he shows negligence towards fulfilling their needs and objects and removal of property, He will act in a similar way on the Day of Judgement. {Abu Dawud and Tirmidhi}.

h- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said: The best of your rulers are those whom you love and who love you, who invoke Allah’s blessing upon you and you invoke His blessings upon them. The worst of your rulers are those whom you hate and who hate you and whom you curse and who curse you. It was asked (by those who were present): Should not we overthrow them with the help of sword. He said: No, as long as they establish prayer among you. {Muslim}.

i- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said: It is obligatory upon a Muslim that he should listen (to the ruler) and obey whether he likes it or not except when he is ordered to do a sinful thing, in such case there is no obligation to listen or to obey. {Agreed Upon Hadith}.

j- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said: Do not long for position of authority. If you are granted this position without asking for it you will be helped in discharging its responsibilities, but if you are given it as a result of your requesting for it, you will be left alone as its captive. If you take an oath to do a thing and then find a better alternative, you should adopt the latter and expiate your oath. {Agreed Upon Hadith}.

k- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said to Abu Zarr (RA): Abu Zarr, I find you weak and I desire for you what I desire for myself. Do not rule over (even) two persons and do not manage an orphan’s property. {Muslim}.

l- Abu Zarr (RA) said to The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH): Why do you not appoint me a collector? He (PBUH) patted me on the shoulder and with his hand and said: Abu Zarr, you are a weak man and it is a trust and it will be a cause of disgrace and repentance on the Day of Resurrection except for one who takes it up with a full sense of responsibility and fulfils what
is entrusted to him (discharge its obligations efficiently). {Muslim}.

m- The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said to Abu Huraira (RA): You will be greedy for getting a position of authority, but remember that it will be a cause of humiliation and repentance on the Day of Resurrection. {Bukhari}.

n- Hazrat Abu Musa Ashari (RA) said to The Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH): Messenger of Allah, appoint me governor of some land over which Allah gave you ruling authority. The other also requested for something to the same effect. The Messenger of Allah (PBUH) said: By Allah, do not appoint against this post anyone who seeks it and is greedy for it. {Agreed Upon Hadith}.

o- When Hazrat ABU ZAR (RA) requested the Holy Prophet (PBUH) for appointment to a public office, the Prophet Mohammad (PBUH)said, “public office is a trust, a source of lamentation and remorse on the Day of Judgement”.{Muslim}.

p- “To treat people equally in your presence in your company and in your decisions so that the weak despair not of justice and the strong have no hope of favour”. {Hazrat Omer (RA)’s advisory note to Koofa (Iraq)’s Governor}.

Read an interesting article below

Legitimizing the extra-judicial killings PAK TRIBUNE REPORT Tuesday November 01, 2005 (1208 PST)

It may be surprising for others but not for Pakistanis that an elected prime minister could be ousted, jailed and even hanged on the charges of extra-judicial killings, but the real people behind it always remain untouchables no matter if political parties or army rule the country. Who are these untouchables? Of course, the police, the state`s one of the most lethal and cruel tools.

On November 6, 1996, the then Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) government, led by Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was dismissed by the former President, Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari on the charges of corruption, misuse of authority, and most importantly, the extra-judicial killings in Karachi during 1994 to 1996. Hundreds of people, mostly political activists belonging to the Muttehida Quami Movement (MQM), a major coalition partner in incumbent federal and provincial governments. The MQM claims that thousands of its activists were killed in fake police encounters since June 19, 1992 to October 12, 1999 in the successive governments of Nawaz Sharif, Benazir Bhutto and again Nawaz Sharif.

The MQM blames the late Chief of Army Staff, General Asif Nawaz for the army action and extra-judicial murders of its workers in Karachi, Hyderabad, and other urban areas of Sindh. The alleged army action was commenced on June 19, 1992 when the MQM had been in power both in the center and the province. A majority of MQM leaders, including ministers, MNAs and MPAs had gone underground to avoid raids and arrests.

The MQM Chief Altaf Hussein had left for London much before the operation started where he had applied for political assylum, and has recently got the UK citizenship. Hundreds (MQM claims thousands) of workers were arrested by the law enforcing agencies, while Brigadier Haroon of Pakistan Army claimed to
have recovered huge cache of weapons, tools used for torture and maps of Jinnahpur(a seprate homeland for Mohajirs) from the alleged torture cells run by the MQM in different parts of Karachi and Hyderabad. The MQM alleges that thousands of its workers had been brutally tortured and killed by the law enforcing agencies ( army, rangers and police) during Karachi operation, and generally, the police were used for that. The government of the then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was dismissed by former President Ghulam Ishaq Khan in 1993, but operation against MQM continued. In the wake of general elections in 1993, former Premier Benazir Bhutto came into power for the second time. Surprisingly, the MQM which had been lambasting Nawaz Sharif for operation against its workers, made adjustments with the PML(N) in provincial assembly elections in Karachi, Hyderabad and Mirpurkhas in 1993. The MQM`s checkered politics took another dramatic turn when it had decided to support Farooq Ahmed Leghari, the PPP`s candidate for the post of president thus helping him have an easy entry to the president house in 1993 president election. However, the relations between the PPP and the MQM had gone bitter in the end of 1993 when the latter blamed the former for violating the agreement struck between the two parties on the eve of president election. Whereas, the PPP had started to blame the MQM for unleashing and patronizing terrorism in the city The spree of extra-judicial murders reached at its zenith in 1994 when the then Interior Minister, and a former army general, Major General Naseerullah Khan Babar took the reigns of alleged operation in his hand. From1994 to 1996 (till the ouster of Ms Bhutto`s second government), the MQM had intended to nominate Mr Babar in almost all the FIRs in connection with extra-judicial killings of its activists, which understandably could not be done as the police had refused to register FIR against the former interior minister. Mr Babar had imported a police officer Shoaib Saddal from Islamabad as DIG Karachi in 1995 who later was indicted in the extra-judicial murder of Mir Murtaza Bhutto, the younger brother of Benazir Bhutto and chief of its own faction, the PPP(Shaheed Bhutto). Murtaza Bhutto was killed in a police encounter on September 20, 1996 just a few steps away from his 70 Clifton residence.

During Karachi operation, several police officers had not merely earned popularity for their involvement in extra-judicial killings but also got promotions for killing the political activists in fake encounters. SHO New Karachi Police Station, Inspector Bahadur Ali had emerged as an anti-MQM police officer in 1992 as the MQM had blamed him for various fake encounters, torture and registration of fake cases against its activists. Bhadur Ali was later assassinated by “unknown terrorists” in 1993. His son Irfan Bahdur was appointed as a DSP directly by the then government as compensation. In 1995, a team of anti-MQM officers was set up by the then DIG Shoaib Saddal which included Inspector Zeeshan Kazmi, Inspector Aslam Hayat, Inspector Chaudry Aslam Khan, Inspector Sarwar Commando, Inspector Taufiq Zahid, Inspector Rao Anwar Khan, Inspector Bahauddin and Inspector Nasir Zaidi. This team was later patronized by a former IG Sindh, Maqbool Rana during the second stint of Nawaz Sharif from 1997 to 1999. These officers emerged as a sign of terror for the MQM as the latter blamed the former for unleashing a reign of extra-judicial killings of its activists. Inspector Aslam Chaudry who now has been promoted to the post of SP, had raided the MQM`s headquarters commonly known as Nine-Zero in 1999 and allegedly harrassed the party leaders present there including a former senator Aftab Shaikh. Inspector Rao Anwar had allegedly killed some accused (MQM activists) who were on remand. Rao Anwar claimed that he was taking the accused to the police station, some unidentified terrorists attacked the police vehicle. As a result, all the accused were killed but surprisingly, all the policemen remained unhurt. Inspector Zeeshan Kazmi had earned the reputation of a police officerwho was not answerable to even the IG and DIG. These officers were also charged with receiving heavy bribes from the families of the political workers for their release. The MQM leaders by time and again had vowed to bring these officers to the justice whenever it came into power. The MQM Chief Altaf Hussein had even threatened to move to the international court of justice against the extra judicial killings. Dr Farooq Sattar, Kanwar Khalid Younas, Aftab Shaikh, Nasreen Jalil and others used to hold successive press conferences at Karachi Press Club during that entire period to inform the newsmen about the extra-judicial activities of these police officers. They had repeated their plans to bring these officers to the justice in the press conferences. Of course, some of them have been brought to the “justice”. Inspector Zeeshan Kazmi , Inspector Aslam Hayat, Inspector Taufiq Zahid and various other police personnel known to be anti-MQM have been assassinated during last three years.

The remaining unwanted police officers have now become the blue-eyed boys of the MQM. When the incumbent Sindh government was installed in the wake of October 2002 elections, the then advisor to Chief Minister on Home Affairs, Aftab Shaikh had transferred some of these unwanted police officers including Aslam Chaudry, Irfan Bahadur, and Taufiq Zahifd to the interior of Sindh, however, no case was registered against them. A single-column news appeared in the newspapers at the advent of this year stunned the MQM workers but not the political analysts. The news was about the appointment of Chaudry Aslam as in charge of the newly established Industrial Crime Unit with DSP Irfan Bahdur , and Inspector Sarwar Commando his
assistants. The latest news is that another undesirable officer Rao Anwar who had been on long leave and enjoying the festivties of federal capital, has also joined the ICU. Other Karachi operation master officers, Inspector Nasir Jafri, Inspector Bahauddin are also enjoying the impunity granted by the coalition government.
The Sindh Interior Minister Rauf Siddiqui who belongs to MQM has “no words” to praise the performance of Aslam Chaudry and company. And it is understandable, as Aslam Chaudry had managed to arrest the former underworld don. Shoaib Khan a few months ago, who had allured hundreds of MQM workers. Shoaib Khan, once an untouchable, died in Central Jail Karachi in mysterious circumstances. This situation is embarrassing and antagonizing for the MQM activists who have to defend their party, which is patronizing the “killers” of their friends and partymen. They are unable to comprehend that why their party has legitimized the extra-judicial killings of its activists? Rauf Siddiqui and other MQM leaders have no idea that how pinching it is for their party workers when they (MQM leaders) praise and patronize the
police officials who earlier had been declared “butchers” and “killers” of their friends and colleagues. But they should understand that this is politics wherein , the blood of ordinary political workers is not thicker than water. Their blood is meant for being exploited by their leaders. Ends

1- Families of missing Muttahida men assured of help By Our Reporter

http://www.dawn.com/2004/11/01/nat8.htm

2- Holy Quran.

3- Riayd-us-Swaleheen by Imam Nuwvi {Rehmatullah Aleh} [Hadiths].

4- Legitimizing the extra-judicial killings PAK TRIBUNE REPORT Tuesday November 01, 2005 (1208 PST)

http://www.paktribune.com/news/index.php?id=124234

Jafeery : Such stupid posts and calling 12 May the blackest day of Karachi is itself a Mazaak with the people of Karachi , Why LUBP didn\’t post something like this Last year ? Were they sleeping last year and forget to post something about 12 May in 2009? Seems that PPP is in pressure the internal fighting, the names of PPP heavy weights in BB murder and the weakness of PPP made the site admin to post an article on 12 May as they want to divert the attention of people from the issues PP is facing. Why they didn\’t tell everyone that The Gruesome Murder of this young Urdu Speaking guy from the hands of ANP, PPI and other Pushtons starts the brutal fight on 12 May. Strangely ANP didn\’t participated in CJP rallies any where except Karachi, Why they only took part in Karachi is a Question.

Explain this behaviour?

After all these Killings————Politics goes on and if that visit was due then why this visit was not arranged earlier to avoid the bloodletting of Innocent human beings [both Pashtuns and Urdu Speaking].
MQM team visits Mardan House Updated at: 1955 PST, Monday, February 08, 2010 http://www.thenews.com.pk/updates.asp?id=98182 KARACHI: The MQM’s Rabita Committee has said that Muttahida Qaumi Movement wants to put the province and the country on the path of progress by talking along Awami National Party. According to a statement issued here on Monday, an MQM delegation headed by Wasim Aftab and Raza Haroon has visited Mardan House and condoled ANP’s provincial leadership at the demise of veteran politician Ajmal Khatak.
7 Karachi firing victims laid to rest Friday, February 05, 2010 Our correspondent http://thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=222584
Meanwhile, ANP leader and senior minister from the NWFP, Bashir Ahmad Bilour, arrived in Karachi to ease tensions between the parties in the provincial coalition. Speaking at a press conference on Thursday at the Karachi Press Club, Bilour said that the ANP is ready to go everywhere, including the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) headquarters Nine-Zero, for talks which may help maintain peace in Karachi. MQM, ANP exchange barbs Friday, February 05, 2010 By our correspondents http://thenews.jang.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=27073

Jafeery :
Seems Aamir Mughal an Ethnic Sindhi appointed in IB on political grounds by PPP and always worked against the Mohajirs and MQM in 1992 Operation feeling the heat and starts his rhetoric against MQM in Bugz e Mavia.
Mr Mughal were you sleeping on 12 May 1999 when you didn\’t said a single word against MQM ? 12 May was not the black day for karachi. The blackest day was 15 Dec 1986 when more then 400 innocent Men Women and Children were massacred, Raped and burnt alive in Qasba Aligerh Colony from the hands of Pushtons just because they speaks Urdu. Such stupid posts and calling 12 May the blackest day of Karachi is itself a Mazaak with the people of Karachi , Why LUBP didn\’t post something like this Last year ?

MQM, G M SYED & MQM Politics in Punjab.

I wonder what kind of political understanding between MQM and PML-N was? On one PML-N allow MQM to hold rallies and on the other allow PML- Leaders to badmouth MQM????

Politics for poor not possible from London: Rana Monday, April 26, 2010
News Desk News Deskhttp://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=236104

FAISALABAD: Punjab Minister for Law Rana Sanaullah, reacting to MQM chief Altaf Hussain’s statement, said that politics for the downtrodden and common people cannot be carried out from London and no poor man can live such a lavish life there. Talking exclusively to Geo News here on Sunday, he said the case of Karachi will be kept in view to determine the percentage of feudals and landlords who have been hijacking the power. These facts will be put before the people, he added. “Nobody is restricting any political party from carrying out its activities in the Punjab and we welcome the MQM in the province,” Rana Sanaullah said. He said whatever MQM says represents its own perspective; the acid test will be the number of votes cast in its favour. It will be fair if anyone buys their standpoint, because this is exactly what the democratic process is all about, he added.

Sunday, April 25, 2010, Jamadi-ul-Awwal 10, 1431 A.H
http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/apr2010-daily/25-04-2010/u28942.htm

MQM shifts blame for 1992 operation from military to Nawaz Wednesday, September 02, 2009 News Analysis By Amir Mir http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=24255

LAHORE: The much trumpeted 1992 operation clean-up in Sindh had actually been launched against the backdrop of the infamous ‘Major Kaleem kidnapping case’, when a serving Army major was abducted and tortured, allegedly by a group of activists belonging to the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (which was then known as the Muhajir Qaumi Movement).

While the MQM leadership has recently blamed former prime minister Nawaz Sharif for the 1992 operation and asked him to apologise for the atrocities committed during his tenure, it remains a fact that the MQM high command had held at that time the military leadership responsible for the action, saying it actually wanted to avenge the honour of Major Kaleemuddin.

As a matter of fact, Major Kaleemuddin of the Field Investigation Unit (FIU) of the Army had been tasked to restore peace in the trouble-stricken Landhi area of Karachi. He was abducted on June 20, 1991, along with a few subordinates, while in civvies ñ the night when the MQM-Haqiqi led by Afaq Ahmed made an abortive attempt to take over Landhi offices of the Altaf-led MQM, called Muhajir Khel. This led to a bloody gun battle between the two MQM factions, killing many from both sides.

However, the Haqiqi group was forced to flee after the Altaf group unleashed all its fire power in the gun battle. A few hours after the abortive attempt by the Haqiqi group, Major Kaleemuddin was abducted from the Landhi area by armed activists of the MQM, who allegedly took him to a torture cell and subjected him to ‘mistreatment’. The Major Kaleemuddin kidnapping case is still described by many in the establishment as the bedrock of the subsequent military operations carried out against the MQM under the Sharif and the Bhutto governments. Altaf Hussain and several other MQM leaders and workers were subsequently accused of being involved in the kidnapping episode and named in the FIR registered on June 24, 1991. Altaf left Pakistan in December 1992.

But there are different versions of what exactly happened to Major Kaleemuddin. Some of the MQM leaders had claimed after the incident that the abductors were under the impression that MQM-Haqiqi leaders ñ Afaq Ahmed and Amir Khan – had returned to the port city at the behest of the agencies and that the major was present in Landhi to supervise the establishment-sponsored operation against them. During the court trial, many of the accused had claimed that since the major was in plain clothes, he was mistaken by them for a Haqiqi activist and subsequently roughed up. But as soon he had revealed his identity, the major was allowed to go.

However, according to the prosecution, Major Kaleemuddin, along with three other Army officers, was patrolling the Landhi area in an Army jeep when 20 armed youths took them hostage after seizing their weapons. The Army men were taken to a place called Muhajir Khel in Landhi where they were allegedly tortured and kept for seven hours and rescued when the police reached the place. The accused charged with kidnapping the Army officers and torturing them included Altaf Hussain, Saleem Shahzad, Dr Imran Farooq, Safdar Baqri, Nadeem Ayubi, Ayub Shah, Aftab Ahmed, Ismail alias Sitara, Ashraf Zaidi, Sajid Azad, Ashfaq Chief, Javed Kazmi, Haji Jalal Asghar Chacha, Rehan Zaidi and Mohammad Yousuf.

Whatever the truth might be, the then-Army high command’s keen interest in the prosecution of the accused gave an impression as if the traditional martial pride of the Khakis – that nobody gets away with bashing up an Army officer ñ was at work. Gen Asif Nawaz had been the Corps Commander Karachi at that time who got promoted as the Army Chief in August 1991, right before the start of the military operation.

A special court for suppression of terrorist activities (STA), led by Justice Rafiq Awan, began hearing of the Kaleemuddin kidnapping case in March 1993 and delivered judgment on June 9, 1994. The court had convicted Ashfaq Chief, Javed Kazmi and Haji Jalal and sentenced them to 30 years of rigorous imprisonment, besides imposing a fine of Rs 20,000 each under the Pakistan Penal Code, the Hudood Ordinance. All other accused, including Altaf Hussain, were declared absconders and sentenced to 27 years jail and a fine of Rs 30,000 each in absentia.

Almost three years later, following the 1997 general elections and the subsequent decision by Altaf Hussain to join hands with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, all the convicted MQM leaders and activists challenged afresh their conviction and sentences before the Sindh High Court. Their appeal was heard by a division bench, which found the case as one ‘of almost no legal evidence’. Relying on the provisions of the Suppression of Terrorist Activities Act, 1976, the bench upheld on trial in absentia as well as the right of the absentee accused to file an appeal. Dealing with evidence, the bench observed that the eyewitnesses’ account did not inspire confidence and the evidence of the complainant was, in particular, full of contradictions.

The bench, comprising Justice Nizam Hussain Siddiqui and Justice Abdul Hameed, noted that it is difficult to believe, a group of 15 or 20 boys could disarm four trained soldiers. Therefore, all the accused were acquitted and three convicts serving their term were ordered to be released immediately. But it is interesting to point out that after AQ Halepota, one of the counsels for the MQM leaders, concluded his arguments before the court, the then-advocate-general Sindh Shaukat Zuberi submitted that numerous omissions and contradictions had been made during the trial of Major Kaleemuddin’s kidnapping and torture case and that he would not support the convictions of the accused by the STA court. The verdict came hardly a week after the then-prime minister Nawaz Sharif had travelled to London to meet Altaf Hussain.

To recall, the MQM and the PML-N had been coalition partners at that time, before finally falling apart following the assassination of Hakim Mohammad Saeed in Karachi. Major Kaleemuddin had subsequently challenged the acquittal of the MQM leaders and activists by the Sindh High Court. But the petition was dismissed as withdrawn by the apex court on August 13, 2007, mainly due to non-prosecution, as neither the petitioner nor his counsel had turned up.

The real cause of MQM-PML hostility Thursday, September 03, 2009
By Amir Mir http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=196296

LAHORE: The present animosity between the Altaf-led MQM and the Sharif-led PML has more to do with the October 1998 murder of former Sindh governor Hakim Mohammad Said and the subsequent imposition of the Governorís Rule in the province by the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif, rather than the 1992 operation clean-up, following which the two parties had mended fences and joined hands to form coalition governments in Sindh and at the federal level.

The MQM is swinging between the PML and the PPP since the restoration of democracy in Pakistan in 1988, by joining almost every ruling coalition in Sindh. Having joined hands with then prime minister Benazir Bhutto after the 1988 elections, the MQM walked out of the PPP-led coalition in Sindh and at the centre in 1989. After the 1990 elections, the MQM teamed up with the Sharif-led PML, but left the coalition in 1992. After the dismissal of the second Benazir government in November 1996 and the subsequent holding of the 1997 general elections, Nawaz Sharif and Altaf Hussain had again joined forces against their common rival PPP.

On February 21, 1997, the MQM leadership signed a power sharing accord with new prime minister Nawaz Sharif and joined the coalition government at the federal level and in Sindh. As per the accord, Nawaz Sharif had agreed to hold a judicial probe into the deaths of ìhundreds of MQM workers in police custody or fake encounters besides granting compensation to the families of the deceasedî. Interestingly, the PML-MQM did not mention the 1992 military operation, for which the MQM now blames the PML.

The first major development that followed the PML-MQM reunion was the Sindh High Courtís February 1997 decision to acquit Altaf Hussain and his 18 co-accused in the kidnapping and torture case of Major Kaleemuddin of the Field Intelligence Unit (FIU) of the Pakistan Army. The acquittal only became possible after Advocate General Sindh Shaukat Zuberi had submitted before the court that numerous omissions and contradictions had been made during the trial and that he would not support the convictions of the accused by a special court for suppression of terrorist activities.

On April 1, 1997, the PML-MQM coalition government in Sindh announced the formation of a compensation committee to pay compensation to the members of the affected families and their legal heirs ìwho had suffered during the period October 1993 to November 1997î. Once again, there was no mention of the year 1992 when the infamous operation clean up was launched by the Pakistan Army in Sindh. This was despite the fact that the operation clean-up had started in the rural areas of Sindh on May 23, 1992 and in the urban areas of the province on June 19, 1992. The operation had cost the government over Rs 4 billion since 45,000 military and para-military troops of the Corps V were deployed in Sindh to assist the civil administration in restoring peace.

As a follow up to the PML-MQM power sharing accord of February 21, 1997, the Sharif government subsequently paid a hefty amount of Rs 500 million from the federal kitty as compensation to the families of 711 MQM activists who had either been killed or left disabled. However, the London-based MQM leadership now claims that around 15,000 MQM workers and supporters had lost their lives in the aftermath of the 1992 operation clean up. Interestingly, the MQM workers were not the only ones to have been compensated by the then Sharif government.

A sum of Rs 200 million was also distributed as compensation money amongst 634 bereaved families of the Army, Rangers and the Police Jawans who had lost their lives between May 1992 and April 1998 in ìanti-terrorist operationsî carried out in Sindh.

To the amazement of many, the families of those killed (MQM-A workers) and those who had been blamed for their deaths (law enforcement agencies) were paid an equal compensation amount of Rs 300,000 each by the Sharif government. While the widows and other dependents of the army, rangers and police Jawans were given compensation money because they had lost their lives ìfighting terrorismî, the family members of the MQM-A workers were compensated for their ìextra-judicial killings by the law enforcement agencies.î But the most astonishing aspect of the whole episode was that the army had claimed a head money reward of Rs 5 million from the Sindh government for killing 368 desperados during the 1992 operation clean-up, including several MQM-A activists whose families had to be paid compensation money eventually.

The PML-MQM coalition went smooth afterwards for almost a year, before some serious differences erupted between the two partners, making the MQM to quit the federal and Sindh governments in August 1998. Yet on September 20, 1998, the MQM resumed support to the PML government at federal level and in Sindh, but without joining the cabinets.

However, their alliance came to an abrupt end following the October 17, 1998 murder of the former Sindh governor Hakim Mohammad Said, who was allegedly assassinated by MQM activists in Karachi. The main accused in the murder case was Zulfiqar Haider, a serving MPA of the MQM from the Sindh Assembly.

On October 28, 1998, ten days after the murder and having received the initial inquiry report from the authorities, Nawaz Sharif accused the MQM legislator and seven other party activists of involvement in the Hakim Said murder and set a three-day deadline for Altaf Hussain to handover the killers, including the MPA, failing which he threatened to call-off the PML-MQM alliance.

On October 31, 1998, following the MQM leadershipís refusal to meet the deadline, the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif imposed federal rule in Sindh, which was followed by a massive crackdown by the security agencies against the MQM, which led to a fresh round of hostilities between the two political parties whose leadership is at daggers drawn against each other even today.

Brig Asif says he never saw ‘Jinnahpur’ map Wednesday, September 02, 2009
Talks to Dr Shahid Masood in Geo programme ‘Mere Mutabiq’; Mustafa Azizabadi of MQM surprised at heinous allegations against third largest political party

News Desk

RAWALPINDI: Operation clean-up that began in the interior Sindh on May 20, 1992 was originally targeted against dacoits but the scope was widened to the urban areas including Karachi to do away with the impression that it was against Sindhis. The operation in the urban Sindh was launched on June 19, 1992 and on the same day army raided MQM central offices at Al-Karam Squire and ‘90’ in Karachi.

Responding to Dr Shahid Masood’s questions in the Geo News programme ‘Mere Mutabiq’ Brig (retd) Asif Haroon recalled that the operation in the interior Sindh was inevitable as the area was paralysed because of the law and order situation. The MQM was hesitant over the action but Nawaz Sharif was adamant and insisted that it had to be carried out.

Brig Asif Haroon admitted that the 1992 briefing with regard to Jinnahpur was given without the map of Jinnahpur. The situation in Karachi had also deteriorated because of the ongoing operation in the interior Sindh. It had also tarnished army’s image because of certain actions and to do away with this situation it was taken to Karachi.

Taking part in the programme, Mustafa Azizabadi of the MQM refused to accept what was stated by Brig Asif and said to carry forward some opinion without verifying its authenticity is enough to believe that he is wrong. He said the utterances of Brig Asif Haroon are contradictory also. He was surprised as how such heinous allegations were levelled against the third largest political party of the country without any basis. He recalled that at that time the MQM Quaid Altaf Hussain had challenged to produce the said anti-state documents in the Supreme Court of Pakistan along with proof. He had also announced that if the charges were proved against him, he might be hanged at the Minar-e-Pakistan in Lahore. He recalled that ISPR had also refused to support the claims and declared that army had not found any conspiracy concerning Jinnah Pure.

Dr Shahid Masood asked Asif Haroon as to where from he had received the Jinnah Pure maps that he had produced at that time. He reminded him that now his seniors are maintaining that such maps had never existed. Asif denied the statement and said that he had never presented such maps neither he had seen them.

He said it began on July 17, 1992 when a briefing was held at Malir Cantonment in view of the operation clean up in Sindh. Some of the generals from Rawalpindi present there were keen to secure first hand knowledge about the happenings in the interior Sindh.

Asif admitted that MQM was assured that the operation was against dacoits in the interior of the province. When asked as to ever he saw the Jinnah Pure map or it was in his knowledge, Brig Asif said he never saw them but revealed that in one of the briefings at Hyderabad the GOC had informed that posters and documents pertaining to Jinnah Pure were recovered during a raid at the MQM Unit office at Kotri.

Setting aside claims from Brig Asif, Mustafa Azizabadi maintained that on June 19, 1992, army and rangers raided offices at Al-Karam Squire and ‘90’ in Karachi and the action continued for almost 15 days. The offices were burnt down and army and rangers pickets were set up there. But no one claimed to have found any thing pertaining to Jinnah Pure between June 19 and October 11. He ridiculed the statement of DG Rangers Gen Safdar that came the other day claiming that such documents were recovered in large number, rather in thousands.

He referred to the conflicting claims from Gen Safdar and that of Gen Asad Durrani, former ISI director general who say that no such recoveries were made. Mustafa asked Asif to reveal as to who had misused and exploited him.

When Dr Shahid Masood asked Brig Asif to elaborate the situation, he said when he met Gen Naseer Akhtar the other day he found him annoyed over the emanating of several disclosures. He asked me to handle the situation carefully. The other day I contacted Brig Mumtaz in Hyderabad who could not confirm the availability of such documents despite initial confirmation. The corps headquarters and the ISI desk also denied possession of any such literature. Mustafa Azizabadi maintained that the conflicting and baseless arguments confirm Brig Imtiaz’s version that the Jinnah Pure issue was simply a drama. It was also a sheer joke with a large section of the society.

To a question from Dr Shahid Masood, Br Asif Haroon said he might agree that everything might be a fabricated story. Over this confession, Mustafa Azizabadi said now he leaves everything to the people of the country to ponder as to how things were fabricated to get declared MQM an anti state entity. He said like Jinnah Pure drama and torture cell cases were also visualised and publicised under a planned programme.

However about the torture cells, Brig Asif Haroon said he was responsible to press briefings only and taking the media to places where the concerned officials claimed to have recovered them. He recalled finding of three torture cells, one of them being in the Lines Area.

Jafeery :
Seems Aamir Mughal an Ethnic Sindhi appointed in IB on political grounds by PPP and always worked against the Mohajirs and MQM in 1992 Operation feeling the heat and starts his rhetoric against MQM in Bugz e Mavia.
Mr Mughal were you sleeping on 12 May 1999 when you didn\’t said a single word against MQM ? 12 May was not the black day for karachi. The blackest day was 15 Dec 1986 when more then 400 innocent Men Women and Children were massacred, Raped and burnt alive in Qasba Aligerh Colony from the hands of Pushtons just because they speaks Urdu. Such stupid posts and calling 12 May the blackest day of Karachi is itself a Mazaak with the people of Karachi , Why LUBP didn\’t post something like this Last year ?

================

Dear Jafferi Sahab,

I wonder if you have heard an expression “difference of opinion decently without attacking someone’s community” which you have above:)

Mr. Altaf Hussain Opposes Kalabagh Dam but MQM supports Kalabagh Dam.

CONSTRUCTION OF THE KALA-BAGH DAM IS ANTI-SINDH – ALTAF HUSSAIN London – 31 August 2001 http://www.mqm.org/English-News/Aug-2001/news010831.htm

CONSTRUCTION OF THE KALA-BAGH DAM IS ANTI-SINDH – ALTAF HUSSAIN London – 31 August 2001 http://www.mqm.org/English-News/Aug-2001/news010831.htm

Mr Altaf Hussain. MQM Founder and Leader, has strongly condemned the decision of construction of the Kala-Bagh Dam and termed it as Anti-Sindh. He was addressing a hurriedly called meeting of the Members of the MQM Central Coordination Committee, Sindh Organising Committee and former Haq Parast Members of National and Provincial Assemblies.
Mr Altaf Hussain stated that the people of Sindh have unanimously rejected and collectively condemned the Kala-Bagh Dam Project because this project is against the interest of the Sindh Province, a conspiracy to barren the land of Sindh and a matter of life of death. He reminded that the Provincial Assembly of Sindh has also unanimously agreed and passed a resolution against the project whereby completely rejecting the construction of Kala-Bagh Dam. However, against the earnest desires and wishes of the people of Sindh, the Punjabi Establishment is bent upon carrying out this Anti-Sindh Project. In addition, the Punjabi Establishment has also started working on another Anti-Sindh Project, i.e. Greater Thal Canal Project. Mr Hussain warned that the people of Sindh would never accept the Anti-Sindh Projects such as the construction of Kala-Bagh Dam and Greater Thal Canal. In the light of the announcement of the Indus River System Authority (IRSA), to construct the Kala-Bagh Dam, Mr Hussain advised the MQM Coordination Committee to immediately organise to hold a seminar inviting the intellectuals, professors and technical experts. He also advised to take up this matter with all concerned. The Members of the MQM Coordination Committee after deliberations has decided to hold a seminar in Karachi, to highlight the “apprehensions of the people of Sindh on the construction of Kala-Bagh Dam and the Greater Thal Canal”, on 5 September 2001. Renowned intellectuals, professors, technical experts and teachers of Sindh Province would be invited to address the seminar.

MUTTAHIDA QUAMI MOVEMENT WILL NOT SUPPORT THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE KALABGAH DAM – RABITA COMMITTEE http://www.mqm.org/English-News/Dec-2005/news051218.htm

London – 18 December 2005 The Central Co-ordination Committee (Rabita Committee) of Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) has unanimously decided not to support the construction of the Kalabagh Dam in its long and emergency meeting held at its Head Office in Karachi and at the International Secretariat in London simultaneously.

Mr Altaf Hussain, founder and leader of Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) addressing the meeting of the Central Co-ordination Committee sought the opinion of all its members individually and it was unanimously decided that MQM will not support the construction of the Kalabagh Dam and will face any consequences resulting from its opposition.

The Members of the Central Co-ordination Committee said that 3 provinces of the country are against the Kalabagh Dam and bulldozing the unanimous decision of 3 smaller provinces would be morally wrong and against the principles of democracy and would not be in the interests of the country and its people. They further added that the maximum restiveness and apprehensions exists amongst the people of Sindh regarding the construction of the Kalabagh Dam and the peoples of Sindh are also unanimously against the construction of the Kalabagh Dam. The Members of the Rabita Committee emphasised that the MQM cannot even dream of taking such steps which would be against the aspirations of the people of Sindh and would always stand shoulder to shoulder with the people of Sindh. Mr Altaf Hussain after having heard the views of all the Members of the Central Co-ordination Committee ratified their unanimous decision of not supporting the construction of the Kalabagh Dam. Addressing the people of Punjab, Mr Hussain asked them to understand the apprehensions and concerns of the smaller provinces and demonstrate solidarity with the people of the smaller provinces, which would help develop national integration and harmony, end the differences and dichotomy between the people of Punjab and 3 smaller provinces. This act of the people of Punjab would also help stop creation of further misunderstandings between the people of provinces. KALABAGH DAM ISSUE AND MQM
2006 http://www.mqm.org/English-News/Kalabagh%20Dam2.htm

Now in 2010 – Somersault on Kalabagh Dam because of Political Rally in Punjab. “Kalabagh Dam must be built if all agree” By Express April 25, 2010 http://tribune.com.pk/story/8921/kalabagh-dam-must-be-built-if-all-agree/ KBD issue can be resolved through dialogue: MQM Sunday, April 25, 2010 By our correspondent http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=235900

KARACHI: MQM questions minister’s remarks on Kalabagh dam By Habib Khan Ghori February 13, 2009 Friday Safar 17, 1430 http://www.dawn.com/2009/02/13/local1.htm Mr Sabzwari, who is also a minister in the PPP led government, recalled that the Kalabagh Dam was a project which had been rejected unanimously by the people of Sindh and the MQM, being a representative party from the province, had even before the 2002 elections held seminars and called strikes in 2001. He said the MQM defended Sindh’s interests in the house as well. He said that not only had resolutions been passed, but they were also taken to the prime minister and president to demand that the dam project be shelved until Sindh’s objections were dealt with. Mr Sabzwari welcomed the PPP’s decision, made soon after assuming power, to shelve the dam project.

MQM sets foot in Punjab’s political battlefield By Muhammad Akram Sunday, April 25, 2010 http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=20104\25\story_25-4-2010_pg7_23

LAHORE: The MQM appears to have softened its stance on the construction of the Kalabagh Dam, the most controversial project since its inception more than four decades ago and largely considered as only beneficial to Punjab. The party will be formally reaching out to the people of Punjab through a convention today (Sunday), simultaneously in Lahore, Rawalpindi and Multan.

Jafeery :
Seems Aamir Mughal an Ethnic Sindhi appointed in IB on political grounds by PPP and always worked against the Mohajirs and MQM in 1992 Operation feeling the heat and starts his rhetoric against MQM in Bugz e Mavia. Mr Mughal were you sleeping on 12 May 1999 when you didn\’t said a single word against MQM ?

A delegation of MQM met with Hazara Community of NWFP to support the demand of Hazara Province [being supported by Gauhar Ayub and PML-Q AND Nawaz Sharif’s son-in-law]. How sad and tragic that MQM conveniently “FORGOT” that it was Captain Retd. Gauhar Ayub who played havoc in Karachi with the innocent lives of the people of Karachi during 1960s his Father General Ayub Khan Rule. The PML-Q is raising hue and cry over an issue which is just administrative in nature. Very shameful on part of MQM which usually raise hue and cry over Ethnic Hate Campaign which was started by Gauhar Ayub in 60s which had culminated in the loss hundreds of Innocent lives in Karachi. There is no shame left in Musharraf who is sitting abroad and playing havoc with the lives of people of Pakistan by inciting clash in NWFP through Captain Retd. Gauhar Ayub. Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and Pervaiz Illahi and other Rampantly Ethnic Hate Mongers within the PML-Q who are opposing the name of Pukhtunkhwa Khyber were themselves responsible for a worst kind of Ethnic Hate Campaign in the National Newspapers of Pakistan right after the death of Benazir Bhutto. The Dirty record of Chaudhry Brothers and PML-Q under General Musharraf is as under: NRO, Chaudhry Brothers, PML – Q & Jang Group of Newspapers
http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/11/nro-chaudhry-brothers-pml-q-jang-group.html

Jafeery :
Seems Aamir Mughal an Ethnic Sindhi appointed in IB on political grounds by PPP and always worked against the Mohajirs and MQM in 1992 Operation feeling the heat and starts his rhetoric against MQM in Bugz e Mavia. Seems that PPP is in pressure the internal fighting, the names of PPP heavy weights in BB murder and the weakness of PPP made the site admin to post an article on 12 May as they want to divert the attention of people from the issues PP is facing.

Jaffery Sahab,

That’s why I always say that please think before you write. You say PPP supporters are diverting attention by raising issues like 12 May and you also say that PPP heavy weights are “involved” in BB Murder but would you like to explain as to why MQM always like Rehman Malik [which as per news reports and your “allegation without naming” is a suspect] – Should MQM trust Rehman Malik????

Hyderabad status to stay intact, Malik assures Altaf Wednesday, May 12, 2010 by Fasahat Mohiuddin http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=28796

KARACHI: Interior Minister Rehman Malik, on behalf of President Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani, has assured Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) chief Altaf Hussain that the current status of Hyderabad would be kept intact.

He held out the assurance during a meeting with Altaf Hussain at the MQM’s London Secretariat on Tuesday. Rehman Malik discussed with the MQM chief the issue of Hyderabad, besides the overall political situation in the country. The minister stressed that all the issues should be resolved through mutual understanding in the core committee meetings of the two parties. The MQM chief said he wanted to see the government complete its tenure and the MQM-PPP coalition should remain intact.

Altaf said there were some elements who wanted to create differences among the coalition partners. Malik said that the MQM was a coalition partner of the PPP and it could not be ignored.

“We will take the MQM along with us at all costs and all the issues will be resolved amicably,” he added. Altaf said the MQM has extended unconditional support to the PPP with sincerity.

Malik assured Altaf that all conspiracies being hatched to harm the coalition would be foiled and the two parties would continue to work together for the cause of democracy. Sindh Governor Dr Ishratul Ibad Khan was also present in the meeting. According to sources, a meeting between President Zardari and Altaf Hussain was expected in London.

Jafeery :
Seems Aamir Mughal an Ethnic Sindhi appointed in IB on political grounds by PPP and always worked against the Mohajirs and MQM in 1992 Operation feeling the heat and starts his rhetoric against MQM in Bugz e Mavia.

Dear Jaffery Sahab,

Since you raised the Ethnic Slogan against me without any cogent reason therefore answer me please that MQM says that it will wipe out Feudal from Pakistan but the same MQM meet a leading Feudal of Sindh who is also an Ethnic Sindhi and Pir too. Is that how MQM will finish Feudalism????

MQM Delegation Met Head of PML-F Pir Pagara At Kangri House http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f7IburbXdIo&feature=player_embedded#!

MQM, PML-F agree on ‘saving system’ Friday, March 12, 2010
By Fasahat Mohiuddin Karachi http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=228451

The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and the Pakistan Muslim League-Functional (PML-F) have resolved to save the present system of local governance (LG), and to ensure that local government polls are held on time.

There is only one accused of 12 may and that is Altaf kutta whose terrorist party played havoc with the innocent lives of Karachi citizens.

yaseen ch :
There is only one accused of 12 may and that is Altaf kutta whose terrorist party played havoc with the innocent lives of Karachi citizens.

MQM’s form of political protest is unjustified. http://criticalppp.com/archives/5350

Jafeery :
Seems Aamir Mughal an Ethnic Sindhi appointed in IB on political grounds by PPP. Seems that PPP is in pressure the internal fighting, the names of PPP heavy weights in BB murder and the weakness of PPP made the site admin to post an article on 12 May as they want to divert the attention of people from the issues PP is facing.

Jaffery Sahab,

That’s why I always say that please think before you write. You say PPP supporters are diverting attention by raising issues like 12 May and you also say that PPP heavy weights are “involved” in BB Murder but would you like to explain as to why MQM always like Rehman Malik [which as per news reports and your “allegation without naming” is a suspect] – Should MQM trust Rehman Malik????

PPP-MQM coalition makes people feel jealous: Malik Updated at: 1435 PST, Thursday, May 13, 2010 http://www.thenews.com.pk/updates.asp?id=104690

ISLAMABAD: Interior Minister Rehman Malik said PPP-MQM coalition makes people feel jealous but it will continue despite occurrence of problems.

Talking to media outside Parliament House, Malik said MQM is a patriotic party and Altaf Hussain is our friend. The coalition of both the party will continues despite issues and problems surfaced time to time.

About Faisal Shahzad, Interior Minister said that inquiry of Faisal Shahzad has been registered and investigations are underway according to Pakistani laws. Pakistan will cooperate with US authorities in connection with Faisal Shahzad but investigations will be carry out by Pakistani agencies.

yaseen ch :
There is only one accused of 12 may and that is Altaf kutta whose terrorist party played havoc with the innocent lives of Karachi citizens.

Our Generals i.e. Retired and Serving both that they after butchering innocent MQM Political Workers in Army Operation against MQM 1992 to 1999 has the audacity to say that Operation was not against MQM???
MQM was established to counter Sindhi nationalists: Beg Daily Times Monitor Saturday, September 05, 2009 http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=200995\story_5-9-2009_pg7_4
LAHORE: Former army chief Mirza Aslam Beg said on Friday the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) was established as a political measure to counter the Sindhi nationalist movement following the hanging of PPP founder Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
Ex COAS General Aslam Beg sabotaged the alliance between PPP-MQM in 1988 and ignited Sindhi Muhajir Clash to attain certain Strategic Depths, before the election in 1988 and then again before 1990 election Aslam Beg send the money to MQM and Altaf Hussain and MQM returned the Money. Brig Imtiaz had contacted MQM on behalf of Hamid Gul and Beg to pressurize MQM to join IJI and MQM refused, now after 1988 Elections when MQM-PPP formed the coalition government, the same hidden hands started the present day tactics [exploiting the minor policy differences between PPP-MQM].
Many of our friend are younger here and maybe they don’t know and it is a duty of those person who know that they should tell about the Dark Past. Pucca Qila Operation in Hyderabad against MQM was launched by the Police during the first PPP Govt. and the then Corps Commander Asif Nawaz had intervened and stopped that operation and gues what he himelf launched Operation Cleanup against MQM which was started against Dacoits in Interior of Sindh. On February 11, 1990, the army oversaw the messy business of exchange of 27 political workers captured by both the MQM and the PPP sides in tit-for-tat abductions. The exchange followed talks at the military headquarters at the instructions of Karachi Corps Commander Lt. General Asif Nawaz Janjua. There was General Asif Nawaz’s famous interview to the BBC, during which he dubbed the MQM as a terrorist organization. Whether this was true or not, it was no business of an army chief to pass this judgment. Subsequently, the army played a far from passive role in helping the dissidents of the MQM Haqiqi to take over the offices of the mainstream MQM.
Human Rights Crisis in Karachi 1996 REPORT OF AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL/UNHCR: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,AMNESTY,,PAK,,3ae6a9b40,0.html
While law enforcement personnel appear to be responsible for some of these human rights violations, there is strong evidence that armed opposition groups have also perpetrated torture, hostage-taking and killings in Karachi. Amnesty International continues to appeal to armed opposition groups to refrain from abusing the fundamental rights of people in Karachi to life and the security of the person, to end hostage-taking, torture and arbitrary killings. The organization again calls on these groups to observe minimum standards of humanitarian law which forbid such abuses.
The high rate of political killings over the last months is strong evidence of the failure of the government’s strategy to protect political activists, journalists and ordinary residents of Karachi from human rights abuses. Indeed, in some cases, those in authority appear to have condoned abuses by some armed opposition groups. Amnesty International believes that the government must act consistently and lawfully to end human rights abuses by armed opposition groups and send a clear signal that all those responsible for such abuses will be brought to justice.
The human rights abuses perpetrated by armed opposition groups may never be used by law enforcement personnel as an excuse to ignore national and international human rights safeguards and to commit human rights violations themselves, to torture, kill or to “disappear” people described by the government as “terrorists”. Amnesty International calls on the Government of Pakistan to set up independent and impartial inquiries into every single report of unlawful detention, torture, death in custody, extrajudicial execution and “disappearance” and to ensure that every member of the law enforcement agencies found to be responsible for such human rights violations is brought to justice. Only if the self-perpetuating cycle of violence, in which human rights abuses continue to be perpetrated without punishment and in which impunity facilitates further violations, is broken, can people in Karachi again live in safety and dignity and enjoy their fundamental rights.
The present paper first describes the political context in which human rights abuses are committed in Karachi; it then documents reported cases of arbitrary arrest, torture, deaths in custody, extrajudicial executions, “disappearances” allegedly committed by law enforcement personnel and the human rights abuses allegedly perpetrated by armed opposition groups. It also focuses on the lack of protection given to people reporting human rights abuses in Karachi and the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of human rights abuses. The concluding section sets out Amnesty International’s concerns and its recommendations to the government and to armed opposition groups. The appendix contains an analysis of the government’s responses to a statement issued by Amnesty International on the human rights situation in Karachi in August 1995.
1. Introduction
Amnesty International continues to urge the Government of Pakistan to adopt measures to stop the large scale human rights violations which are regularly reported from Karachi, the capital of Sindh, the southernmost province of Pakistan. The organization has received reports of hundreds of cases of unlawful detention, torture, deaths in custody, extrajudicial executions and “disappearances”, mainly in Karachi, but also to some extent in other cities of Sindh such as Hyderabad, Mirpurkhas and Sukkur. According to official figures, some 1,770 people were killed in 1995 in Karachi alone, Pakistani media speak of over 1,990 killings (around 700 in 1994). The victims include apolitical residents of Karachi, including women and children, law enforcement personnel and members of political parties.
Deaths in custody and extrajudicial killings are reported from other parts of the country as well; there have been reports of several so-called “encounter” killings (extrajudicial executions after which police declare that the victims have been shot dead in armed clashes) in Punjab in the last few months and the media in Pakistan have extensively covered the recent death of a young Christian in police custody in Hyderabad. However, nowhere have deliberate and arbitrary killings reached as massive a scale as in Karachi.
While law enforcement personnel appear to be responsible for some of these human rights violations, there is strong evidence that armed opposition groups have also perpetrated torture, hostage-taking and killings in Karachi. The organization continues to appeal to armed opposition groups to refrain from abusing the fundamental right of people in Karachi to life and the security of the person, to end hostage-taking, torture and deliberate and arbitrary killings. The organization again calls on these groups to observe minimum standards of humanitarian law which forbid such abuses.
Amnesty International believes that the human rights abuses perpetrated by armed opposition groups may never be used as an excuse by government law enforcement personnel to ignore national and international human rights safeguards and to commit human rights violations themselves, to torture, kill or to “disappear” people described by the government as “terrorists”.
The high rate of political killings over the last months is strong evidence of the failure of the government’s strategy to protect political activists, journalists and ordinary residents of Karachi from such abuses. Indeed, in some cases those in authority appear to have condoned abuses by some armed political groups.
Amnesty International has carefully monitored the Pakistani press, verified reports as far as possible with lawyers and human rights activists on the ground and spoken to a large number of victims and victims’ families during a visit to Pakistan in December 1995. Many concerned residents in Karachi have directly approached Amnesty International to communicate their experiences, observations and fears. On the basis of the material so collected, Amnesty International once again urges the Government of Pakistan to set up impartial and independent inquiries into every single report of unlawful detention, torture, death in custody, extrajudicial execution and “disappearance” and to ensure that everyone alleged to have been responsible for human rights violations is brought to justice. Only if the self-perpetuating cycle of violence, in which human rights abuses continue to be perpetrated without punishment and in which impunity facilitates further violations, is broken, can people in Karachi again live in safety and dignity and enjoy their fundamental rights.
The present paper first describes the political context in which human rights abuses are committed in Karachi; it then documents reported cases of arbitrary arrest, torture, extrajudicial executions, “disappearances” and incommunicado detention of political activists allegedly committed by law enforcement personnel and the human rights abuses allegedly perpetrated by armed opposition groups. It also focuses on the lack of protection given to people reporting human rights violations in Karachi and the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of human rights abuses. The concluding section sets out Amnesty International’s concerns and recommendations to the government and to armed opposition groups. The appendix contains an analysis of the government’s responses to a statement issued by Amnesty International in August 1995.
Members of Amnesty International in Pakistan do not participate in research on their own country in accordance with rules applicable to Amnesty International’s membership worldwide. They have neither supplied information on human rights abuses in Karachi nor have they assisted in verifying it.
2. The political context of human rights abuses in Karachi
The ongoing conflict in Karachi has involved mainly two factions of the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM, literally National Movement of Refugees), the federal and the provincial governments of different complexions, and to a much lesser extent some other ethnic and religious groupings. Mohajirs (literally: refugees) who are Urdu-speaking Muslims who migrated to Pakistan, mainly Karachi and Hyderabad, during and after the partition of British-India in 1947, and their descendants, quickly advanced in the bureaucracy, business and the professions but felt disadvantaged in relation to ethnic Sindhis by a quota system that secured access to universities and civil services. The earliest political organization of Mohajirs, the All Pakistan Mohajir Student Organization (APMSO) founded in 1978 by Altaf Hussain, evolved into the MQM in 1984. Ethnic and religious divisions in Sindh were exacerbated during the years General Zia-ul Haq was in office (1977 to 1988, of these 1977 to 1985 under martial law) as he used them to suppress and divide democratic opposition to his rule. Ethnic strife between Mohajir and Sindhis who had initially jointly opposed the influx of Punjabis and Pathans into Sindh, rapidly increased in Karachi and Hyderabad from the mid-1980s. The MQM, led by Altaf Hussain, meanwhile consolidated its hold on the Mohajir community.
In November 1987, the MQM won local body elections in Karachi, Hyderabad and other urban centres in Sindh. Following the death of General Zia in August 1988, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) won the general elections in November 1988; short of an absolute majority, the PPP entered a cooperation agreement with the MQM which enabled it to form the government. In Sindh, the PPP held a majority only in rural areas while the MQM enjoyed a majority in the urban areas. The PPP-MQM alliance in Sindh broke up in October 1989, after which the MQM lent its support to the PPP’s opponents, the Pakistan Muslim League. In early 1990, political violence in urban Sindh increased rapidly; the MQM organized a series of rallies and strikes while the PPP federal government responded with mass arrests and a sweeping “Operation Clean-up” to seize unauthorized arms. In May 1990, the law enforcement agencies raided the Pucca Qila area of Hyderabad, inhabited mainly by Mohajirs, after cutting off essential supplies for three days. In the ensuing clashes some 100 people, mostly Mohajirs, died, including women and children who had protested against the stoppage of water supplies. Ethnic violence flared up after this incident throughout Sindh; calm only returned gradually after the army was called in and curfew was imposed.
In general elections in October 1990, following the dismissal of the PPP government in August, the MQM again emerged as the third strongest party in the country. It entered an alliance with the Pakistan Muslim League of Nawaz Sharif both at the federal level and in Sindh.
In the early 1990s, a small faction of the MQM, the MQM Haqiqi (literally: the “real” MQM, short MQM(H), led by Afaq Ahmed, left the main body of the MQM, the MQM (A for Altaf). According to many commentators in Pakistan, this faction was supported by successive federal governments and the military to weaken the main MQM.
Responding to chronic unrest in the province, the Sindh Government in mid-1992 called in the army to assist police in restoring law and order. While the operation was in the first few weeks concentrated on the rural areas of Sindh, its focus shifted from 19 June 1992 to Karachi and Hyderabad where the army claimed it sought to eliminate “terrorists” of any political group. The MQM(A) viewed the operation as an attempt to wipe out the party altogether. Raids on MQM(A) strongholds were believed to have been conducted with the help of the MQM(H) and frequently MQM(H) members were reported to have abducted, tortured and killed people in the presence, with the connivance and perhaps with the participation of members of the law enforcement agencies. Torture cells allegedly maintained by the MQM(A) were discovered in which party members were alleged to have tortured and sometimes killed dissidents and members of other parties. At this stage, 12 of 15 MQM(A) members in the National Assembly and 24 of 27 MQM (A) members of the Sindh Provincial Assembly resigned in protest against the army operation.
The MQM(A) boycotted general elections in October 1993 claiming systematic intimidation by the army. It participated in provincial elections in Sindh a few days later and secured 27 seats while the PPP with 56 seats won an outright majority. The MQM(H) did not gain any parliamentary seats either at the federal or the provincial level.
In late November 1994, the army was withdrawn from law enforcement duties in Sindh; however the paramilitary Rangers were reinforced and specially trained police were inducted.
The killings, abductions and “disappearances” reported in the last months from Karachi have occurred in the context of an ongoing struggle between the two factions of the MQM and a government campaign to restore law and order, implemented by police and the paramilitary Rangers. While in 1994, fighting between Shia and Sunni political groups also led to deliberate and arbitrary killings, these have considerably reduced in recent months. Ordinary criminals also appear to use the prevailing atmosphere of fear and intimidation to pursue their own criminal ends and to commit abductions and killings in the shadow of political violence.
The government holds the MQM(A) responsible for most of the human rights abuses perpetrated in Karachi, while conversely the MQM(A) has declared that the government is attempting to crush the MQM(A) as an organized political force by unlawfully detaining its workers, torturing and extrajudicially killing them, forcing them to change their political allegiance and perpetrating crimes for which the MQM(A) is then held responsible. Despite mutual accusations, the government and the MQM(A) in July 1995 began talks to reach a political solution to end the crisis in Karachi. The MQM(A) has presented a charter of 18 demands, including the unconditional withdrawal of criminal charges against its workers, and the holding of a census and local body elections in Sindh. The government’s 21 conditions include demands that the MQM(A) publicly renounce violence, surrender illicit arms and wanted activists.
While these proposals and counter-proposals are being negotiated, the daily violence in the streets of Karachi continues unabated. Many people fear to leave their homes and to send their children to school; armoured personnel carriers patrol the streets in embattled parts of Karachi and paramilitary Rangers man sandbag bunkers at important road junctions. Cultural and recreational activities in Karachi have come to a standstill. Doctors and psychologists have told Amnesty International that the incidence of psychosomatic diseases and suicides as a result of tension and fear are on the rise in Karachi.
The monthly political journal Newsline has begun to publish a “Death File”, listing daily killings in Karachi: Randomly chosen entries, the first for 4 August , the second for 6 August read:
“A former student activist was killed on main University Road. Police found mutilated bodies in the boot of a car in Gulbahar with a note attached … saying ‘Revenge for Farooq Dada’s murder”. The corpse of a policeman’s son, who had been kidnapped earlier, was found in a gunny bag in Nishtar Road. The corpse of a Haqiqi activist was found in New Karachi and a bullet-riddled corpse was found in Azizabad. Two corpses were also found near Usmaabad Memorial Hospital. Another bullet-riddled body was found in Orangi Town. Daily toll: 8; monthly toll since 24 July: 107″.
“Two MQM workers were killed in Federal B area. The corpse of an Haqiqi activist was found in the Old Exhibition Area. Three bullet-riddled bodies were found in Orangi Extension. Two bullet-riddled bodies were found in Mominabad. A five-year-old boy was shot dead by a stray bullet in Rasheedabad. The body of a young electrician was found in Karimabad and another corpse was found inKorangi. A 35-year-old man who had earlier been kidnapped, was killed in Khawaja Ajmer Nagri. Daily toll: 12, monthly toll since 24 July: 128″.
The present deterioration of the human rights situation is attributed by observers to several factors. The government has expressed its determination to restore law and order in Karachi and in this context has called upon police to use “ruthlessness” and to shoot “terrorists” on sight (see below government statements on the human rights situation). The police appear to have been tempted to use harsher, and sometimes unlawful methods in dealing with armed opposition groups who have targeted law enforcement personnel, killing some 195 in 1995. A government official told Amnesty International in December 1995 that police who are often recruited from the rural areas, “have been given a gun but don’t understand human rights or the urban situation. If one of their colleagues is killed then it becomes a matter of honour to kill the attacker”. Amnesty International was also told that the slowness of the judicial process (in mid-1995 some 23,000 cases were reportedly pending in the Sindh High Court) and the ease with which criminal suspects can obtain bail to return to the criminal underground or buy witnesses, as well as the lack of witness protection measures, has led police officers to take the law into their own hands.
Armed opposition groups may be resorting to more violent means as many of their leaders are dead, in hiding or in detention. Many commentators, not necessarily sympathetic to the MQM, have pointed out that the human rights violations and the harassment to which Mohajirs and MQM members are subjected, alienate them further and may drive young Mohajirs to extremism. An article in the daily Dawn of 7 July 1995 describes how Esa, a student wearing a black shirt to peacefully protest against the operation in Karachi, was picked up, beaten and abused by Rangers at his university in Karachi; he said, “while being beaten I told them that one day I will take my revenge”.
The government’s heavy-handed searches of troubled neighbourhoods in which many innocent citizens are humiliated, arrested and made to pay bribes to be released, has antagonized Mohajirs. Amnesty International has been told by many Mohajirs in Karachi that having seen their relatives blind-folded, beaten and often taken away to unknown places of detention has left them bitter; some women have reported that they are encouraging their sons to avenge arbitrary killings of family members by law enforcement personnel. “Ruthless and indiscriminate use of force and extra-judicial killings have swelled the ranks of Karachi’s frustrated and angry youth who will continue to supply recruits to the militants” (Newsline, August 1995). Altaf Hussain has warned that the MQM may not be able to control its members: “I warn that if the government is not stopped from pushing the Mohajir nation to the wall, then a time may come when people will lose their patience and take the law in their hands, and a civil war may arise” (Financial Times, 16 October 1995). Some observers have told Amnesty International that the MQM leadership may already have lost control over some of the militant youth groups of the party. But links of communication would seem to exist; some former prisoners have told Amnesty International that during their detention they were told by fellow prisoners belonging to the MQM that they continued to receive instructions directly from London, where Altaf Hussain lives.
The present levels of human rights abuses would not have been possible without a glut of arms in the city. Pakistan’s position as a frontline state in the Cold War confrontation in Afghanistan meant that it became a conduit for millions of dollars worth of sophisticated weapons; once the Soviet forces withdrew, many of these weapons found their way into the open markets in Pakistan at a fraction of their original cost, enabling every group to acquire as much armament as it thought necessary. A study published by the Centre for Defence Studies, University of London, observes that “violence across Karachi reached unprecedented levels prior to the intervention of the army in 1992. Modern weapons, such as assault rifles, were carried openly by party activists from all quarters, especially during political demonstrations, and large stockpiles were accumulated by the warring factions in open defiance of the authority of the state. … Several pundits from Karachi agree that the dramatic increase in violence and polarisation dates from 1985/86, the time when weapons from the Afghan pipeline began to find their way into commercial channels. … Modern and relatively sophisticated arms, especially the Kalashnikov, began to appear throughout the region in the mid-1980s … Ammunition is also freely available in rural and urban areas and sold by the kilo.”[1]
Armed political groups have used increasingly heavy weapons in Karachi. Since May 1995, rocket launchers have been used which fire rocket-propelled grenades; according to some estimates there are around 100,000 automatic assault weapons in the hands of armed groups.
3. Human rights violations in Karachi and other urban centres of Sindh
In its report of June 1995 on the situation in Karachi, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) said that it had found the residents of Karachi
“traumatized by the terror to an extent beyond anything HRCP had noticed during its earlier Sindh probes. Unlike the previous experience, when witnesses had been willing to go on record publicly, many of those interviewed in Karachi were reluctant to disclose in its entirety what they had gone through or what they knew about the plight of their fellow-citizens. Nearly all of them were extremely bitter about the violent tactics of the different political factions and the lawlessness they alleged the law-enforcing and intelligence agencies were indulging in. Their anger at having been deprived of their basic rights — to security of life, to the right of peaceful economic activity, to the protection of law, to a fair judicial redress of grievances, and to participation in democratic governance — was matched only by their feeling of utter despondency.”
Amnesty International agrees with this description. When an Amnesty International delegation visited Karachi in December 1995, people told it that they feared for their lives from attacks by militants, and that their trust in the law enforcement agencies to protect them and in the judiciary to provide redress, was severely eroded. They were particularly reluctant to report human rights abuses perpetrated by armed political groups. Many people only dared do so from the perceived security of their party’s offices. Amnesty International is aware that such reports may not be entirely objective. It has in fact come across instances in which victims of human rights violations were incorrectly described as members by a particular party in order to create the impression that that party was the target of violations or abuses by another group or the government. However, Amnesty International also contacted a large number of people through non-party channels to obtain independent testimonies.
In the highly politicised climate of Karachi, the truth is difficult to establish with certainty by any human rights organization and Amnesty International therefore reiterates its call to the Government of Pakistan to set up independent and impartial judicial investigations of every reported human rights violation with a view to bringing perpetrators to justice.
3.1. Arbitrary arrests
The practice of arresting family members of wanted men to put pressure on them to surrender or to punish them, documented in the past by Amnesty International, was reported to persist. For instance, Shazia Farooq, the widow of Farooq Putney who was killed on 2 August 1995 in an alleged “encounter” with police, was arrested on the same day; seven months pregnant, she was allegedly taken to Islamabad and her whereabouts remained unknown for several weeks. She was later declared by official sources to be held in “protective custody”. On 12 August 1995, the Crime Investigation Agency (CIA) arrested two MQM workers against whom they claimed charges were pending, along with their wives and a brother-in-law from their home in Pathan Colony in Karachi. The women were released after several days.
The wife and six-week-old baby son of an MQM fugitive were detained in Nazimabad for two days in August to force him to surrender. Similarly the father-in-law of a wanted person, Ali Mohammad Sonara, vice-president of the PPP (SB) of Benazir Bhutto’s brother Murtaza Bhutto, was arrested on 25 June 1995 and detained for several weeks; according to the PPP(SB), 65-year-old Mohammad Umer had not been involved in any criminal offence and was detained without charge solely to force his son-in-law to surrender.
Hundreds of residents have reportedly been arbitrarily arrested during cordon-and- search operations in Karachi in the past months. During such raids, reportedly conducted without search warrants and without declaring curfew, homes were ransacked and looted and the young men of the locality rounded up. Most were released within a few hours or days, if there were no charges against them. Legal safeguards relating to detention and interrogation were usually not observed: arrests were not recorded and remand was not obtained from magistrates. An elderly man told Amnesty International that several hundred people in his locality in North Nazimabad were rounded up in August and taken in trucks to the local Rangers headquarters. They had to wait for several hours before they were made to walk before a window in which masked informers scrutinized the detainees. Most were released in the evening.
Family members were usually not informed of the whereabouts of people taken away during raids; when habeas corpus petitions were filed in the High Court, the detaining authorities sometimes resorted to the practice of transferring prisoners from police station to police station under a series of so-called “blind FIRs”. These are First Information Reports filed with police which do not name criminal suspects and which can be abused to remand anyone to police custody for up to 14 days. Once a suspect is found innocent with respect to a specific charge, he can be transferred to another police station under another charge, resulting in prolonged untried detention. An unknown number of people continue to be held in Karachi at any one time. The non-governmental organization War Against Rape (WAR) in August 1995 expressed “outrage” at the growing number of complaints of women unlawfully arrested and harassed during cordon-and-search operations in Karachi, particularly in the Liaquatabad and Korangi areas of the city. It said that the number of women victims of harassment was on the increase and that women were being held “without judicial authority” and “without family members being present” as required by the law.
The government indirectly acknowledged the practice of arbitrarily arresting citizens when it announced in June 1995 in an effort to regain the confidence of the people that “henceforth the law enforcement agencies would not make indiscriminate arrests and haul up only those who are criminals and indulging in arson and terrorist activities” (Dawn, 6 June 1995). The Director-General of the Rangers in Sindh, General M. Mushtaq, told the HRCP in mid-1995 that there was no other way to arrest wanted offenders than to round up large numbers and screen them.
Amnesty International regards people arrested instead of their wanted family members as prisoners of conscience, that is prisoners arrested solely for their political beliefs, association or kinship ties who have not used or advocated violence. Minister of State for Law, Raza Rabbani’s statement to the press in Islamabad on 19 August 1995 that there are no prisoners of conscience in Pakistan is not borne out by the reports cited above which are confirmed by a large number of independent sources.
3.2. Torture and deaths in custody
Torture, ill-treatment and intimidation of prisoners and detainees in the custody of the police continued to be frequently reported in Karachi. During cordon-and-search operations, people were driven out of their homes in hundreds, blindfolded, loaded onto trucks and interrogated in official or unofficial detention places. The detained persons are known to have included boys as young as 12 and old men. Women were less frequently detained, but during search operations they are reported to have been verbally abused and threatened, robbed of their jewellery and other personal or household possessions and forced to pay ransoms for their release. On 31 August MQM woman worker Seema Zarin, aged 28, was reportedly arrested along with her father by police from their home in Nazimabad and repeatedly beaten and kicked, threatened and verbally abused for 18 hours in the custody of the Crime Investigation Agency (CIA) centre in Civil Lines, Karachi. She said upon her release that she had been blindfolded and beaten and kicked by two women constables, and then beaten on her back with a belt by a police officer while she was interrogated about MQM activities and activists. The Director-General of the Rangers in Sindh, General M. Mushtaq, told an investigating team of the HRCP that “suspects had to be blindfolded to protect the informers and witnesses” (HRCP report, June 1995).
On 30 May 1995, several newspapers in Pakistan carried reports and photographs of four MQM activists who were produced in court blindfolded and with what they claimed to be cigarette burn marks on their arms and legs and several other injuries. The four men had reportedly been arrested from their homes on 6 May by police from New Karachi police station; on the following day, an MQM member of parliament had approached the Director General of Police to have their arrest recorded but police denied holding them. The four young men were brought before a magistrate on 28 May. On 29 May they were brought blindfolded before a Special Court for the Suppression of Terrorist Activities. They told newspaper correspondents that they had been kept naked in various interrogation centres, blindfolded for days together, given little foodand subjected to torture to reveal the whereabouts of MQM leaders. Mohammad Shahid, a textile industry worker, was reported as saying: “They forced us to stand during the daytime. In the nights they hung me upside down and gave a severe beating. … I was kept blind-folded and was also shifted to an unknown interrogation centre where I was kept for six days.” Jamil Ahmed, who had injuries on legs and hips, reportedly said: “We don’t know who interrogated us as we were blindfolded. They beat us mercilessly to obtain information about the underground party leaders and workers” (Dawn, 30 May 1995). Police claimed that the four men had been arrested only three days earlier after an “encounter” and that they were bandits. Government officials told Amnesty International that the men had inflicted these wounds on themselves to implicate the government in human rights violations. The presiding judge on 28 May reportedly ordered the four men to be sent to judicial custody and to be given medical treatment. Instead, police reportedly returned them to the police station.
Amnesty International has been told by several MQM workers in Karachi and Hyderabad that they were detained and tortured until their families paid money for their release. Torture of criminal suspects or political prisoners with intent to extract money from concerned family members is frequently reported in Pakistan. The frequency with which people believed to be MQM members, or to be closely associated with MQM members, are subjected to torture and extortion suggests that police assume that they can do so with impunity.
An MQM activist in Hyderabad [name, date and location withheld] reported to Amnesty International that he was arrested in mid-November 1995 and taken to a police station where he was made to undress and to squat. His ankles and wrists were then tied together with a rope and a wooden stick passed between them. The stick was then supported by two chairs so that he hung upside down, suspended by wrists and ankles. His bare buttocks were then hit with leather belts. Police officers cursorily asked about activities of his party. They then threatened to make him impotent by hitting his genitals and to implicate him in a criminal case if his family did not pay ransom for his release. When his family complied, he was released. No criminal charge had been brought against him. The name of the Station House Officer (SHO) who supervised this man’s torture and took the ransom money was mentioned to Amnesty International by several other victims of torture, lawyers and journalists in Hyderabad, yet no action appears to have been taken against him.
Amnesty International has received several dozen reports over the last few months of people who have died in the custody of the police, allegedly as a result of torture.
The circumstances of the death of Aslam Sabzwari, a former MQM councillor, in police custody on 7 July 1995 remain unclear. According to the MQM, Sabzwari was arrested at around 1.30 pm of 6 July by plain clothed members of the law enforcement agencies outside the National Registration Office in Nazimabad in Karachi. The MQM immediately sent appeals for help to the President and other authorities while expressing fear for the detained man’s life. The District Commissioner of District Central at 3.30pm reportedly confirmed the arrest and assured MQM leaders that nothing untoward would happen to him. Sabzwari was apparently interrogated in the Special Investigation Cell in the Federal B area of Karachi. At 9am of 7 July, his body was taken for a post-mortem examination in Jinnah Post Graduate Medical Hospital. Doctors there reportedly stated that the body bore torture marks. Around 5pm of the same day, the body was taken by an ambulance of the Edhi Foundation to its centre in Sohrab Goth where it was routinely photographed. Edhi volunteers stated that the body bore a wound on the left side and that the left eye was smashed, possibly by a gunshot which pierced the back of the skull. The injury to the eye is visible on the photograph taken in the Edhi Centre and published in Dawn of 11 July. A human rights activist who saw the body in the Edhi Centre confirmed that the left eye of the deceased was torn through and that his body bore numerous injuries.
According to the police account, Aslam Sabzwari was arrested in the night of 6 July by police of District Central police station in Liaquatabad. Police said that at that time he had already been tortured by unidentified men and accordingly bore torture marks. They stated that they took him to Gulberg police station where he registered a complaint but in the process suffered a heart attack and died early in the morning of 7 July on the way to hospital. In subsequent communications, including to the Secretary General of the UN on 10 September 1995, the government stated that “Altaf group terrorists like … Aslam Sabzwari … got killed” in “encounters with police” when they “engaged law enforcement personnel in shootouts”, despite earlier claims that he had died of a heart attack.
On 10 July, police released a photo of the body which they claimed had been taken before the post mortem examination; it does not show any marks of torture, and both eyes are intact. A “clarification” issued by the police stated that “both eyes of deceased … Aslam Sabzwari were intact when his dead body was taken to hospital for post mortem. … after the post mortem, one eye … appears to have been removed with mala fide intentions and to create mischief under circumstances which are being investigated by the local police” (Dawn, 11 July 1995). Police sources said that Sabzwari had been involved in the murder of 11 people, the injury of 18 others and the kidnapping of six people. There were over 30 charges pending against him and he reportedly carried a reward of Rupees 1.5m on his head.
It remains unclear why Sabzwari, if he was already injured at the time of arrest, was not taken for medical treatment right away; moreover, it is puzzling why the police photograph does not show any marks of injuries if, as police claimed, he was already injured when arrested. Furthermore, the Edhi volunteers’ statement and the photo taken by them contradict the official version of events. Many observers in Karachi believe that Sabzwari may have been held and tortured by the MQM Haqiqi and that police captured him to obtain the reward on his head. The inconsistencies in the official version of events and the fact that Sabzwari’s arrest early in the afternoon of 6 July was officially confirmed strongly suggest that Aslam Sabzwari died after being tortured in police custody. It is conceivable, however, that some of the injuries seen on the dead body were inflicted after his death. Medical practitioners in Karachi have told Amnesty International that some doctors working in hospitals are themselves members of political parties and may sometimes inflict injuries on dead bodies to serve their parties’ purposes.
The Sindh government ordered an inquiry into the circumstances of Sabzwari’s death, to be conducted by a Sub-divisional Magistrate. It is not known if a report has been issued, or if any police officer has been held responsible for the death.
The available evidence strongly suggests that the death of Tariq Hussain Rizvi in judicial custody on 1 September 1995 resulted from beating inflicted earlier in police custody. Rizvi, a young MQM worker, was reportedly arrested by police in the early afternoon of 16 August 1995 and taken to CIA (Crime Investigation Agency) Jamshed Quarters police station in Karachi. Rizvi’s arrest, witnessed by Ayazuddin, an executive engineer of the Public Works Department and his wife, in whose house he was arrested, was reported in the national newspapers. According to an affidavit of Rizvi’s mother, Shahnaz Begum, police did not show a warrant of arrest. On hearing of her son’s arrest, she visited the CIA Centre almost daily to contact her son but was never permitted to see him. Rizvi also did not have access to a lawyer or medical officer. Fearing for her son’s life, Shahnaz Begum on 22 August sent telegrams to the highest authorities in Pakistan urging them to ensure her son’s safety. On 25 August she was given her son’s bloodstained clothes to wash. Shahnaz Begum filed a habeas corpus petition which came up for hearing on 31 August in the Karachi High Court. The state authorities reportedly sought more time to reply to questions relating to his whereabouts. Meanwhile, magistrates repeatedly issued orders remanding Rizvi to police custody and on 30 and 31 August to jail custody.
On 30 August Tariq Hassan Rizvi was apparently taken to Karachi Central Jail. Prison authorities reportedly told Rizvi’s mother that they had refused to take Rizvi into custody on account of his many injuries. According to Shahnaz Begum, the matter was referred to the Home Department of the Sindh Government which directed the jail authorities to take Rizvi into their custody on 31 August. On the same day the TV news bulletin again reported his arrest by police on that day. He apparently died in jail on 1 September 1995. Early in the morning of 2 September 1995, Shahnaz Begum was informed that her son had died and that his dead body was to be collected from the Edhi organization which receives, cleans and, if unidentified, buries dead bodies.
A forensic expert who examined the autopsy report issued by the Jinnah Post Graduate Medical Centre and the photos of the dead body said: “As there was no natural disease of any significance found on this victim, the possibility remains that he may have choked on his own vomit following a beating, especially if unconscious or stuporous from a head injury. Although there is no fractured skull or brain damage, the presence of quite extensive bruising under the scalp indicates that he had several severe blows on the head which could easily have caused unconsciousness. … Thus it follows that death was due to the injuries and although the mechanism of death is obscure, it is quite possible that he choked on regurgitated stomach contents, either whilst unconscious or semi-conscious, or merely as a result of severe assault, which might include a blow on the stomach.” The autopsy report lists 26 injuries and states that they were inflicted between 12-24 hours to 10 days before Rizvi’s death. Since Rizvi was arrested 17 days before his death, it appears to conclusively follow that he died of the consequences of beatings inflicted in police custody.
A few weeks later, on 26 September 1995, Feroze Uddin, another MQM worker from North Karachi who had reportedly been arrested on 19 September and remanded in police custody for a week on charges of assault on public servants, was brought by police and Rangers before a judge of a Special Court for the Suppression of Terrorist Activities. The presiding judge, Mohammad Akber, reportedly commented on the numerous injuries visible on the body of Feroze Uddin. These included swellings in his face and chest where hair had been pulled out and marks of beating. Feroze Uddin reportedly told his lawyer that the injuries had been inflicted by the Rangers. The judge reportedly ordered Feroze Uddin to be transferred to judicial rather than police custody; he also directed that Feroze Uddin should be given adequate medical care. It appears that these orders were ignored as his family could not find him in the jail to which he was to have been transferred. Feroze Uddin died on 28 or 29 September, together with two other MQM workers arrested earlier, Parvez Akhter Qureshi and Mohammad Ali, of gun shot injuries inflicted in an alleged “encounter” with police. According to official accounts, Feroze Uddin and another MQM worker were taken to New Karachi to identify other suspects when armed militants opened fire and killed both the prisoners as well as two pedestrians. A judicial inquiry into these deaths by a sub-divisional magistrate was established but does not appear to have concluded its investigation or to have published its findings.
Some prisoners reportedly died in police custody, allegedly after torture, even after their families had sought their release by paying the required bribe. Sayeed Hassan was reportedly arrested without charge on 12 December 1995 in New Karachi and taken to Buffer Zone police station. When his brother-in-law saw Sayeed Hassan being beaten by police in the police station, he agreed to provide 70,000 Rupees as demanded by the SHO. The sum was handed over to police on 15 December but police said they would not hand Sayeed Hassan over till swellings on his body would subside. On 21 December, his younger brother Jamil, who used to take meals to the police station for Sayeed Hassan, was told that his brother had died on 16 December. Family members reported that his body bore numerous injuries and bruises and that his face was swollen where his beard had been plucked out. The family did not lodge a complaint for fear of reprisal.
In some instances deaths in custody were declared by police to have been due to prisoners committing suicide, to natural causes or accidents. On 25 June, Ahmed Umer, an injured 22-year-old MQM worker who had been arrested by police in Malir, a few hours after his arrest fell to his death from the third floor of a building under construction in that area. Police claim that the prisoner had been taken there by police to indicate where some absconding suspects were hiding. On the construction site he allegedly tried to escape and jumped to his death. The question why an injured person was taken to the construction site rather than a hospital remains unanswered. Family members claimed that Umer was killed in custody and dropped from the building.
Some political prisoners appear to have died as a result of lack of medical attention. A 14-year old MQM worker, Javed, died in the night of 31 August 1995. A resident of Mirpurkhas, he was apparently arrested some months earlier in connection with criminal cases registered against him. Remanded to the central prison in Hyderabad, he suffered from acute dysentery for about six weeks without any medical attention. When his condition became critical about a week before his death, he was reportedly transferred to solitary confinement. When he suffered from about two dozen bowel motions a day, the prison chief medical officer reportedly recommended that Javed be sent to hospital but the prison administration did not follow the recommendation. In the night of 31 August he was finally transferred to hospital but died on the way. The Deputy Superintendent of the prison reportedly said that Javed had died “after a prolonged illness”.
3.3. Lack of protection for people reporting human rights abuses
Members of the press who courageously report ongoing human rights violations and abuses in Pakistan have themselves been victims. Journalists who have published reports on corrupt practices, on strife within parties and on killings in Karachi have been targeted by armed political groups (see below). But not only has the government failed to provide adequate protection for them, it has also in some cases constrained their professional activities, brought criminal charges against journalists and subjected them to torture. On 29 June 1995, six evening newspapers were banned in Karachi under the Maintenance of Public Order Ordinance of 1960 because they had allegedly published sensationalist news about violence in Karachi. The ban was, however, lifted on 4 July following protests by journalist organizations. A similar ban was again imposed in mid-December 1995, and again lifted following journalists’ protests. In August 1995, the office and home of Razzia Bhatti, chief editor of the political monthly Newsline in Karachi were raided, and charges brought, then dropped, against the paper’s correspondent Mohammad Hanif for an article on the governor of Sindh, Kamaluddin Azfar.
Farhan Effendi, a journalist working for the Karachi-based Urdu daily Parcham which is considered to be close to the MQM, was reportedly abducted by plain clothes men, apparently belonging to the paramilitary Rangers, on 14 September 1995 in Hyderabad; late on 15 September he was handed over to the Cantonment police station in Hyderabad. On 16 September, police obtained his remand to judicial custody for nine days from a judicial magistrate. Before being sent to Hyderabad Central Prison, Effendi told journalists in the court that “during the last two days I was ferociously beaten up by them and I was kept blindfolded with my hands tied on my back”. Journalists told Amnesty International that they saw bruises on his face, chest and back. A First Information Report registered on 15 September said that he was charged with illegal possession of arms and with involvement in terrorist activities. The case is pending. Effendi is currently in the Central Jail, Hyderabad. His bail application was rejected both by the trial court and the High Court.
In November 1995, the office of The News in Hyderabad was raided by police some of whom were in plain clothes but carrying arms. When a journalist asked police if they had a search warrant, police reportedly answered, “Is it necessary to have a warrant?” Police apparently were in search of MQM members; they also raided the MQM Legal Aid Committee in the same building where they arrested three clients of advocate Hamsa Khan who resisted their search without warrant of his office and died three days later of heart attack.
On 23 August 1995, Ajmal Dehlvi, an editor of the daily Amn and at present the leader of the MQM team which is negotiating with the Government of Pakistan, had bombs thrown into his office by gunmen who had come to his office in a vehicle reportedly identified as government-owned; they then fired automatic guns at the office. Later the same assailants reportedly threw bombs at the office of the daily Parcham. Other members of the MQM negotiating team, including Kazi Khalid and Liaqat Hussain, were reportedly similarly attacked on 22 August.
Human rights defenders have also failed to obtain adequate protection. Human rights activist Ansar Burney reported that he and his co-workers had received threats from armed groups but have received no police protection. An ambulance of the Ansar Burney Welfare Trust was reportedly fired at on 24 August by plain clothes persons from a police van; a second attack on the ambulance reportedly occurred in the same spot on 3 September.
Again, the government appears to have failed to provide adequate protection to members of the public who have spoken out against human rights abuses in Karachi and who have been targeted by armed opposition groups. Industrialist Farooq Sumar, after several extortion attempts, a robbery and threats allegedly by the MQM(Haqiqi), in early May publicly accused the government of collusion with this group. He reported that his family and staff were receiving death threats and that he had appealed to the authorities in vain for protection. Sumar said that the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), after questioning him, had issued orders to arrest the MQM(Haqiqi) leader Afaq Ahmed Khan. Sumar alleged that “this order was rescinded upon the personal intervention of the Chief Minister of Sindh”. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) carried out an investigation into Sumar’s complaint and confirmed that he and members of his family “face a serious threat to their lives and security”. Nevertheless, no protective steps have been taken by the government; several members of Sumar’s family and staff have continued to receive threats or have been chased or attacked and some have had to go into hiding.
3.4. Extrajudicial executions
Extrajudicial executions by law enforcement personnel, often portrayed by the authorities as “encounters” with police, continued to be reported from Karachi with distressing frequency.
On 13 July, five young men described as MQM activists were possibly extrajudicially executed in Korangi, Karachi. They had allegedly forcibly occupied the house of a PPP leader some three weeks earlier, extracted money from him and driven him and his family out of their home. During a raid of the house by the police, three of the young men were shot dead while according to neighbours and relatives, at least two of the men, Mohammad Ghazanfar, aged 18, and Mohammad Imran, aged 15, were caught alive and shot dead in cold blood. Police asserted that the five men were killed in an “encounter”.
On 2 August, Farooq Putney, alias Farooq Dada, and three other MQM workers, Javed Michael, Ghaffar Mada and Hanif Turk, were shot dead by police in an alleged armed “encounter” near the airport when, according to police, they failed to stop and opened fire on the police. Family members, however, claimed that the men had earlier been arrested from their homes. Moreover, another MQM worker, Mohammad Altaf, arrested later on the same day was reportedly identified by Farooq Dada and his three companions when they were brought to Altaf’s house by police to help identify him. Witnesses were reported to have seen the four MQM workers at the time of Altaf’s arrest; they were at that time reportedly held in shackles.
On 10 October, four MQM workers died in what police described as an “encounter”. Three of the men, Fahim Farooqi alias Fahim Commando, Zeeshan Haider Abedi and Yousuf Rizwan, had been arrested on 6 August in Nazimabad and were held in judicial custody at Karachi Central Jail. Mufeez Farooqi, Fahim Farooqi’s brother, had been arrested earlier in the month in Rawalpindi and appears to have been returned to Karachi on the day before the alleged “encounter”. The four men were taken to the Airport police station around 3pm on 9 October; in the early hours of 10 October they were taken to a house in Nazimabad allegedly to identify a “safe house” in which some activists were supposedly hiding. Police claim that all four prisoners were killed in an ambush when unidentified gunmen stationed on neighbouring rooftops fired at them. Government officials told Amnesty International that police fled the ambushed vehicle while the prisoners who were hand-cuffed in the van, could not escape the shooting. Consequently, none of the police officers were injured. Police stated that they returned the fire of the attackers and killed one of them; however, his identity has not been revealed. Doctors at the Abbasi Shaheed Hospital reportedly stated that the four men whose bodies were brought in still hand-cuffed, had died of gun shots fired at them from a very short distance. The HRCP which undertook an investigation of the incident found that the four prisoners had been hand-cuffed, fettered and chained together when they were shot dead in a road blocked off by heavily armed police contingents, none of whom were injured. The report ends: “The HRCP is constrained to conclude that the official version of an ambush or a shootout could not be given any credence and that the killings of October 10 were part of what appears to be the law enforcement agencies’ on-going practice of eliminating those they consider hardened criminals or terrorists.” A judicial inquiry subsequently set up does not appear to have concluded its investigation. Government officials told Amnesty International in December, that the HRCP team had not contacted Home Department officials to obtain their explanation of the killings. A government hand-out said that Fahim Farooqi “was killed under MQM(A) high command’s instructions by their terrorists so that he could not disclose secrets and pinpoint hide-outs of the MQM(A)’s terrorists …”.
Wajed Ali Safdar, an MQM worker, died in the night of 4 December 1995, according to the police in an armed “encounter”. His father told Amnesty International that police from Orangi Extension police station just after midnight came to arrest Wajed from his home in Adam Town, North Karachi. “One of them hit him on the head with a pistol and another one hit his buttocks with a rifle. They did not say anything. … First they took his younger brother along as well. He is retarded. His mother ran after them. She was also hit with a rifle but then they only took away Wajed. Next morning we heard that he was dead. His body looked terrible. His left thigh was broken and the flesh was torn out …”. MQM sources said that Wajed Ali Safdar had been an eye-witness of the deaths of MQM workers Arif Zaidi and Saeed in police custody in September 1995 and had been prepared to give evidence.
Police and Rangers have sometimes described victims of extrajudicial killings as “terrorists” to justify their acts, despite strong evidence that the person concerned had no link with armed groups. On 30 August, Rizwana Mukhtar reported in the Hyderabad Press Club that her 60-year-old father, Sheikh Mukhtar, was shot dead by Rangers on 24 August, and that he was later described on TV as a “terrorist”. She said that her father, a businessman, had no political affiliation. On 24 August 1995, several areas of Hyderabad were cordoned off and searched by Rangers. When her father refused to allow a group of Rangers to set up a check-post on the roof of his house, the Rangers opened fire at their house and injured her father. An ambulance called for by the family was fired at as well, injuring its driver who died a month later of these injuries. Despite appeals to the Rangers, the ambulance was not permitted to approach the house. While the firing at their home continued, the family carried Mukhtar Sheikh, by now bleeding profusely, to the ambulance down the road but he died on the way to the hospital. During the same operation Iqbal Memon, a 55-year-old cloth merchant, also without political affiliation, died in similar circumstances. Pakistani television on the same evening’s news broadcast reported that “as a result of Ranger firing, two terrorists were killed”.
3.5. “Disappearances” and incommunicado detention
An unknown number of people have “disappeared” in the custody of the law enforcement agencies or have been held for prolonged periods in incommunicado detention; these appear to include mostly workers and supposed sympathizers of the MQM in Karachi, but Amnesty International has also received reports that the whereabouts of some arrested activists of the PPP faction of Murtaza Bhutto were unknown. A human rights activist who had investigated dozens of cases of arbitrary and incommunicado detention in Sindh told Amnesty International, “undeclared detention is normal in Sindh … how many cases can you take up?”
Amnesty International believes that prisoners in incommunicado detention and prisoners who have “disappeared” in custody are particularly at risk of torture and ill- treatment. When access to layers, family members and medical staff is denied, those in authority can subject prisoners to torture, and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment without fear of being detected.
Rais Fatima, the 26-year-old sister of Khalil Siddiqui, a close associate of MQM leader Altaf Hussain, and a member of MQM women’s wing, and Qamar Mansoor Siddiqui, a member of the Sindh Provincial Assembly, on 4 June boarded a train in Karachi for Lahore, never to arrive there. Habeas corpus petitions were filed on behalf of both the “disappeared” persons in the Karachi High Court and the Lahore High Court on 13 June. On 25 June, the Speaker of the Sindh Provincial Assembly, Ghous Baksh Mehar, told the House that the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) had informed him that Qamar Mansoor had been arrested on 29 May on charges of violating the Explosive Substances Act. The Sindh authorities on 10 July informed the Karachi High Court that the two missing persons were not in detention anywhere in Sindh and that there were no charges pending against them in the province in connection with which they could be detained.
The information provided by the Assembly Speaker proved to be incorrect; on 7 July the Lahore High Court hearing the habeas corpus petitions was told by the Deputy Attorney General (DAG) that Qamar had been arrested by the FIA in Rawalpindi on 20 June on a charge of sedition, incitement to violence and illegal possession of fire arms under sections 120A, 124A and 511 of the Pakistan Penal Code and section 3 of the Explosives Act. He said that Qamar had been produced before a magistrate who had remanded him first to the custody of the FIA and then transferred him to judicial custody in Adiala Jail, Rawalpindi. The DAG submitted that nothing was known about the whereabouts of Rais Fatima.
Qamar’s lawyer stated that the information supplied by the DAG did not explain the “disappearance” of Qamar from 5 to 20 June and said there were strong grounds to believe that he had actually been arrested on 4/5 June during or upon arrival in Lahore. Upon his application, the Lahore High Court on 10 July granted the lawyer permission to visit the detainee in Adiala Jail, partly to consult his client but also to inquire into the place and date of arrest and the whereabouts of Rais Fatima. The presiding judge, however, refused permission to have Qamar produced in court so he could publicly be questioned about the whereabouts of Rais Fatima. Qamar’s lawyer informed Amnesty International that, despite the High Court’s permission, he has not so far been able to visit Qamar in Adiala Jail. Its Superintendent refused to let the lawyer or any of Qamar’s relatives see him. In August, the Advocate General’s Office in Lahore told the lawyer that the permission to visit Qamar should be sought from the Chief Secretary of the Punjab government. The Chief Secretary in turn informed the lawyer that the Deputy Commissioner (DC) in Islamabad should be approached; but the DC appears not to have issued relevant orders. Qamar Mansoor’s lawyer reported that he had been harassed, threatened and verbally abused, even in the premises of the Supreme Court, by people believed to belong to an intelligence agency. He informed Amnesty International in December 1995 that Rais Fatima was then known to be held in Adiala Jail in Rawalpindi and that her father had just visited her.
In a related case, the whereabouts of MQM activist Arshad Naeem remained unknown for over a month. Arshad Naeem had been arrested by police from his relatives’ home in Lahore on 7 June. When on 12 July the habeas corpus petition filed by his father came up for hearing in the Lahore High Court, the DAG said that the young man was not in the custody of the FIA or any other federal agency and the Advocate General denied that he was being detained by any provincial authority. Two days later the DAG admitted that Arshad Naeem had been arrested in Lahore in the same sedition case as Qamar and that he was being held in Adiala Jail as well. To Amnesty International’s knowledge, Arshad Naeem has not been allowed access to his lawyer either. Arshad Naeem’s father filed a petition in the Supreme Court seeking prohibitive direction of that court against publicly displaying detainees in the nation’s media and broadcasting their “confessional statements”. The decision on this petition is not known.
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